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Stereotype knowledge and prejudice in children

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Abstract

The present research applies Devine's (1989) distinction between stereotype knowledge and personal beliefs to the early development of racial bias in young children. The responses of 110 South Australian children (66 girls and 44 boys) toward white and black stimuli were examined across the 5–6 and 8–9 age groups. Analyses revealed that both age groups were knowledgeable about the cultural stereotypes associated with black and white skin colour. Negative adjectives were more strongly endorsed for black stimuli than were positive adjectives (the reverse was true for white stimuli). For 5- to 6-year-olds, knowledge of stereotypes and personal beliefs for black stimuli were highly congruent. In contrast, children aged 8–9 years were significantly more likely to report personal beliefs which diverged from their knowledge of pervasive cultural stereotypes, i.e. to endorse negative adjectives as stereotype knowledge rather than personal beliefs. It is tentatively concluded that the concordance of personal beliefs and stereotype knowledge found among very young children is not prejudice as typically conceived, but rather a function of their inability to make personal judgments that diverge from dominant stereotypes. In contrast, older children have an increasing ability to base evaluations on personal beliefs that may be inconsistent with collective societal representations of social groups. Various explanations accounting for the differentiation between personal beliefs and stereotype knowledge in older children are discussed.

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... In order to assess the ways in which children's understanding and application of gender stereotypes develop, it is important to distinguish between two different levels of stereotyping: stereotype knowledge (i.e., awareness of the cultural stereotype) and stereotype endorsement (i.e., a personal belief that the stereotype is true; see Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Devine, 1989;Serbin et al., 1993;Signorella et al., 1993). Stereotype knowledge is built up by frequent co-activation of categories and their associated traits and behaviours. ...
... Importantly, younger children show more correspondence between these two levels of stereotyping than older children and adults. Illustrating this developmental trend, Augoustinos and Rosewarne (2001) measured five-to nine-year-old White Australian children's levels of racial stereotyping by asking two different questions in a trait-person matching task: 'what do you think?' (personal belief: stereotype endorsement), and 'what do most Australians think?' (stereotype knowledge). The five-to six-year-olds had knowledge and endorsement scores that were at similar level, while eight-to nine-year old children gave different answers to the two questions, showing higher levels of knowledge of negative race stereotypes than personal beliefs. ...
... 2. Stereotype knowledge will be greater in the older than the younger age group (Serbin et al., 1993). 3. Stereotype endorsement will be higher in the younger age group relative to the older age group, leading to a larger gap between knowledge and endorsement (rejection) in the older than the younger age group (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Kurtz-Costes et al., 2014;Trautner et al., 2005) 4. Stereotype endorsement will be moderated by in-group membership (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), such that that both genders will endorse more stereotypes that claim their own gender is 'better' than the other gender. 5. Following efforts to increase female participation male-stereotypic (STEM) subjects, domains associated with masculine subjects/occupations will show lower levels of stereotyping than those associated with female stereotypes. ...
Preprint
Pervasive gender gaps in academic subject and career choices are likely to be underpinned by social influences, including gender stereotypes of competence in academic and career domains (e.g., men excel at engineering, women excel at care), and model-based social learning biases (i.e., selective copying of particular individuals). Here, we explore the influence of gender stereotypes on social learning decisions in adolescent and adult males and females. Participants (Exp 1: N=69 adolescents; Exp 2: N=266 adults) were presented with 16 difficult multiple-choice questions from stereotypically feminine (e.g., care) and masculine (e.g., engineering) domains. The answer choices included the correct response and three incorrect responses paired with a male model, a female model, or no model. Participants’ gender stereotype knowledge and endorsement were measured, and adolescents (Exp. 1) listed their academic subject choices. As predicted, there was a bias towards copying answers paired with a model (Exp.1: 74%, Exp. 2: 65% ps <.001). This resulted in less success than would be expected by chance (Exp. 1: 12%, Exp. 2: 16% ps <.001), demonstrating a negative consequence of social information. Adults (Exp 2) showed gender stereotyped social learning biases; they were more likely to copy a male model in masculine questions and a female model in feminine questions (p = .014). However, adolescents (Exp 1) showed no evidence of this stereotype bias; rather, there was a tendency for male adolescents to copy male models regardless of domain (p = .004). This own-gender bias was not apparent in female adolescents. In Exp 1, endorsement of masculine stereotypes was positively associated with selecting more own-gender typical academic subjects at school and copying significantly more male models in the male questions. The current study provides evidence for the first time that decision-making in both adolescence and adulthood is impacted by gender biases.
... Review of the developmental literature relating to the development of stereotypes and prejudice (e.g., Aboud, 1988;Augoustinos & Rosewarne 2001;Bigler & Liben, 1993;Black-Gutman & Hickson, 1996;Cameron., Alvarez, Ruble, & Fuligni;Nesdale, 1999;Phinney & Rotheram, 1987, and others) indicates that the most influential theory for the study of their acquisition and development was Aboud's 1988 cognitive developmental theory. As noted this theory suggests that the acquisition and age-related changes in stereotypes and prejudice depend on cognitive development. ...
... 506). Indeed, findings, from different cultures support the claim that gender does not produce a systematic effect on intergroup attitudes (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Bigler &Lieben, 1993;Black-Gutman & Hickson, 1996;Doyle & Aboud, 1995;Nesdale, 2000;. Our previous (Teichman, 2001, Teichman & Zafrir, 2003 and currently reported research (see Chapters 9-11) also supports these findings. ...
... From this point, during preschool age, although ingroup and outgroup images are of similar complexity, ingroup preference and outgroup negativity increase linearly featuring these children as holders of most extreme positive/negative intergroup views and attitudes. These findings offer empirical confirmation for the contention that whereas in general, young children tend to express ingroup preference rather than outgroup negativity, in conflict very young children express both ingroup preference and outgroup negativity (Aboud & Amato, 2001;Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Brewer, 1999;Cameron, Alvarez, Ruble, & Fuligni, 2001). In addition to expressing ingroup biases and outgroup negativity and differentiating most extremely between the groups, Israeli preschoolers also displayed generalization of representation, attributing to Arabs negativity on all assessed variables. ...
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Representations of Arabs in Israeli Jewish society.
... In order to assess the ways in which children's understanding and application of gender stereotypes develop, it is important to distinguish between two different levels of stereotyping: stereotype knowledge (i.e., awareness of the cultural stereotype) and stereotype endorsement (i.e., a personal belief that the stereotype is true; see Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Devine, 1989;Serbin et al., 1993;Signorella et al., 1993). Stereotype knowledge is built up by frequent co-activation of categories and their associated traits and behaviours. ...
... Importantly, younger children show more correspondence between these two levels of stereotyping than older children and adults. Illustrating this developmental trend, Augoustinos and Rosewarne (2001) measured five-to nine-year-old White Australian children's levels of racial stereotyping by asking two different questions in a trait-person matching task: 'what do you think?' (personal belief: stereotype endorsement), and 'what do most Australians think?' (stereotype knowledge). The five-to six-year-olds had knowledge and endorsement scores that were at similar level, while eight-to nine-year old children gave different answers to the two questions, showing higher levels of knowledge of negative race stereotypes than personal beliefs. ...
... 2. Stereotype knowledge will be greater in the older than the younger age group (Serbin et al., 1993). 3. Stereotype endorsement will be higher in the younger age group relative to the older age group, leading to a larger gap between knowledge and endorsement (rejection) in the older than the younger age group (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Kurtz-Costes et al., 2014;Trautner et al., 2005) 4. Stereotype endorsement will be moderated by in-group membership (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), such that that both genders will endorse more stereotypes that claim their own gender is 'better' than the other gender. 5. Following efforts to increase female participation male-stereotypic (STEM) subjects, domains associated with masculine subjects/occupations will show lower levels of stereotyping than those associated with female stereotypes. ...
Article
Across two studies, we investigated gender stereotype knowledge and endorsement in UK schoolchildren, and their impact on academic subject choice. In Study 1, children aged 9-11 (N = 68) and 13-15 (N = 61) completed a newly developed Gender Attribute scale assessing their knowledge and endorsement of gender stereotypes relating to academic subjects and occupations. Participants demonstrated gender stereotype knowledge and endorsement, although significantly higher knowledge than endorsement scores indicated a level of stereotype rejection. Stereotype knowledge was greater in the older age group, and older girls showed significantly higher levels of stereotype rejection than all other groups. In Study 2, children aged 13-15 (N = 165) completed the Gender Attribute scale and provided information on their school subject choices. Patterns of stereotype knowledge and endorsement followed those of Study 1. Subject choice information showed that boys selected significantly more masculine than feminine subjects, while girls chose a similar proportion of each. Further, boys' level of gender stereotype endorsement predicted their subject choices, while girls' did not. We suggest that in contemporary UK some progress is being made in relation to girls challenging stereotypes that work against them but that more work is needed to encourage boys into female-dominated disciplines.
... The great majority of research on children's intergroup attitudes uses a binary framework and in doing so tends to ignore settings in which there are multiple groups on a single categorization dimension or settings in which multiple categorization dimensions are used. Related to the former, experimental research among children that uses a third group has found only signs of ingroup preference within a competitive setting (e.g., Hartstone & Augoustinos, 1995Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001Spielman, 2000). Children's understanding and evaluation of intergroup differences can be different in a tripartite group setting compared to a binary one. ...
