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Superman or the Fantastic Four? Knowledge Combination and Experience in Innovative Teams

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We examine how knowledge and experience affect both the mean and variance values of innovations from individuals and teams. We apply and extend theory on innovativeness and creativity to propose that holding multiple knowledge domains produces novel combinations that increase the variance of product performance; and that extensive experience produces outputs with high average performance. We analyzed innovations in the comic book industry, finding that innovations with extreme success and failure are affected by similar factors as high-performing innovations. Multi-member teams and teams with experience working together produced innovations with greater variation in value, but individuals were able to combine knowledge diversity more effectively than teams.
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Tuck School of
Business at Dartmouth
Tuck School of Business Working Paper No. 2009-56
SUPERMAN OR THE FANTASTIC FOUR?
KNOWLEDGE COMBINATION AND
EXPERIENCE IN INNOVATIVE TEAMS
Alva Taylor
Dartmouth College Tuck School of Business
Henrich Greve
Norwegian School of Management (BI)
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Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=948597Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=948597
SUPERMAN OR THE FANTASTIC FOUR? KNOWLEDGE
COMBINATION AND EXPERIENCE IN INNOVATIVE TEAMS
ALVA TAYLOR
Dartmouth College
HENRICH R. GREVE
Norwegian School of Management BI
This study focuses on effects of knowledge and experience on both mean and variance
measures of individual and team innovations. We propose that multiple knowledge
domains produce novel combinations that increase the variance of product perfor-
mance and that extensive experience produces outputs with high average perfor-
mance. We analyzed innovations in the comic book industry, finding that innovations
with extreme success and failure were affected by factors similar to those affecting
high-performing innovations. Multimember teams and teams with experience working
together produced innovations with greater variation in value, but individuals were
able to combine knowledge diversity more effectively than teams.
If an organization were structuring a team for
developing an innovation, should the knowledge
and experience of this team be different from those
of a team for developing a high-quality product in
line with the company’s past products? Would the
answer differ if only a single person could be cho-
sen? The organizational innovation literature cur-
rently answers yes to the first question, as it makes
a clear distinction between activities that increase
variance in performance and activities that increase
mean performance. For example, new products that
are incremental extensions of a current product
will have a positive financial return (high mean
performance), but they will not offer significant
inordinate profits or losses. Product offerings that
are dramatically different from past products offer
the potential for extreme profits or extreme losses
(high variance in performance), but overall will
have a lower expected mean owing to the high
likelihood of failure. Another argument in the lit-
erature is that organizational exploration, which
introduces experiments of uncertain value into an
organization’s activities, is different from exploita-
tion, which maintains and refines current activi-
ties, and that the antecedents of exploration are less
well known (March, 1991). Yet both exploitation
and exploration can be seen as practices of combin-
ing knowledge, one using existing knowledge in
new ways and the other using existing knowledge
in well-understood ways (Schumpeter, 1934).
The tension between exploration and exploita-
tion is founded on the view that experimentation
with new alternatives slows improvements in ex-
isting ones. Conversely, improvements in existing
activities make experimenting with new ones less
attractive (Levitt & March, 1988). This argument is
based on the differing uses of knowledge. Its as-
sumption is that innovations arise from two
sources: (1) the knowledge available for an innova-
tive activity (e.g., Ahuja, 2000; Powell, Koput, &
Smith-Doerr, 1996) and (2) the ability of individu-
als and teams to apply the available knowledge
(Brown & Duguid, 1991; Tripsas, 1997; Von Hippel,
1988). Simply put, the more diverse the informa-
tion and knowledge that are applied, the more
novel is the output; and the deeper the use of ex-
isting knowledge, the less novel but more predict-
ably performing the output. Dysfunctions can occur
in both cases: too-diverse knowledge can result in
unwieldy and impractical outputs, while too-fo-
cused knowledge can result in “competence traps,”
in which new information is disregarded and teams
become locked in their old behaviors (Arthur, 1989;
March & Simon, 1958).
The literature on creativity provides a different
view of organizing for innovation by focusing on
how individuals and teams come to shape knowl-
edge in unique ways. Innovation consists of the
creative generation of a new idea and the imple-
mentation of the idea into a valuable product, and
thus creativity feeds innovation (Nijstod & De Dreu,
2002) and is particularly critical in complex and
interdependent work (Drazin, Glynn, & Kazanjian,
We are grateful for assistance from Paul Wolfson and
Jessica Sedgewick. We also thank Quintus Jett, Ruth
Wageman, Mary Tripsas, Judith White, two reviewers,
and Christina Shalley for helpful comments on drafts of
the paper.
Academy of Management Journal
2006, Vol. 49, No. 4, 723–740.
723
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=948597Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=948597
1999). Creativity can be viewed as the first stage of
the overall innovation process (Amabile, 1996;
West, 2002) or as intertwined with the implemen-
tation of innovative ideas (Paulus, 2002). In both
views, the creativity literature emphasizes novelty
(Morgan, 1953) but stresses that new ideas must be
useful and appropriate for the situation at hand
(Sternberg & Lubart, 1995). Thus, researchers in
this stream have seen creativity as constrained by
problems or tasks and have focused on perfor-
mance enhancement rather than on increased vari-
ance of innovation.
Like the innovations literature, the creativity lit-
erature frames innovative solutions as arising from
diverse knowledge, processes that allow for creativ-
ity, and tasks directed toward creative solutions
(Gilson & Shalley, 2004). However, it also suggests
that creativity requires application of deep knowl-
edge because individuals must understand a
knowledge domain to push its boundaries with any
nontrivial likelihood of success (Sternberg &
O’Hara, 2000), and that work practices can have a
significant impact on creative outcomes (Gilson,
Mathieu, Shalley, & Ruddy, 2005). Team creativity
likewise relies on tapping into the diverse knowl-
edge of a team’s members, which can be difficult. In
this literature, the distinction between structures
and processes that generate highly creative solu-
tions and those that generate high-performing but
less innovative solutions is less emphasized than it
is in the innovation literature.
Extending the innovation and creativity litera-
tures, this paper examines whether structures that
lead to variance-enhancing behaviors differ from
those that lead to higher mean performance. The
study also addresses an area that has received little
attention in both literatures: whether innovations
by teams have different causes than those by indi-
viduals. We focus on the impact of combining and
applying diverse knowledge. In organizations, the
availability of diverse knowledge is shaped and
constrained by the realities of collaborators, dead-
lines, resources, and workloads. Innovation is both
the creative development of novelty and its appli-
cation to generation of a new product (Amabile,
1996; West, 2002), with areas of expertise held by
individuals or teams within organizations accessed
and processed to generate innovations (Amabile,
1983; Ford, 1996; Simon, 1986). We acknowledge
that there are many sources of diverse experiences,
including the externally observable dimensions of
age, ethnicity, and gender (Milliken, Bartel, &
Kurtzberg, 2003); however, our emphasis on
knowledge use leads us to be principally concerned
with the less observable cognitive diversity that
arises from varied work, task, and organizational
experience.
We draw on cognitive perspectives on creativity,
innovation, and learning to develop a theoretical
model to predict both mean performance and vari-
ance in performance. We empirically tested our
model in a context specifically suited to our ques-
tions about knowledge-based activity: the creation
and publishing of comic books. Comic book cre-
ation is a commercial activity that has the useful
properties of being driven by intellectual property
and of having a collector valuation of output that
allows for empirical determination of the success of
the creative effort.
An added merit of the data is that it allows ex-
amination of the difference between single individ-
uals and individuals in teams acting in the same
innovative context. Despite the acknowledged im-
portance of individual cognition and of teams
(Kurtzberg & Amabile, 2001), little research inves-
tigates differences in the effects of individual ver-
sus team performance on commercial innovation.
Here we examine how individual and team knowl-
edge create radical innovations or incremental im-
provements. To ground our theoretical discussion,
in the next section we first describe the innovation
context we focused on; we then derive predictions
based on a cognitive perspective on innovation and
creativity. We divide the discussion into the avail-
ability of ideas to individual or to team, and the
ability of the individual or team to recognize and
implement the available ideas.