... For example, within the US, there is a social hierarchy in implicit evaluations by race (Whites > Asians > Blacks > Hispanics) and religion (Christianity > Judaism > Hinduism or Buddhism > Islam) (Axt et al., 2014). These sorts of ethnic and religious social hierarchies are also found among children and adolescents in countries such as Australia (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001), Spain (Enesco et al., 2005), Britain (Barrett & Short, 1992), and the Netherlands (Bruijn et al., 2020;Verkuyten & Thijs, 2010). ...
... For example, one's knowledge about cultural stereotypes can correspond less or more strongly with personal group beliefs and the personal endorsement of stereotypes. Correspondence is more likely for younger children (5-6) than for older children (8-9) but can also differ between children of the same age (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Degner & Wentura, 2010). Personal belief and stereotype endorsement depends on children's general categorization skills, experiences with outgroup members, and the relative importance that particular group distinctions have in their immediate contexts and the broader environment. ...
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There are various theoretical approaches for understanding intergroup biases among children and adolescents. This article focuses on the social identity approach and argues that existing research will benefit by more fully considering the implications of this approach for examining intergroup relations among youngsters. These implications include (a) the importance of self-categorization, (b) the role of self-stereotyping and group identification, (c) the relevance of shared understandings and developing ingroup consensus, and (d) the importance of coordinated action for positive and negative intergroup relations. These implications of the social identity approach suggest several avenues for investigating children’s and adolescents’ intergroup relations that have not been fully appreciated in the existing literature. However, there are also limitations to the social identity approach for the developmental understanding and some of these are discussed.
... Conversely, those who judged a different preference to be as valid as their own had, on balance, less positive in-group attitudes but not lower out-group prejudice. Acknowledging the validity of opposing perspectives may first be experienced with in-group members who disagree and may lead children to question their egocentric assumption of in-group superiority (i.e., "Everyone agrees that my group is the best"; Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001). On the same note, appreciating that two different perspectives can both be right may require an ability to distinguish between appearances and evaluation; that is, where appearances are different, evaluations may be the same, and vice versa (Aboud, 1981). ...
... A review of 15 studies published since 1980 with 5-year-olds and 9 studies with children from 6 to 12 years old revealed that most of the studies either presented racial/ethnic targets together and asked the child to consider whether one or more than one fit the given description (Averhart & Bigler, 1997;Bigler & Liben, 1993;Black-Gutman & Hickson, 1996;Doyle & Aboud, 1995;Doyle et al., 1988) or forced the choice of only one (Corenblum & Annis, 1993;Katz & Kofkin, 1997;Kowalski & Lo, 2001;Ramsey, 1991). Perhaps a better option is to present targets separately, one at a time (Aboud, 1980;Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Bar-Tal, 1996;Holmes, 1995;Semaj, 1980;Teichman, 2001). The major benefit of a separate presentation is the complete decoupling of the targets being evaluated. ...
... Concerning evaluation and response format, most measures in previous studies included from 6 to 10 positive and an equal number of negative traits to be considered separately (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Averhart & Bigler, 1997;Bigler & Liben, 1993;Black-Gutman & Hickson, 1996;Corenblum & Annis, 1993;Doyle & Aboud, 1995;Doyle et al., 1988;Katz & Kofkin, 1997;Semaj, 1980). A few studies simply elicited spontaneous evaluations with open-ended questions (Holmes, 1995;Teichman, 2001); but a response that depends too much on drawing skill, verbal fluency, or recall may not accurately reflect young children's attitudes (Lerner & Schroeder, 1975). ...
Article
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Although standardized measures of prejudice reveal high levels of ethnocentric bias in the preschool years, it may reflect in-group favoritism or out-group prejudice. A measure that partially decouples the two attitudes was given to White children between 4 and 7 years of age to examine the reciprocal relation between and the acquisition and correlates of in-group and out-group attitudes. The two attitudes were reciprocally correlated in 1 sample from a racially homogeneous school but not in a 2nd sample from a mixed-race school. In-group favoritism did not appear until 5 years of age but then reached significant levels; it was strongly related to developing social cognitions. Out-group prejudice was weaker, but its targets suffer from comparison with the high favoritism accorded in-group members.
... Although key benchmarks of social identity development are often framed within the context of adolescence, studies indicate that the foundations of these identities and subsequent socialization emerge earlier in the life span. Studies have established that children are aware of both gender and race early on, and by early childhood, their awareness of gender and race map onto bias and stereotypical behaviors (Aboud, 1988;Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Kelly et al., 2005;Quinn et al., 2002). For instance, Augoustinos and Rosewarne (2001) found that children become knowledgeable of cultural stereotypes by the age of 5. Research also suggests that Black children are more aware of widely held racial stereotypes in middle childhood compared to their peers from academically nonstigmatized ethnic groups (McKown & Weinstein, 2003), and this awareness often increases significantly during this period (Copping et al., 2013;McKown & Weinstein, 2003). ...
... Studies have established that children are aware of both gender and race early on, and by early childhood, their awareness of gender and race map onto bias and stereotypical behaviors (Aboud, 1988;Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Kelly et al., 2005;Quinn et al., 2002). For instance, Augoustinos and Rosewarne (2001) found that children become knowledgeable of cultural stereotypes by the age of 5. Research also suggests that Black children are more aware of widely held racial stereotypes in middle childhood compared to their peers from academically nonstigmatized ethnic groups (McKown & Weinstein, 2003), and this awareness often increases significantly during this period (Copping et al., 2013;McKown & Weinstein, 2003). Recent studies indicate that children are able to not only conceive stereotypes about race or gender separately but can also consider race and gender simultaneously (Jaxon et al., 2019;Lei et al., 2020). ...
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Recent indicators continue to highlight the underrepresentation of Black girls and women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), from advanced course enrollment and degree attainment to employment. In this paper, we consider the role of stereotypes as an underlying motivational mechanism that shapes Black girls’ STEM identity and persistence. This theoretical review seeks to provide a conceptual foundation for research on gendered racial stereotype endorsement among Black girls and the differential ways girls may incorporate this knowledge as they navigate STEM learning environments. We define gendered racial stereotypes as widely held beliefs and depictions of Black girls (as a collective group) and their lived experience as perceived by broader society. Despite their awareness of stereotypes, Black girls frequently develop strategies to aid in their persistence. Although they may occasionally endorse these stereotypes, Black girls also use their understanding of stereotypes as a motivator to actively resist and disrupt deficit narratives. By utilizing process-oriented and culturally-informed approaches, we extend the current understanding of Black girls’ stereotype development. Additionally, we provide practical recommendations for research, policy, and educational praxis to aid in the continued positive development of Black girls’ identity in STEM learning environments.
... Although self-categorization processes and their self-stereotyping outcomes have been examined mostly in adults, they appear to shape children's self and identity as well (for a review, see Bennett & Sani, 2004; also see Bennett & Sani, 2008). Related to ethnic-racial selfstereotyping, children begin to exhibit ethnic-racial identity awareness around age 3, are aware of ethnic-racial stereotypes by ages 5-6, see themselves as members of an ethnic-racial group by ages 6-7, and these cognitions and behaviors are fully developed and solidified by ages 9-10 (Aboud, 1988;Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Bennett & Sani, 2004;Rogers & Meltzoff, 2017). ...
... Stigma-based stress is known to negatively affect individuals' health because it undermines healthy behaviors. The most widely recognized stereotypes about Latinx and Black people (in the United States, at least) are strongly negative (e.g., unintelligent, violent, criminal;Crocker et al., 1998;Devine & Elliot, 1995), a reality that Latinx and Black children are well aware of (Aboud, 1988;Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Bennett & Sani, 2004;Rogers & Meltzoff, 2017). To the extent that these stereotypes shape self and identity processes and outcomes, we would expect it to be related to poor health outcomes. ...
Article
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Childhood obesity in the United States has disproportionately affected Latinx and Black children. The authors examine this issue by drawing upon implicit social cognition theory and social–psychological models of health and stress to propose and test a relation between negative implicit self-stereotyping and body mass index (BMI) and diet. Furthermore, it was predicted that self-esteem would buffer this relation because it is a psychological resource that functions to protect against stressors like the psychological experience of stigma. The authors recruited a community sample of 9–12-year-old Latinx and Black children and measured individual differences in implicit and explicit associations between the self and group stereotypes, self-esteem, objective BMI, and diet. Consistent with the main hypotheses, strong negative implicit (but not explicit) self-stereotyping was associated with higher levels of body mass indices in the obesity range and less healthy diet, but only among children with low self-esteem. Among children with high self-esteem, these relations were absent. These results held even after controlling for the contribution of parents’ BMI, diet, education, and household income. These data are the first to theoretically and empirically link implicit self-stereotyping and self-esteem with physiological risk factors for chronic health conditions. Thus, this research contributes to understanding disparities among stigmatized ethnic–racial children in the United States and beyond.
... In Study 1, we found Dominican children to be unbiased when using a nonforced choice assessment of racial preference. Children typically show stronger racial biases on forced-choice than nonforced choice assessments (i.e., when they can attribute traits and behaviors to only a single person or group vs. more than one person or group, respectively; Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001). In daily life, children and adults are sometimes faced with situations in which they can select only a single individual for some outcome (e.g., field trip partner, job hire; Biernat, 2003). ...
... Study 2 may have also shed some light into Study 1's findings: It is possible that children did not display a "Whiter-is-better," pigmentocracy-like preference when race was presented as a continuum partly because race-based preferences are often influenced by modality of assessment, which differed between studies (e.g., forced-vs. nonforced choice paradigms; Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001). However, a complementary explanation is that in the case of Dominican children, racial attitudes also vary as a function of both social construal and the domain being evaluated. ...