THE COMIC BOOK INDUSTRY
Innovation research requires that innovations be
understood relative to a context of interest, that the
setting be well understood, and that the data be
appropriate to the questions of interest. For our
study of individual and team innovation, the data
needed to allow us to identify specific creators,
individuals and teams of creators undertaking the
same commercial activities, and creators associated
with multiple products, as well as to objectively
measure the value of the output and the knowledge
domains and experiences of the creators. The
comic book publishing industry provides a unique
data opportunity that meets these empirical re-
quirements. It is also an industry where innovation
is valued and explicitly recognized, both by the
market and by the creators.
From the 1897 publication of the first American
comic book, The Yellow Kid, the comic industry
has evolved to the point that products based on the
intellectual property generated by the storytelling
pictures and words of one title such as Spider-man
724 AugustAcademy of Management Journal
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=948597
can generate over a billion dollars of revenues in
ticket and DVD sales. The intellectual property of
comics has been used by many other media, includ-
ing movies, television shows, children’s cartoons,
and video games. In addition, comic-sourced mate-
rials are one of few growing areas of the publishing
business and have become hotly contested prizes
for distributors such as Random House, HarperCol-
lins, Simon & Schuster, and the Time Warner Book
Group (Wyatt, 2006).
Innovations have always been critically impor-
tant to companies in the comic industry. For exam-
ple, the release of the world’s most famous comic,
Superman, in Action Comics #1, led to DC Comics
becoming a dominant publisher in the comic-pub-
lishing industry. Similarly, the early success of an-
other prominent comic-publishing company, Mar-
vel Comics Group, was based on the innovations of
the creators Stan Lee and Jack Kirby. Lee and Kirby
pioneered innovations such as depicting comic he-
roes that had real lives and problems (Sassienne,
1994). For example, their comic Fantastic Four had
a main character, The Thing, who was grumpy,
angry, and unhappy at having superpowers; their
character the Hulk battled his good and bad sides;
and Peter Parker in Spider-man was a geek under-
going all the troubles of a teenager while being a
superhero.
In the late 1950s up to the early 70s, innovation
was constrained as comic creators faced harsh cen-
sorship. Dr. Fredric Wertham, a child psychologist,
had convinced the U.S. Senate that comic books
were a major cause of juvenile delinquency. To
avoid federal regulation, the comic industry agreed
to self-censor, in 1954 instituting a Comic Code
Authority (CCA) to monitor and restrict content.
The censorship constrained innovation until Mar-
vel broke the rules in 1971, and soon other publish-
ers followed suit. The modern age of comics is
considered to have started after this period of
censorship.
The comic industry is composed of creators (e.g.,
artists and writers) producing comic titles that are
published by companies such as DC, Marvel, and
Vertigo, and distributed through retail stores and
direct sales to individuals. Like most innovative
processes, comic book creation can vary widely,
but in general it includes functions such as script-
ing, penciling, inking, and drawing. All of these
functions can be done by a single person or by
multiple people.
Both single creators and multiple creators strug-
gle with integrating the expertise necessary to pro-
duce a comic. It is the ability to combine the art,
writing, and structural form that generates an inno-
vative comic. The value of a comic is influenced by
the artwork, layout, arrangement, page composi-
tion, writing, and dialogue. For example, the fol-
lowing discussion of a creator’s work illustrates
how comic innovation is a combination of page
structure, art, and storytelling:
Like many innovative artists before him and since,
Bendis explores and expands his page layouts here.
Tied to the emotions of the main character, not
always but at certain key moments, the panels con-
tort to convey angst or fear. Also, Bendis thematic
keeps his “hero” characters round and simple, very
unthreatening, while the antagonists, the “Holly-
wood” types, are more angular and rarely open their
eyes, showing their narrow view approach of the
world. It’s a subtle but effective means of visually
reminding the reader who we like and who we
should be wary of in this. Oh, and one last thing, it’s
funny. It’s very funny. Bendis writes like how your
best friend tells a good story to you. He conveys
enough detail so you can follow the action, and
enough humorous anecdotes along the way to keep
you laughing . . . make this book a classic for mod-
ern humor comic books. (Messano, 2004)
Comics go from their creator to commercial re-
lease in several ways. A comic from an individual
creator can be created and sold to a publisher,
created and independently published, or created as
part of a contract with a publisher to produce a
comic. Comics are also created in teams, which
generally come about in one of two ways. The first
is that a publisher assigns creators to work together;
the second is that creators use their informal net-
works to work with desirable collaborators.