Article
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The Dominican Republic is a uniquely valuable context in which to study children's racial stereotyping and prejudice, in part because multiracial individuals comprise the majority of the population and race is viewed largely as a continuous rather than dichotomous construct. In two studies, we use developmental and social theories to ground an exploration of Dominican children's racial biases. In studies 1 (n = 54; ages 6-11) and 2 (n = 122; ages 6-11), children were given measures of racial identity, preference, stereotyping, and/or status. As expected, children identified their own race in a manner consistent with others (e.g., their teachers). Across a variety of tasks, children failed to consistently favor members of a specific racial group-as indicated by differing levels of racial stereotyping and associations of social status with different races. They did, however, sometimes systematically express greater liking of individuals of mixed racial heritage, a finding that was contingent on the modality of assessment (i.e., whether race was framed as a continuous vs. dichotomous category, and measured via nonforced vs. forced-choice methods). Implications for current theories of racial attitude development are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).
... The few studies that have examined stereotype application in young children (i.e., up to 8 years) typically do not clearly delineate whether children's responses are guided by specific cultural stereotypes or by their general positive and negative attitudes about racial groups (e.g., Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Chiesi & Primi, 2006;De La Peña et al., 2003). For example, one study tested White children's (4-9 years) memory for stories in which Black and White characters were equally often portrayed as mean, dirty, and lazy. ...
... The authors' main interpretation of these results was that children remembered stereotype-consistent information better than counter-stereotypic information . However, another interpretation of results and those from similar studies (e.g., Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Chiesi & Primi, 2006;De La Peña et al., 2003) is that children apply negative attributes to groups they do not like and positive attributes to groups they like. In other words, in these studies, children may not be applying cultural stereotypes they have gleaned from the world about the traits of people from specific groups; rather, when asked, children may simply rely on their attitudes (i.e., whether or not they like a group) to guide their responses (i.e., putting more positive attributes with the groups they prefer). ...
Preprint
Young children’s racial stereotyping is poorly understood even though stereotyping can influence individuals’ attitudes and behavior toward others. Here we present two preregistered studies (Total N = 257) examining White American children’s (4–8 years) application of six stereotypes (about being American, smart, wealthy, athletic, trustworthy, and nice) when considering Asian, Black, and White children. We observed clear and consistent evidence for only one cultural stereotype across the two studies: participants indicated that Asian and Black children were less American than White children. In a measure of racial attitudes, participants also preferred White children over Black and Asian children. Taken together, this research suggests that, in contrast to findings from previous work, only stereotypes about being American emerge in early childhood. Moreover, this research indicates that children’s cultural stereotypes diverge from children’s attitudes early in development. These studies raise new questions about the emergence of racial stereotype application early in childhood.
... To test children's attention to features denoting social categories, children were asked to pair a drawing with a photographed target, thereby "matching" their gender and ethnicity. Pictorial representations have been used in research examining ethnic cognition or affect with the advantage of being able to manipulate targets by features of interest (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001). In the trials the child was shown two drawings, one a Black child and the other Chinese (order of targets counterbalanced) of his/her own gender and four photographs (Black boy and girl, and Chinese boy and girl, as above). ...
... This task involved presenting the three ethnic targets (Black, White and Chinese) matching the child's gender. She/he was asked to pick one that fitted each of a series of eight (four positive, four negative) traits (drawn from Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001): good, smart, nice, good-looking, bad, stupid, ugly and dirty ("Which of these is the … one?") in a randomised order. Children were also asked for the reason for their choice each time. ...
Article
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Children’s intergroup bias is one of the consequences of their readiness to categorise people into ingroups and outgroups, even when groups are assigned arbitrarily. The present study examined the influence of intergroup competition on children’s ingroup and outgroup attitudes developed within the minimal-group setting in British classrooms. One hundred and twelve children in two age groups (6-7- and 9-10-year-olds) were assessed on classification skills and self-esteem before being allocated to one of two colour “teams.” In the experimental condition, children were told that the teams would have a competition after two weeks and teachers made regular use of these teams to organise activities. In the control condition, where no competition ensued, teachers did not refer to “teams.” Then children completed trait attributions to their own-team (ingroup) and other-team (outgroup) members and group evaluations. It was found that children developed positive ingroup bias across conditions, but outgroup negative bias was shown only by 6-7-year-olds in the experimental condition, particularly if they lost the competition, where they evaluated their team more critically. Better classification skills were associated with less negativity towards the outgroup in the experimental condition. Findings are discussed in relation to relevant theoretical premises and particulars of the intergroup context.
... We also found that the children's explicit racial bias scores were uncorrelated with both their implicit racial bias scores and racial categorization scores. The dissociation between implicit and explicit racial biases in preschool children is corroborated by findings of such a dissociation among preschoolers from Africa and China (Qian et al., 2016), and is also in line with the conclusion of other studies with older children and adults (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Dunham et al., 2006;Greenwald et al., 1998Greenwald et al., , 2003Rutland, Cameron, Milne, & McGeorge, 2005). However, as pointed out by Qian et al. (2016), whereas older children and adults tend to show strong implicit racial bias but no explicit racial bias, preschoolers show both implicit and explicit biases. ...
... Studies with older children and adults typically employ scale ratings of race-related beliefs (e.g., Greenwald et al., 2003). In contrast, studies with younger children adopt age appropriate measures such as forced-choice preference, judgments of liking Dunham et al., 2007;Shutts et al., 2011), and negative versus positive trait attributions (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Rutland et al., 2005). The absence of explicit racial bias in older children and adults has been attributed to social desirability (Greenwald et al., 1998;Rutland et al., 2005). ...
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This research investigated the relation between racial categorization and implicit racial bias in majority and minority children. Chinese and Indian 3- to 7-year-olds from Singapore (N = 158) categorized Chinese and Indian faces by race and had their implicit and explicit racial biases measured. Majority Chinese children, but not minority Indian children, showed implicit bias favoring own race. Regardless of ethnicity, children's racial categorization performance correlated positively with implicit racial bias. Also, Chinese children, but not Indian children, displayed explicit bias favoring own race. Furthermore, children's explicit bias was unrelated to racial categorization performance and implicit bias. The findings support a perceptual-social linkage in the emergence of implicit racial bias and have implications for designing programs to promote interracial harmony.
... Considera-se que por volta dos 5 anos, as crianças têm conhecimentos relacionados com estereótipos, acreditando nos mesmos 9,11 . Adicionalmente, sabe-se que as atitudes negativas face à doença mental observadas nestas idades consolidam-se durante a idade adulta 12 . ...
... Para operacionalização das percepções estigmatizantes, foram invertidos 10 itens da escala que estavam formulados no sentido de indicarem percepções mais estigmatizantes (Itens 1, 3,5,7,9,11,13,15,17,19). Foi calculado um score total através da média das pontuações obtidas para cada item. ...
Article
The lack of information and stigma associated with mental disorders are major obstacles to the promotion of mental health. The "UPA Makes the Difference: Mental health awareness intervention in schools" project aims to contribute to increase young people knowledge regarding mental health issues. This project is part of the "United to Help Movement", focusing on the combat of mental illness stigma and discrimination. OBJECTIVES: to describe the psychometric characteristics of the questionnaire UH (United to Help) and to verify the adequacy of action to promote mental health. METHODS: this study was conducted with 26 students (15-17 year-olds). The mental health intervention is composed by 2 sessions. The questionnaire was administered at the beginning of the 1st session and in the end of the 2nd session. RESULTS: cronbach'salpha regarding 2 sections of the "Questionnaire UPA" stated poor and acceptable levels of internal consistency (stigmatizing perceptions and perceptions of knowledge, respectively). The post intervention assessment showed a significant increase in the total score of the perceptions of knowledge; no significant differences in stigmatizing perceptions; and a significant decrease in help-seeking intentions when facing a mental health problem, although most participants have come to consider different types of help. CONCLUSION: the results suggest the need to review the structure of the "stigmatizing perceptions" section of the questionnaire, as well as to conduct new analyses with a larger sample. Furthermore, results show the adequacy of the methodology used in the intervention, particularly in the capacity showed to promote the increase of knowledge regarding mental health issues.
... Secondo alcuni studi, già bambine/i caucasici molto piccoli (3-4 anni) esprimono pregiudizi e discriminazioni nei confronti di soggetti non bianchi. Tale discriminazione declina verso i sette anni forse proprio grazie ad una maturazione cognitiva che garantisce maggiore flessibilità di giudizio (Augoustinos, Rosewarne, 2001). Gli studi più attuali confermano la presenza di pregiudizi etnici tra bambine/i, ma limitano l'influenza del contesto a favore di quella del ruolo dei genitori nel trasferire o contrastare l'emergere di stereotipi nelle prime fasi di vita (Levy et al., 2004). ...