As in many new-product collaborations, the fre-
quency of teams continuing to work together is a
product of structure, success, and comfort. Creators
who work for the same publisher will often be
teamed together. Successful teams may also con-
tinue to work together, but it is the experience of
working together that is important because the per-
formance feedback of a comic is not immediate,
and the financial reward for a creator does not
differ substantially for an acknowledged innovative
comic.
Comics are grouped in market spaces called
genres. The genre creates a shared context, or set of
understandings shared by creator and audience
(Marks, 2004). A genre both prompts the expecta-
tions of the customer and provides a stylistic vo-
cabulary and grammar for the creator. For example,
Joe Zabel, an acclaimed comic creator who worked
on the comic American Splendor, provides the fol-
lowing description of the mystery comic genre in a
quote from a 1999 interview). It illustrates the set of
expectations, form, limitations, and knowledge
2006 725Taylor and Greve
represented when creating in a genre. It also hints
at work that crosses genres.
As a genre, the mystery exists within certain bound-
aries. First, a crime of some sort must have been
committed. The tension created by violence and
conflict are essential to the mystery’s appeal. Sec-
ond, the story must take place in a realistic setting.
That is to say, it’s not a fantasy or a science fiction
story. Mystery hybrids like The X-Files and Dirk
Gently, Holistic Detective aside, the essence of a true
mystery is believability. Third, there should be the
presence, in some form, of the unknown. This is the
distinction between a mystery story and the more
general category of crime fiction. (http://
amazingmontage.tripod.com/mcman.html)
The best-known genre in comics is the superhero
genre. Other popular genres are westerns, comedy,
fantasy, horror, adult, crime, science fiction, non-
fiction, and romance. Genres represent well-estab-
lished forms and product expectations, and transi-
tioning from one genre to another requires a creator
to learn and apply different domains of knowledge.
In much the same way as other products cross
market boundaries, comics can cross genre bound-
aries. Work that attempts to integrate multiple
genres has the promise of creatively crossing
boundaries and generating valuable products, as
well as the downsides of having to meet two sets of
genre domain requirements and potential rejection
by the market. Time’s list of the top ten comics of
2004 lauded several comics for their ability to cross
and bend genres (Arnold, 2004), but several lists of
the worst comics from that same year also included
comics that attempted to combine genres.
It is in this rich, creative, and knowledge-inten-
sive context that we tested our hypotheses on in-
novation and learning.
THE AVAILABILITY OF IDEAS
When investigating how knowledge is combined,
it is important to examine all innovations, not just
those that are successful, because the novelty of
innovations makes them uncertain, causing some
to fail. The distinction is important because activ-
ities that increase mean performance through ex-
ploitation are different from activities that increase
performance variance through exploration (March,
1991). For example, in the pharmaceutical indus-
try, where generating variations on existing prod-
ucts or new generic products may result in small
financial performance gains, many firms are will-
ing to gamble on potential breakthrough drugs that
have lower likelihoods of success, but when suc-
cessful result in major financial performance gains.
Whereas incremental improvements increase aver-
age performance by using existing knowledge, rad-
ical innovations are characterized by prior uncer-
tainty and posterior variance in performance.
Similarly, in variation-retention models of creativ-
ity, creative outputs are viewed as being highly
variable (positively and negatively) and facing later
selection into successful and unsuccessful work
(Campbell, 1960; Simonton, 1999b). Studies that
only examine high-valued outcomes cannot distin-
guish mean and variance effects on innovative per-
formance, leaving open the question of whether
individual and organizational factors differently af-
fect the mean or the variance.
The ability to generate novel, high-variance out-
comes is based on the availability of ideas. Idea
availability can be constrained by local search, in
which a limited set of options is considered accord-
ing to confidently held beliefs (Lyles & Schwenk,
1992). Broader search results in more idea variety
and can identify ways to combine knowledge that
challenge the beliefs that constrain innovative be-
havior (Greve & Taylor, 2000). The paradox is that
innovative experts also search locally to determine
what rules to break, while nonexperts search lo-
cally and conform to those rules (Weisberg, 1999).