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Introduzione Da sempre gli esseri umani hanno sentito l'esigenza di comunicare ai propri simili e soprattutto alle nuove generazioni non solo informazioni pratiche, funzionali alla sopravvivenza quotidiana, ma anche conoscenze e chiavi di interpretazione della realtà che sarebbero state utili per affrontare problemi profondi, perché appartenenti al senso della vita e alle scelte esistenziali. ABSTRACT ITALIANO Dall'inizio dei tempi fino ad oggi le storie narrate, scritte o rappresentate dagli adulti per i p i ù g i o v a n i h a n n o p o t u t o c o m u n i c a re i n f o r m a z i o n i p r a t i c h e f u n z i o n a l i a l l a sopravvivenza e chiavi di interpretazione della realtà, ma hanno anche spesso rappresentato mondi, contesti e realtà sociali non sempre inclusivi di tutte le diversità umane. Il genere fantastico, nella forma di fiabe e fantasy, in grado più di altri per la sua apertura immaginifica di rappresentare un mondo inclusivo, sembra non farlo, contribuendo anche oggi a riprodurre pregiudizi di genere ed etnici nei giovani lettori e spettatori. Il contributo intende esplorare tali aspetti per sottolineare la necessità di una intenzionalità educativa capace di contrastare questa tendenza e sostenere lo sviluppo di identità personali libere e rispettose delle diversità e di comunità sociali più inclusive, attraverso specifici percorsi di alfabetizzazione critica.
... The authors' main interpretation of these results was that children remembered stereotype-consistent information better than counter-stereotypic information . However, another interpretation of results and those from similar studies (e.g., Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Chiesi & Primi, 2006;De la Peña, Ortiz, Berrocal, & Barrett, 2003) is that young children assume groups they feel positively toward will have more positive characteristics (or more of a given positive characteristic) and that groups they feel negatively toward will have more negative characteristics (or more of a given negative characteristic). In other words, in these studies, children may not be applying cultural stereotypes they have gleaned from the world about people from specific groups; rather, when asked, children may simply rely on their racial attitudes to guide their responses. ...
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Young children’s racial stereotyping is poorly understood even though stereotyping can influence individuals’ attitudes and behavior toward others. Here we present two preregistered studies (Total N = 257) examining White American children’s (4–8 years) application of six stereotypes (about being American, smart, wealthy, sporty, honest, and nice) when considering Asian, Black, and White children. We observed clear and consistent evidence for one cultural stereotype across the two studies: participants indicated that Asian and Black children were less American than White children. In a measure of racial attitudes, participants also preferred White children over Black and Asian children. Taken together, this research suggests that, in contrast to findings from previous work, White American children only consistently applied stereotypes about being American. Moreover, this research suggests that children’s cultural stereotypes might diverge from children’s attitudes early in development. These studies raise new questions about the emergence of racial stereotype application early in childhood – including how best to study it.
... Early childhood is characterized by awareness of racial differences but a lack of cognitive internalization of most racial stereotypes (Quintana, 1998(Quintana, , 2008. During middle childhood, most white children have internalized stereotypes based on race and have learned social norms around racism that reflect their contexts (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001). When studying white children longitudinally, their beliefs about race solidify in adolescence as they acquire cognitive reasoning abilities with which to defend stereotypes and accumulate life experiences related to race (Hagerman, 2020). ...
Article
We propose an integrative model for the development of anti-racism in white adolescents that unpacks and combines critical consciousness, color consciousness, anti-racism, and Critical Race Theory frameworks. Black and Brown youth in the U.S. face increasing rates of peer-directed racism, which contribute to long-term negative physical, psychological, academic, and behavioral outcomes. Despite increased focus on how critical consciousness and anti-racism develop uniquely in adolescence, there are no existing theories that provide an integrated, comprehensive model of anti-racist development in white adolescents. Our model unpacks and reorganizes the core features of four prominent theories into cognitive, psychological, and behavioral components of anti-racism development in white adolescents based on existing research to support a next-generation of hypotheses for future research. In doing so, we aim to provide a contemporary theoretical foundation for research that will elucidate anti-racism development among white youth, and help to dismantle structural racism against Black and Brown people in the U.S.
... Explicit intergroup attitudes are typically shared across parents and children throughout childhood and adolescence (15). Explicit race biases have been shown to emerge in children as young as 3 to 4 years of age, peaking in middle childhood before gradually declining (16,17). Of course, people are not necessarily conscious of their biases. ...
Article
Biological psychiatry, like many other scientific fields, is grappling with the challenge of revising its practices with an eye towards promoting diversity, equity, and inclusivity (DEI). One arena in which much of this work will have significant impact is in developmental science generally, and the study of adolescence specifically. Adolescence is a critical period during human development during which important social, neural, and cognitive maturation processes take place. It is also a time marked by risky behaviors and the onset of a range of mental disorders. Social and developmental research has provided insight into the cognitive and neural processes by which perceptions of identity-related differences emerge. Clinical research aimed at understanding how individuals from diverse backgrounds navigate the transition period of adolescence is critical for identifying the unique factors underlying risk and resilience in minoritized populations. Taking a developmental perspective, we review processes by which the brain understands group differences and how the developmental timing of this can influence antecedents of psychological distress. We close with a call to action, pointing to important understudied areas within the field of biological psychiatry that are critical for supporting mental health among diverse adolescent populations.
... Relatedly, this study assessed stereotype endorsement in isolation, rather than students' stereotype awareness and endorsement in tandem. Research suggests stereotype knowledge is widely prevalent from an early age, though individual differences in stereotype endorsement typically begin to emerge in middle childhood (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Cvencek, Nasir, O'Connor, Wischnia, & Meltzoff, 2014); yet, the extant literature also postulates that stereotype consciousness alone can evoke stereotype threat. Hence, the findings of the current study may not fully capture the consequences of stereotypes for adolescents' math attitudes and beliefs. ...
Article
Full-text available
The role of racial stereotypes in youth’s academic achievement becomes salient during adolescence. Yet, very few studies have investigated whether associations between Black and White American adolescents’ stereotype endorsement and their cognitive engagement, mindset beliefs, and performance in math differed by stereotype valence (i.e., positive versus negative) and youth gender. To address these gaps, this 3-year longitudinal study (n = 2546; age range = 11–16; 50% males, 60% White, 40% Black; 57% qualified for free lunch) investigated (a) whether Black and White American adolescents’ endorsement of positive and negative racial stereotypes differentially related to their cognitive engagement, ability mindset, and math performance and (b) whether gender moderated these relations. The results revealed that endorsing either negative or positive racial stereotypes (as opposed to those with unbiased beliefs) was linked to lower cognitive engagement and stronger fixed mindsets in math 1 year after, while endorsing negative racial stereotypes was linked to lower math scores. In addition, the intersection of adolescents’ race and gender moderated some of the observed effects. The inverse link between negative stereotype endorsement and math cognitive engagement was significant for Black girls but not for Black boys. The positive link between negative stereotype endorsement and fixed math ability mindset was stronger for Black girls than Black boys, whereas the link was stronger for White boys than White girls. These findings shed light on the direction and strength of the links between racial stereotype valence and math outcomes among Black and White youth.
... Interventions seem mostly to have had no effect on teenagers, perhaps because of an unrepresentative sample, lower research quality and the lack of optimal conditions for effective intervention execution (i.e. an intervention administered by untrained teachers and students, non-standardised research conditions) (Ülger et al., 2018) or it could be attributed to the participants' age. Prejudice might be less malleable in adolescence (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001), making prejudice-reducing interventions less effective. Yet, other findings indicate successful contact-based interventions can be administered to an adolescent population (e.g. ...
Book
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This monograph offers a starting point for Positive Youth Development research in Slovenia with clear links to the research in international settings. An overview is also provided of the complexities of the various contexts of Europe and Slovenia able to influence positive youth development. Thus, while the research reported in the monograph focuses on the Slovenian context, it is ambitious enough to also reach beyond the country’s borders to include the international research community. In addition to novelty and innovation in a scientific context, the presented research is socially relevant, especially for its inclusion of immigrants and other young people at risk in the school and wider social contexts.
... Interventions seem mostly to have had no effect on teenagers, perhaps because of an unrepresentative sample, lower research quality and the lack of optimal conditions for effective intervention execution (i.e. an intervention administered by untrained teachers and students, non-standardised research conditions) (Ülger et al., 2018) or it could be attributed to the participants' age. Prejudice might be less malleable in adolescence (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001), making prejudice-reducing interventions less effective. Yet, other findings indicate successful contact-based interventions can be administered to an adolescent population (e.g. ...
Chapter
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Positive intergroup contact with peers at school is a crucial factor in the successful integration of migrant and ethnic minority children and ado-lescents into the local community. Yet, in most cases it is seldom achieva-ble due to prejudice expressed towards ethnic outgroups, which constitutes an important risk factor for social isolation, academic failure, emotional distress, and behavioural problems of children with a migrant or refugee background. Interventions involving intergroup contact have been prov-en to be the most effective among prejudice-reducing interventions. This article provides a review of the literature on contact-based interventions aimed at reducing ethnic prejudice against migrants, refugees and ethnic minorities in primary and secondary schools. It describes different types of intergroup contact-based interventions – direct, extended, vicarious and imagined – and provides the newest findings on their efficacy. Results are provided for the general factors that influence the effectiveness of interven-tions for reducing ethnic prejudice in the school context: the age of partic-ipants, their ethnic status, the administrator of interventions, the length of interventions, the number of interventions and type of outcome (affective, cognitive, behavioural). At the end, practical implications for performing a successful intervention to lower ethnic prejudice using direct or indirect contact in primary and secondary schools are provided.
... Devine (1989) noted that stereotypes are transmitted by multiple socialization agents and are acquired at an early age, before children develop the cognitive ability to question their validity. Later, in adulthood, they become part of the implicit repertoire and are often evoked automatically (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Carter & Rice, 1997). ...