For example, in new-product development, firms
attempt to structure the process to facilitate novel
combinations of knowledge. Hargadon and Sutton
(1997) described how the product development
firm IDEO used a formal archive of past design
information as a way to access old knowledge for
use in new combinations, but also as a record of
past design mistakes. This is one way the firm
combines efforts that have already demonstrated
appropriateness of design and commercial applica-
tion. The firm also invites designers not associated
with a focal project to provide feedback and advice
in the initial design stages. In this way IDEO at-
tempts to facilitate the combination of different
knowledge domains to generate creative product
designs, while locally searching through past
knowledge.
Diverse knowledge of multiple domains and
deep knowledge in a specific domain can both lead
to innovations. Environments in which diverse
knowledge domains are available are more likely to
produce new ideas and new combinations of ideas
that drive the creation of innovations. Diverse
knowledge provides more components useful for
making innovative combinations, which gives the
opportunity for significant advances, but also for
innovations that receive low evaluations because
the combinations have unanticipated flaws (Flem-
ing, 1999). However, the challenge of implement-
ing the diverse knowledge that arises from broad
search makes the generation of usable innovations
726 AugustAcademy of Management Journal
difficult. In situations in which creators combine
diverse knowledge domains, we expect innovative
behavior when the participants are able to effec-
tively combine the knowledge and have well-estab-
lished expertise (Brass, 1995; Perry-Smith & Shal-
ley, 2003). In situations in which creators draw on
a single domain in a practiced manner, we expect
incremental improvements instead for nonexperts,
and nonincremental improvements for experts.
Our theory of individual creativity yields similar
conclusions as those for teams. Several disposi-
tional factors affect individual creativity, including
personality traits and innate genius (e.g., Feist,
1999; Simonton, 1999a), but we focus on how in-
dividuals obtain diverse knowledge and become
willing to combine it. Amabile’s (1983, 1996) the-
ory of individual creativity has three components
that affect the availability of ideas: domain-relevant
skills, creativity-relevant skills, and task motiva-
tion. Exposure to a greater variety of ideas, includ-
ing ideas that are inconsistent with current beliefs,
increases individual creativity (Parnes & Noller,
1972). In individuals, diverse ideas become avail-
able through exposure from past experiences, espe-
cially high-commitment exposure such as actually
using a knowledge domain to create a new product.
Through their career histories, individuals can be-
come proficient in multiple knowledge domains
and motivated to combine them. Creativity-
relevant skills, such as the ability to suspend judg-
ment, using widely inclusive categories, perceiving
things differently than most people, and breaking
out of perceptual or cognitive patterns, add to the
breadth of ideas that individuals consider in their
choice sets. These skills add to the availability and
use of diverse knowledge for an innovative
solution.
It follows that teams with individuals who each
hold diverse knowledge domains will be likely to
combine them. In addition, teams allow individu-
als who do not hold diverse knowledge to become
exposed to it to through interaction with other
members (Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995). Discussions
that start with differing viewpoints result in
broader search for information (Nemeth & Rogers,
1996) and more complex reasoning (Gruenfeld &
Kim, 1998), which can give new insights that help
develop innovations (Van Dyne & Saavedra, 1996).
Thus, teams whose members have and share di-
verse knowledge can obtain higher levels of indi-
vidual and team creativity (De Dreu & West, 2001).