Article
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This paper presents an analysis of the ethno‐political socialization of young children in the context of intractable conflict, drawing on the case of Israeli society. The analysis is based on the integrative developmental‐contextual theory (IDCT), which proposes that in the context of intractable conflict, from a very early age onward, in‐group members acquire a socio‐psychological repertoire that consists of narratives, beliefs, attitudes, and emotions related to the conflict and to the rival group. IDCT highlights three central components that dictate the nature of this socio‐psychological repertoire: children's normative developmental trajectory, the context in which the development takes place, and the ethno‐political socialization that is performed by societal agents. We discuss the interaction between these components in socializing children's socio‐psychological repertoire, and ways to change the course of socialization in the context of intractable conflict towards peace‐oriented socialization.
... ‫و"الراديكالية"‬ ‫"التطرف"‬ ‫و‬ ‫و"التحيز"‬ ‫و"التعصب"،‬ ‫"العصبية"‬ .. ، . (Al Raffie, 2013, Bakker & Kessels, 2012Bartlett andMiller, 2012 Coleman andBartoli, 2015;Loza, 2007;Saucier et al., 2009;Stankov, Saucier, and Knežević, 2010;Trip et al., 2019) ‫فهي‬ ‫األطفال،‬ ‫من‬ ‫عينات‬ ‫تناولت‬ ‫التي‬ ‫الدراسات‬ ‫أما‬ ‫ك‬ ‫مصطلحات‬ ‫تستخدم‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫العنصري"‬ ‫"التماهي‬ ‫و"‬ ‫و"التمييز"‬ ‫اإلنتماء"‬ ‫لمجموعة‬ ‫و"المحاباة‬ ‫التص‬ ‫نيف"‬ ‫و"التنمي‬ ‫ط"‬ (Aboud, 2003;Aboud, 2005;Abrams et al., 2003;Abrams et al., 2007;Ajdukovic and Corkalo Biruski, 2008;Augoustinos and Rosewarne, 2001;Enesco et al., 2005;Guerrero, Enesco, & Lam, 2011 (Brewer, 1999, p. 432 ...
Article
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In light of the prevalence of intolerance and extremism in our world today, this research argues that extremism is found in every human being, regardless of circumstantial factors, as the extremist mindset arises during the construction of the self-image and the perception of the other in early childhood. The research presents a systematic review of studies on prejudice between 1990 and 2019 in children between 2 and 10 years of age from different countries, and uses the cognitive-development theory and the theory of social identity to frame the developmental path of extremism. Results highlighted the extent to which the two theories agree on the importance of in-group favoritism in enhancing the child's and the group's self-esteem; they differ however in their interpretation of the naturally-occurring social comparison process, as the child's egocentric thinking does not necessarily include hatred towards the "other". The passage from in-group favoritism toward out-group prejudice requires several conditions, among which the implicit presence of prejudice in the affiliation group. Recommendations to ward off extremist thinking in early childhood include ensuring opportunities for contact between different groups and incorporating concepts such as tolerance and acceptance of human diversity in the educational curricula for this age period.
... Le niveau socio-économique est, quant à lui, associé à une évaluation de la personnalité, des compétences, du comportement et du rôle social [4]. Les stéréotypes sont construits très précocement ; on considère en eff et qu'avant 6 ans, les enfants ont déjà connaissance des stéréotypes raciaux et de genre [5]. Si l'élaboration des stéréotypes semble trouver une part de son origine dans la connaissance de l'Histoire et dans les apprentissages par les pairs, elle repose également sur diff érents principes : la surgénéralisation à l'exogroupe de caractéristiques ou comporte ments individuels, la tendance à ne garder en mémoire que les éléments qui confortent le stéréotype (biais de souvenir), et les corrélations illusoires (qui nous poussent à établir des relations entre des évènements, caractéristiques ou comportements qui ne sont en réalité pas corrélés). ...
Article
Résumé Ce travail a pour objet l’étude des stéréotypes et des discriminations dans le domaine de la santé, et plus précisément parmi les masseurs-kinésithérapeutes libéraux. Une littérature anglo-saxonne abondante révèle des pratiques discriminatoires de la part des professionnels de santé envers les patients noirs, hispaniques, pauvres et/ou de sexe féminin. Nous avons choisi d’étudier la population des patients bénéficiant de la Couverture Mutuelle Universelle (CMU) afin de représenter une population de patients de niveau socioéconomique peu élevé. Nous avons établi, grâce à un questionnaire rempli par des masseurs-kinésithérapeutes, que ces patients étaient bien l’objet d’un stéréotype assez péjoratif, teinté d’inutilité sociale. Ces résultats confortent une étude précédente menée auprès de médecins et de dentistes libéraux en France. Niveau de preuve 5.
... Educators should also be aware of developmental considerations regarding the development of bias in children and youth. As a general pattern, the development of prejudice follows a curvilinear pattern, increasing between early and middle childhood and decreasing between middle childhood and late childhood (Raabe and Beelman 2011), potentially increasing again nearing adolescence (Augoustinos and Rosewarne 2001;Raabe and Beelman 2011). Yet, it appears that individual along with social-contextual factors relevant to the context in which children and youth are embedded-including age, the composition of one's in-group, opportunities for contact with members of out-groups, societal perceptions about the social group, and social status, more generallyplay important roles in the development of bias and prejudice within children and youth (Mandalaywala et al. 2018;Raabe and Beelman 2011;Rutland et al. 2010). ...
Article
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Objective To describe the issues associated with heightened levels of discriminatory behaviors and their effects on children and youth. We then describe efforts to ameliorate discriminatory behaviors at the school level, placing emphasis on practices that can be implemented within current school initiatives. Method We employed a thematic review approach to examine the effects of discriminatory behaviors on children and youth, as well as on school-based practices employed to redress such behaviors. Results Schools can act as change agents to curb the negative experiences youth have with discrimination, hateful speech and actions, and harassment. Many schools are successfully addressing these issues through their use of positive behavioral interventions and supports, social and emotional learning programs, bullying prevention programs, and interventions, which are designed to positively influence discriminatory behaviors and biased attitudes. Conclusion Schools should address issues like harassment, bullying, racism, and discrimination through the use of programs or interventions designed to reduce them, in order to provide more equitable schooling experiences and more equitable educational outcomes for all.
... By the time middle childhood (9-11 years old) is ending, children perceive persons with mental illness as less socially attractive than individuals with other disabilities (Roberts et al. 1984) and rate them less positively on measures related to everyday functioning (Poster et al. 1986). These findings are consistent with other researchers (e.g., Augoustinos and Rosewarne 2001;Wahl 2002) who find that both personal stereotypes and awareness of societal stereotypes or stigma develop by middle childhood, partly due to increasing cognitive flexibility. Moving into adolescence, youth also become better able to differentiate between their own personally endorsed stigma and awareness of how others may stigmatize in society. ...
Article
Full-text available
The majority of mental illnesses develop during the teenage years, and such mental health conditions can significantly derail psychosocial development. However, many adolescents are reluctant to pursue mental health services or do not know how to help their peers who may be struggling. Stigma and low mental health knowledge have been identified as leading barriers to such mental health help-seeking. In response, there has been increasing interest in understanding the development of stigma among youth and evidence-base interventions to reduce stigma. The focus of this narrative review was to summarize findings from the adolescent mental illness stigma literature and to link findings to a multidimensional and theoretical model of stigma and adolescent development, with the goals of informing future research and evidence-based stigma reduction practices. Existing evidence suggests that stigma is well-documented among adolescents, but that little consensus exists regarding how to implement successful adolescent-focused mental illness stigma reduction programs. Suggestions for improvement include evaluating the multiple dimensions of mental illness stigma when conducting research, considering the impact of adolescent development on program development and evaluation, using reliable and valid outcome measures, and employing strong research designs (e.g., randomized trials with fidelity checks and long-term follow-ups) to evaluate standardized programs.
... Eder (1990) also argued that preschool children acknowledge the differences of skin colors and also place values upon different skin colors. Augoustinos and Rosewarne (2001) supported this argument by pointing out that even three-year-old children can be aware of skin color differences. These existing studies challenge the pervasive view that preschoolers do not understand racial and ethnic differences. ...
... Taking into account group stereotypes, people who have lived for a long period in a particular context can differentiate between their own stereotypes and the society or the majority group stereotypes toward a particular group. Augoustinos and Rosewarne's (2001) study found that the ability to differentiate between personal beliefs and other beliefs emerges from childhood, at around 8e9 years old. ...
Article
Full-text available
On the basis that religious fundamentalists have a strong bond to their religion, we hypothesized that Islamic fundamentalism would moderate the effect of ingroup meta-belief of friendship on positive perceptions and trust on Christians. The results of the research involving 147 Muslim participants showed that the effect of ingroup meta-belief of friendship on positive perception and trust was significant among participants with high Islamic fundamentalism. It indicates that Islamic fundamentalists may become the ones who stand at the forefront to build a good relationship with other religions when they think their religion sees a particular outgroup as friendly.
... Zudem wurden die Items zu Familie und Freunde beibehalten. Da den Autoren der Bereich Ängste/Sorgen in Bezug auf Stigmatisie- rung als ganz besonders wichtig im Kinder-und Jugendbereich er- scheint, wurde zusätzlich zum Item, dass die Patienten Angst haben, dass Mitschüler von der Therapie erfahren könnten, ein wei- teres formuliert ("Seit Ende meiner Therapie habe ich das Gefühl anders zu sein als andere Kinder, weil ich eine Therapie machen musste") [26,27]. Die Fragen zur Fähigkeit bzw. ...
Article
Zusammenfassung Psychotherapie bei Kinder- und Jugendlichen wirkt, jedoch können auch unerwünschte Effekte auftreten. Im Kinder- und Jugendbereich ist dieses wichtige Thema bisher vernachlässigt worden, obwohl gerade Kinder und Jugendliche eines besonderen Schutzes bedürfen. Durch Therapie verursachte unerwünschte Effekte der Psychotherapie sind im Kinder- und Jugendbereich bisher nicht systematisch untersucht worden und eine entsprechende Konzeptualisierung fehlt. Ziel des vorliegenden Artikels ist es, aktuelle Klassifikationen zu unerwünschten Effekten von Psychotherapie bei Erwachsenen hinsichtlich der Übertragbarkeit auf das Kindes- und Jugendalter zu prüfen und die Besonderheiten in diesem Bereich herauszuarbeiten. Des Weiteren wird die Adaptation des Inventars zur Erfassung negativer Effekte für das Kindes- und Jugendalter vorgestellt (Kinder-INEP) [1]. Abschließend werden Maßnahmen zur Aufklärung und Vermeidung von unerwünschten, negativen Effekten in der Kinder- und Jugendlichenpsychotherapie aufgezeigt.
... The same pattern of results can be observed regarding the children's preference for familiar people and social stimuli. An ethnicity bias clearly emerges in children as young as 3 or 4 years of age (Aboud, 1988;Augoustinos and Rosewarne, 2001;Bigler and Liben, 2006;Aboud, 2008;Gaither et al., 2014), it appears to reach its peak in middle childhood around 7-8 years old, and then it gradually declines. This trend does not apply to all types of children's racial or ethnic attitudes, differentiating instead between explicit and implicit attitudes: the former are conscious and under intentional control while the latter are automatic and relatively out of attentional control (see for example, Dunham et al., 2013;Baron, 2015). ...
Article
Full-text available
The increasing flow of immigrants in many European countries and the growing presence of children from immigrant families in schools makes it relevant to study the development of prejudice in children. Parents play an important role in shaping children’s values and their attitudes toward members of other ethnic groups; an intergenerational transmission of prejudice has been found in a number of studies targeting adolescents. The present study aims to investigate the intergenerational transmission of ethnic prejudice in 3- to 9- year-old children and its relations to parenting styles. Parents’ blatant and subtle ethnic prejudice and parenting style are measured together with children’s explicit and implicit ethnic prejudice in pupils and parents of preschool and primary schools in the region of Rome, Italy (N = 318). Results show that parents’ subtle prejudice predicts children’s implicit prejudice regardless of the parenting style. Findings indicate that children might acquire prejudice by means of the parents’ implicit cognition and automatic behavior and educational actions. Implications for future studies and insights for possible applied interventions are discussed.
... Through an increasing cognitive flexibility and the appearance of moral feelings, the same children start to develop personal evaluations and can dissociate them from passively acquired parental and societal assessments and values. Although the relation between cognitive developmental approaches and the decrease of ethnic stereotypes between middle and late childhood has been studied (e.g., Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001), future work is required to explore a potentially similar relation in the evolution of ageist stereotypes. In addition, key aspects of the child's social environment, such as the identification with his various in-groups and the intergroup relationships in which those in-groups are embedded (Tajfel, 1982), are complementary to the cognitive developmental perspective in the elaboration of ageism in children. ...
Article
Stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination against the elderly (ageism) may manifest themselves in children at an early age. However, the factors influencing this phenomenon are not well known. Using both explicit and open-ended questions, this study analyzed the influence of personal and familial parameters on the views of 1,151 seven- to sixteen-year-old Belgian children and adolescents on the elderly. Four factors were found to affect these views: gender (girls had slightly more positive views than boys), age (ageism was lowest in 10- to 12-year-old, reminiscent of other forms of stereotypes and cognitive developmental theories), grandparents’ health, and most importantly, quality of contact with grandparents (very good and good contacts correlated with more favorable feelings toward the elderly, especially in children with frequent contacts).
... ‫על‬ ‫לערער‬ ‫הקוגניטיבית‬ ‫היכולת‬ ‫את‬ ‫מפתחים‬ ‫שילדים‬ ‫לפני‬ ‫באופן‬ ‫אותם‬ ‫מפגינים‬ ‫והם‬ ,‫הילדים‬ ‫של‬ ‫הסמוי‬ ‫הרפרטואר‬ ‫מן‬ ‫לחלק‬ ‫בבגרותם‬ ‫הופכים‬ .) Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Carter & Rice, 1997( ‫אוטומטי‬ ‫יחסית‬ ‫יציבות‬ ‫הן‬ ‫אחרת‬ ‫קבוצה‬ ‫כלפי‬ ‫סמויות‬ ‫שעמדות‬ ‫בכך‬ ‫תומכת‬ ‫מחקרים‬ ‫של‬ ‫סדרה‬ ‫נוסף‬ .) Dunham, Baron, & Banaji, 2006( ‫הבגרות‬ ‫גיל‬ ‫לבין‬ ‫הצעיר‬ ‫הגיל‬ ‫בין‬ ‫להעדיף‬ ‫הנטייה‬ ‫כי‬ ‫מצא‬ )Dunham et al., 2013( ‫ועמיתיו‬ ‫דונהם‬ ‫שערכו‬ ‫מחקר‬ ,‫כך‬ ‫על‬ ‫רכישת‬ ‫עם‬ ‫בבד‬ ‫בד‬ ,4 ‫גיל‬ ‫לבין‬ 3 ‫גיל‬ ‫בין‬ ,‫מוקדם‬ ‫בגיל‬ ‫מתפתחת‬ ‫השייכות‬ ‫קבוצת‬ ‫את‬ ‫מגיע‬ ‫כשהפרט‬ .‫ומבוגרים‬ ...
Article
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מאמר זה בוחן את החִברות הפוליטי של ילדים ישראלים־יהודים צעירים החיים בצל הסכסוך הישראלי־פלסטיני הבלתי נשלט. המאמר טוען כי הדרך שבה החִברות הפוליטי של ילדים צעירים מתרחש, בהקשר של סכסוך מעין זה, מקדמת בקרבם רכישה של רפרטואר חברתי־פסיכולוגי הכולל ידע, עולם מושגים, תפיסות, רגשות ונרטיבים קולקטיביים המתקשרים לסכסוך. הרפרטואר החברתי־פסיכולוגי שהילדים רוכשים בגיל צעיר נטמע בהם ומחזק את דבקותם ברפרטואר הסכסוך בבגרותם, ודבקוּת זו יוצרת חסם מרכזי בפני תהליכים של פיוס ושלום. על מנת להדגים כיצד החִברות הפוליטי מתרחש בישראל, המאמר סוקר סדרה של מחקרים שנערכו בגני ילדים ובבתי ספר יסודיים. מחקרים אלו מציגים הן תכנים שילדים צעירים רוכשים והן תכנים שגננות ומורות מקנות להם, המתקשרים כולם לסכסוך הישראלי־פלסטיני. המאמר מצביע על ההשלכות מרחיקות הלכת שיש לרכישת תמות הקשורות לסכסוך, ובכללן אתוס של סכסוך וזיכרון קולקטיבי של סכסוך, בגיל כה צעיר בחבָרות המעורבות בסכסוך בלתי נשלט.
... Además, se ha puesto de manifiesto que conforme avanza la edad los niños, a menudo muestran menos actitudes étnicas negativas hacia los grupos ajenos (Aboud, 1988; Aboud y Amato, 2001) y a la vez muestran niveles significativos de preferencias hacia su propio grupo (Augoustinos y Rosewarne, 2001;Bennett, et al., 2004;Rutland, 1999;Yee y Brown, 1994 En cuanto a las preferencias que los niños minoritarios tienen hacia otros grupos, diversos investigadores (Asher y Allen, 1969;Brand, Ruiz y Padilla, 1974;Clark y Clark, 1947;Porter, 1971;Rice, Ruiz y Padilla, 1974;y Swanson et al., 2008) han encontrado que existe una mayor preferencia por parte de los niños de grupos minoritarios hacia el grupo mayoritario. De acuerdo con Aboud y Doyle (1993), la preferencia hacia el grupo externo o exogrupo podría deberse básicamente a tres factores: a) una pobre autoidentificación étnica; b) a que las actitudes se desarrollen antes que el proceso de identificación y c) a que la aprobación social puede ser un factor determinante en el momento de elegir a quien se prefiere. ...
Thesis
Full-text available
La tesis que se presenta tiene como objetivo develar las percepciones sobre la exclusión que los niños emigrantes a los Estados Unidos residentes en la frontera (Austin, Texas). https://repositorio.uam.es/handle/10486/672398
... To measure students' awareness and endorsement of cultural stereotypes about race and math, we used Augoustinos and Rosewarne's (2001) procedure to help students differentiate between their perception of others' opinions and their own personally endorsed opinion. The awareness and endorsement measures consisted of two items each about math. ...
Article
Sixty elementary-school children (9–10 years old) and 82 adolescents (12–13 years old) completed explicit and implicit measures of racial stereotypes about math. 60 Asian, 42 Latino, 21 White, 15 Black, and four multiracial students participated (42% boys). On the explicit measure, children as early as fifth grade reported being aware of the stereotype that Asians = math, but only adolescents personally endorsed this stereotype. On the implicit measure, there was significant evidence for racial stereotypes about math among adolescents. Across both ages, individual students’ explicit awareness of the stereotype was significantly correlated with their implicit stereotypes. Early adolescence is a key developmental window for discussing stereotypes before they become endorsed as personal beliefs.
... Previous studies have found that immersive contact typically reduces explicit racial bias (Binder et al., 2009;Brown et al., 2007;Eller & Abrams, 2003Levin, Van Laar, & Sidanius, 2003;Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006;Pettigrew et al., 2011). However, it is unclear whether long-term immersive intergroup contact also reduces implicit bias because implicit and explicit racial biases have been shown to have either low or no significant correlations (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Dunham, Baron, & Banaji, 2006;McConnell & Leibold, 2001;Qian et al., 2016). Cross-sectional studies have provided mixed evidence: some indicate that contact reduces both implicit and explicit racial biases (Henry & Hardin, 2006;Prestwich, Kenworthy, Wilson, & Kwan-Tat, 2008;Rae et al., 2015), whereas others indicate that there is only an effect on implicit racial bias (Aberson & Haag, 2007;Aberson et al., 2004;Turner et al., 2007). ...
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... For example, one study found that discrimination toward outgroup members was unintentional and resulted from favoritism toward ingroup members (Greenwald & Pettigrew, 2014). Ingroup bias, or favoring members of one's own group, is present in children as young as three years old, intensi fies until approximately six or seven years of age, and then tends to diminish after a child reaches late childhood (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Powlishta, Serbin, Doyle, & White, 1994). Biased attitudes seem to escalate again during adolescence (BlackGutman & Hickson, 1996;Teichman, 2001), though Hoover and Fishbein (1999) found that prejudiced ethnic attitudes remained stable during adolescence, yet increased sharply during college for traditionally aged students. ...
... For example, one study found that discrimination toward out-group members was unintentional and resulted from favoritism toward in-group members (Greenwald & Pettigrew, 2014). In-group bias, or favoring members of one's own group, is present in children as young as three years old, intensifies until approximately six or seven years of age, and then tends to diminish after a child reaches late childhood (Augoustinos & Rosewarne, 2001;Powlishta, Serbin, Doyle, & White, 1994). Biased attitudes seem to escalate again during adolescence (Black-Gutman & Hickson, 1996;Teichman, 2001), though Hoover and Fishbein (1999) found that prejudiced ethnic attitudes remained stable during adolescence, yet increased sharply during college for traditionally aged students. ...
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Chapter
This chapter summaries some of the literature about alternative studies which have explored aspects of tolerance not as a function of absence of prejudice. Psychological research about tolerance has focused on political and belief discrepancy tolerance rather than tolerance more generally. The reviewed studies are examples of a larger body of literature which endorses the idea that political and belief-discrepancy tolerance is not a global construct and that whom we are asked to tolerate, what we are asked to tolerate and under what circumstances we are willing to tolerate others influence how tolerant we are. Age and gender related differences were also evident with younger children inadequate in their abilities to deal with difference and diversity because of their cognitive limitations and insufficient knowledge base rather than pure prejudice.
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This chapter defines prejudice and notes some of the many theories that have shaped the study of prejudice development. It summarizes the current empirical findings from research examining racial preferences and prejudice in early and late childhood, and attempts to explain these findings. Two theoretical mechanisms that are helpful for understanding the early high levels of explicit prejudice and implicit intergroup biases include brain maturation and experience with in-group and out-group faces. One interesting way to merge what people know of maturation, whether phrased as brain maturation or cognitive maturation, with social influences such as out-group contact, is to suggest that there are optimal windows of social influence. The concept of an optimal window has been used to explain language acquisition and preference. Exposure to one's mother tongue deletes synapses for foreign languages starting in infancy, so this perceptual narrowing for language may lead to stronger language preferences and prejudices as seen in some research.
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Recent years have seen an increase in theoretical and empirical interest in the acquisition and development of stereotypes and prejudice in children. Results of studies performed in different countries indicate that developmental trajectories of stereotypes and prejudice are context related, influenced by affect, cognitive and personality development.Developmental trajectories vary depending on the social context: minority/majority status, social status, or national conflict. The present chapter focusses on the context of conflict in which it was found that preschoolers as young as 2–5 hold and express stereotypes and prejudice. Additionally, 7–9 year olds manifest a reduction of stereotypes and prejudice and renew it again at preadolescence, 10–12 year olds.The chapter reviews results of studies showing developmental trajectories of stereotypes and prejudice for Israeli children and adolescents with a focus on the structure rather than on the content. In all studies participants were asked to draw images of “a Jew” and “an Arab” who as is well known are adversaries in a conflict. The images were systematically scored for complexity. The drawings were followed by questions regarding names, and attributed professions, that as well were defined operationally and scored quantitatively.Assuming that early interventions or preferably prevention regarding stereotyping, prejudice, or racism are desirable, findings indicate that a developmental perspective such as introducing more complexity to social representations in young age or addressing identity issues with older children may facilitate these processes.
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The earlier version of the Preschool Racial Attitude Measure (PRAM I) has been found to be a useful measure in attitude development and modification studies of young children. This paper describes the lengthened and otherwise revised version of this procedure—PRAM II. Standardization data are reported for 252 Caucasian and 140 Negro children, ranging in age from 37 to 85 months (mean = 64 months), who were tested by Caucasian and Negro examiners. Analyses of the racial attitude scores revealed that the measure had good internal consistency (r = .80), and satisfactory test-retest reliability (r = .55, over a one-year interval). It was demonstrated that the test may be divided into two equivalent short-forms, for test-retest purposes. Other findings were that the racial attitude scores were found to vary systematically with race of subject, but not with sex of subject, IQ, or age. Evidence regarding race of examiner effects was inconclusive. It was concluded that PRAM II provides a reliable index of racial attitudes, and that the same rationale could be employed in the assessment of other attitudes at the preschool level. Theories of racial attitude development are discussed.
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Examined longitudinal changes between ages 6 and 9 yrs in White children's prejudice toward Blacks and Native Indians. The Preschool Racial Attitude Measure II (PRAM II) and a multiple-response racial attitude measure (MRA) assessed 56 Ss in kindergarten and 40 Ss in 3rd grade. 47 of the kindergarten Ss were retested in the 3rd grade. In both samples, older Ss were less prejudiced on the PRAM II than younger Ss, most of whom were prejudiced. On the MRA, favorable-White and unfavorable-Black evaluations did not decline with age, but unfavorable-White and favorable-Black evaluations increased. These decreases in prejudice were associated developmentally with the perception that different races are more similar, that people of the same race are more different, and that racially different perspectives are both acceptable. Perception of within-race similarity was associated positively with individual differences in prejudice at each age. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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One Black and 1 White female examiner assessed 72 White 2.5–10.5 yr old children to investigate children's understanding of the origins of race and explore the developmental concomitants of skin color preferences. Ss' understanding of the origins of race followed a developmental hierarchy and correlated significantly with performance on previously researched measures of physical conservation, physical causality, and social identity. Both physical conservation and physical causality appeared to be developmental prerequisites to understanding the origins of race. Significant Race × Cognitive Developmental Level interactions indicated that pro-White bias was significantly lower for higher levels of cognitive development when the examiner was Black. The possibility that skin color preference is influenced by social desirability is discussed. (30 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Investigated children's racial attitudes and their concomitant perceptual responses in a 2-part study. In Phase 1, a total of 400 2nd, 4th and 6th graders at 2 racially integrated urban elementary schools were given a battery of 4 attitude tests (e.g., the Projective Prejudice Test). In Phase 2, a subsample of 96 Ss were classified into high- and low-prejudice groups on the basis of attitude scores and judged the similarity of pictures of facial pairs. Stimuli varied as to color, shade, expression, and hair type. A 4-way factorial design was employed (Grade * Prejudice Level * Race of Subject * Race of Examiner). Findings indicate that the various ways of assessing Ss' racial attitudes were not equivalent. Some instruments were strongly affected by developmental and racial factors, whereas others were not. Correlations between indices were low. Findings in Phase 2 indicated that racial attitudes do have perceptual correlates, particularly for white children. Race-related cues were accentuated by high-prejudice children, whereas non-race-related ones were less salient. (22 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study 1 supported the model's assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotype group and that low-prejudice responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the efforts of automatic stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects' ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects' responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Discusses the effects of socialization (i.e., the internalization of values) on sexual identity, and presents a framework for studying this identity concept in which changes in sex-role definitions are integrated with ego and cognitive developmental tasks. Cross-cultural and longitudinal experiments by the author and other researchers are described. Results indicate that the culturally determined socialization process broadens the sex-role definitions and behavioral options of males while limiting those of females.
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A comparison of northern and southern Negro and white preschool children on race awareness showed racial and regional variations. In both regions Negro subjects preferred and identified with the other race, white subjects with their own race. Such preference and identification were accentuated in southern subjects. These results indicate adjustment problems as racial integration proceeds. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)
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It has been shown (25, 27, 28, 29, 82) that at each age level from three years through seven years, Negro children have a well developed knowledge of the concept of racial difference between “white” and “colored” as this is indicated by the characteristic of skin color-and that this knowledge develops more definitely from year to year to the point of absolute stability at the age of seven. It was further shown that the dynamics of self-identification in medium and dark-skinned children is somewhat different and more stable than in light-skinned children. There were no significant differences between Northern and Southern children in the awareness of racial differences.
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Developmental patterns in ethnic attitudes were assessed in 232 children aged 5 to 12 years in relation to cognitive development and social desirability responding. English-speaking children assigned 10 positive attributes, 10 negative attributes, and 4 neutral attributes to either an English-speaking child, a French-speaking child, or both an English- and a French-speaking child, depicted by line drawings. Positive attributions to their own ethnic group and negative attributions to the other ethnic group were less frequent in older children. Flexibility of ethnic attitudes, that is, attributions to both groups, increased with age and were inversely related to positive own-group attributions and negative other-group attributions. High flexibility followed the attainment of concrete operational thinking, as measured by conservation but not by ethnic constancy. Flexibility was inversely related to Crandall social desirability responding and unrelated to children's conformity to the experimenter's attitude. These results indicate the importance of cognitive rather than social desirability factors in the development of children's ethnic attitudes.
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Empirical research reported in the literature over the past 18 years was integrated and critically evaluated to determine the age at which ethnic attitudes are formed, their course of development after this age of onset, and psychological factors influencing attitude development. Conclusions were drawn about the effects of age and ethnic status that differed in certain respects from those made a decade ago. The development of ethnic attitudes was found to parallel certain developments in affective, perceptual, and cognitive processes, such as the differentiation between groups and between individuals. Within this framework, differences between majority and minority children were discussed in terms of the effects of social factors on affect, perception, and cognition.
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The earlier version of the Color Meaning Test (CMT I) had been found to be useful as a means of assessing the evaluative responses of preliterate children to the colors white and black in studies dealing with the development and modification of color and racial attitudes. In this paper we summarize the findings with CMT I, describe the lengthened and otherwise revised CMT II, and discuss theories of the development of color and race bias in young children. CMT II data are reported for 160 Euro-American and 160 Afro-American children, ranging in age from 40 to 91 months (mean = 61 months), who were tested by Euro- and Afro-American examiners. Analyses of the white-black color meaning scores indicated satisfactory internal consistency (r = .63). A tendency to evaluate the color white more positively than the color black was found among both Euro- and Afro-American subjects. The scores were found to vary systematically with race of subject, but not with sex of subject or race of examiner. It is concluded that CMT II provides a reliable index of white-black color bias and that it and its companion procedure, the Preschool Racial Attitude Measure II, provide useful techniques for the study of color and race bias in preliterate children. Theoretically, it is proposed that pro-white/anti-black color bias may be related to the child's status as a diurnal animal and, hence, to his experiences with the light of day and dark of night.
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The Preschool Racial Attitude Measure II (PRAM II) is a procedure for assessing the attitudes of preliterate children toward light-skinned (Euro-American) and dark-skinned (Afro-American) human figures. Although designed for research with preschool children, it is also appropriate to the test-taking ability of children in the early school grades. In the main, developmental, study 483 children in the first 4 grades of a single, integrated, public school were administered PRAM II by Euro- and Afro-American examiners. Among Euro-American children, it was found that pro-Euro/anti-Afro (E + / A -) bias reached a peak at the second-grade level and subsequently declined. Afro-American children also were found to display evidence of E + / A - bias, but to a lesser degree, and with no appreciable age trends being observed. Evidence regarding race-of-examiner effects was inconclusive. A second study established the representative nature of the data in the developmental study by a comparison of the PRAM II scores of the second-grade children in the developmental study with the mean scores of other groups of second graders (N = 255) in other geographical locations.
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Children aged 6 to 9 years were asked to take the role of people from different ethnic groups. The y were to do this by attributing kinship preferences to persons from their own ethnic group, from their most liked ethnic group and from their most disliked ethnic group. The first experiment conducted with White Americans demonstrated that they were able to attribute similar-ethnicity preferences to people from their own and from their liked ethnic group, but not to people from a disliked group. Two sorts of errors were made: those resulting from egocentrism and those resulting from undifferentiated perception. A second experiment was conducted with Canadian Indian children in which more extensive attitude and perception measures were taken. Multiple regression analyses suggested that kinship attribution was based more on similarity between role person and kin than it was on the chil's own egocentric preferences. The Indian children also made fewer errors on the disliked role. This was discussed in terms of conflicts about group identity and preferences.
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A two-phase study was undertaken to test white and Canadian Indian school-children for racial identification and self-concept. The objective was to establish attitudinal patterns and correlations using children in grades two, four and six at two schools (one integrated and one not). The first phase, using a picture test to measure preference, rejection, and identification found significant age, race, school, and sex differences in both preference and rejection. The second phase, using a short measure of self-concept, found sex, age, and school differences. Significant correlations between the two measures were found at the young age levels. Overall, with a few exceptions, the significant age, sex, race, and school differences were consistent with the conclusions drawn from previous research.
Article
Three tests were developed and administered to boys from kindergarten through the eighth grade in various types of communities, a retest after six months being conducted in some samples in New York City. The southern groups tested showed no more prejudice than did the children in New York City. A small group of Communist children tested in New York City showed no apparent prejudice against the negro. The expressed attitude seems independent of the mere degree of blackness of negro faces. A small group of white boys in a mixed school showed as much prejudice as did the boys in the all-white schools. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Discusses a cognitive developmental framework to explain racial prejudice among White Children. Recent research findings show that prejudice is present in children as young as 5 yrs but that it declines as a function of social-cognitive development by 8 or 9 yrs of age. The development of role taking skills and perceptual differentiation seems related to the decline in prejudice. Although the prejudices of children under 12 yrs do not seem to be similar to those of their parents or friends, these people may be best able to facilitate a reduction in prejudice through open discussion. Tolerance may also be promoted through school curricula that strengthens role taking and differentiation skills. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Asked 259 3-11 yr. old children to ascribe positive and negative behavioral characteristics to pictures of white and shaded figures. While the 3-4 yr. old Ss tended to do this in a random fashion, 5-8 yr. old Ss showed a marked increase in the attribution of negative statements to shaded figures and positive statements to white figures. From the age of 9 yr. there was a diminution in this behavior. Exposure to black immigrant children in the school and play-group situations was associated with a decrease in this prejudicial behavior. (15 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Recently, Devine has argued against the inevitability of prejudice perspective, proposing that stereotypes and personal beliefs should be conceptualized as separate cognitive components. The present paper reports on two studies which explore this issue in relation to stereotypes of and prejudice towards Australian Aborigines. In the first study, respondents (N = 165) were asked to give open-ended responses regarding the cultural stereotype of Australian Aborigines. These responses were then compared to the respondents' level of prejudice towards this social group. Consistent with Devine's predictions, few significant differences emerged between low-and high-prejudiced subjects and category descriptions of the stereotype. The second study investigated the extent to which, and the speed with which, high-and low-prejudice people endorsed and rejected various components of the stereotype. A response time study in which subjects responded to a list of negative, positive and situational descriptions of the Aborigine stereotype found that subjects high in prejudice were more likely to endorse the negative components, and subjects low in prejudice were more likely to endorse the positive and sociological components of the Aborigine stereotype. This effect also generalized to positive and negative descriptions of Aborigines which were not stereotype-linked. Response time patterns indicated that high-prejudice subjects endorsed the negative descriptions significantly faster than low-prejudice subjects, and low-prejudice subjects endorsed the positive descriptions significantly faster than the high-prejudice group. In comparison to high-prejudice subjects, low-prejudice subjects took significantly longer to reject positive descriptions than negative descriptions of Aborigines. These findings suggest that cognitive models of stereotype activation are alone insufficient for understanding the conscious processing of stereotype-linked information more specifically, and in understanding prejudice more generally. Beliefs and the evaluation and affect associated with these beliefs are equally important.
Article
The racial preferences and identifications of white children in both a white monoracial and a multiracial setting were examined. A doll selection procedure originally described by Clark and Clark (1939; 1947) to study racial awareness and preferences in black children was employed with 120 kindergarten, first, and third grade children. A majority of the children showed a marked preference for white over comparable black dolls. However, more black doll selections were made in multiracial than in monoracial schools, particularly among male subjects. White doll color preference also significantly decreased at the third grade level. This finding was consistently observed in response to each racial preference question. Neither race of the interviewer nor sex of the child had a significant effect upon doll color preferences. Few errors were made in response to a series of five racial identification questions.
Article
The effects of individual and group performance on children's evaluations of themselves and in- and out-group were examined. 128 girls and boys aged 3, 5, 7, and 9 years were randomly assigned to alleged "fast" or "slow" teams and asked to make various self, interpersonal, and intergroup evaluations. These showed strong developmental changes. Intergroup comparisons were made as early as 3 years, and this age group was sensitive to the relative standing of their team. However, the 5-year-old children showed markedly high self-evaluations, very strong in group bias in their evaluations of the 2 teams, and a high level of group cohesion irrespective of their own team's alleged performance. Gender differences were observed in self-evaluations after team assignment (boys responding more than girls to their team's alleged performance). The implications of these findings for recent work based on cognitive-developmental and social identity theories are discussed.
Article
Racial groups are often designated by color names, with Negroes called “black” and Caucasians “white.” Previous research with adults had shown that the color name black has a negative (“bad”) evaluative connotation and white a positive (“good”) connotation. The present study, designed to measure the degree of awareness of black-white evaluative connotation in Caucasian children, demonstrated that the black-white color-meaning concept is developing during the preschool years—the period during which racial awareness was also shown to be developing. Possible origins of the black-white evaluative concept in young children were discussed, as was the possible role of the concept in the formation of racial attitudes of Caucasian children toward Negroes.
Development of prejudice in children Understanding prejudice, racism and social conflict
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