Cognitive Diversity
Diversity of knowledge in teams has been termed
“deep-level diversity” (or “cognitive diversity”) to
distinguish it from diversity in surface characteris-
tics such as the demographic variables of age, gen-
der, and race (Harrison, Price, Gavin, & Florey,
2002; Jehn, Northcraft, & Neale, 1999). Although
the theory of knowledge combination holds that
diverse knowledge components generate perfor-
mance variance (Fleming, 1999), the information
processing perspective on team diversity holds that
greater cognitive diversity leads to higher perfor-
mance potential. Work group creativity is en-
hanced when a work environment provides rich
knowledge stimuli, sufficient resources, and a chal-
lenging workload (Amabile, Conti, Coon, Lazenby,
& Herron, 1996; West, 2002). Working in groups
exposes individuals to a broader set of perspec-
tives, and cross-fertilization of ideas results in more
creative outcomes (Perry-Smith & Shalley, 2003;
Tesluk, Farr, & Klein, 1997). When knowledge com-
ponents are diverse, uncertainty about the value of
each component increases the uncertainty of the
output, however, and so does uncertainty about the
optimal way to combine components. The result is
that multicomponent innovations have greater vari-
ance in quality evaluations, resulting in perceived
failures as well as in breakthroughs (Fleming, 1999;
Fleming & Sorenson, 2001).
A high number of creators is an important source
of diverse knowledge (West & Anderson, 1996).
Individuals have different cognitive strategies and
career experiences, leading to variation in knowl-
edge and problem-solving approaches that can help
teams identify and use multiple knowledge compo-
nents. A high number of creators also increases the
likelihood that creative processes such as consid-
ering exceptions, challenging well-worn scripts, or
playing with ideas will occur (Amabile, 1996). The
role of career experience in generating unique in-
dividual stocks of knowledge is especially impor-
tant for work done in creative or problem-solving
teams in settings such as consulting (Hansen,
1999), product development (Hargadon & Sutton,
1997), and creative industries (Miller & Shamsie,
2001). In such work, individuals develop their own
knowledge and network ties with other knowledge-
able persons, both of which help them to retrieve
and apply knowledge components useful for a
given task. As a result, the size of a team drives
diversity in knowledge and ability to innovate
(Jackson, 1996). Thus, we predict a positive rela-
tion between team size and the variance of product
evaluations:
Hypothesis 1. As the number of creators in-
creases, they are more likely to generate prod-
ucts that have extreme (best or worst)
outcomes.
2006 727Taylor and Greve
It has been argued that communication in large
groups has a process cost that reduces group out-
puts (Kurtzberg & Amabile, 2001; Steiner, 1972).
An integration of the influences from a broader set
of inputs and more costly communication in large
teams would seem to predict a curvilinear or even
an inverted-U-shaped relation between team size
and innovativeness. This proposition is most rele-
vant for teams that are larger than those that ob-
served in this study, only 1 percent of which had
more than six members, so we were not able to
evaluate this argument with the available data.
Holding constant the effect of team size, teams in
which the members have had exposure to more
diverse knowledge will have access to more knowl-
edge components and will as a result be more cre-
ative, but they will also have greater potential for
team conflict (Williams & O’Reilly, 1998). Because
the diversity literature has focused on problem-
solving rather than creative tasks, the research mea-
sures the mean of performance rather than its vari-
ance, and often seeks to separate the effects of deep-
level and surface diversity on performance and to
investigate how conflict mediates this relation (e.g.,
Harrison et al., 2002; Jehn et al., 1999). The primary
effect of task conflict is to reduce team performance
(De Dreu & Weingart, 2003), whereas high perfor-
mance in cognitively diverse teams is possible
when a socially cohesive and participatory envi-
ronment allows members to freely apply and con-
tribute their knowledge (Chatman, Polzer, Barsade,
& Neale, 1998; De Dreu & West, 2001). Thus, di-
verse teams will have both highly positive and
highly negative outcomes from their innovation
attempts.
For individuals, combining diverse experiences
does not have the coordination or access problems
that arise in teams, so an individual can have more
integrated, diverse knowledge without the interper-
sonal conflicts present in teams. As a result, an
individual creator is less likely to make compro-
mises in the creative process. Although negative
extremes might occur, they will be due to the in-
trinsic risks of experimentation and not to difficul-
ties in communicating or reaching agreement. As a
result, individual knowledge combination should
give even greater performance variation than that of
teams. These arguments generate the following
hypotheses:
Hypothesis 2. As the knowledge diversity of
creators increases, they are more likely to gen-
erate products that have extreme (best or
worst) outcomes.
Hypothesis 3. Increased knowledge diversity
has a stronger effect on extreme (best or worse)
outcomes for individual creators than for
teams.
Innovating from Available Ideas
Having available ideas is only one part of gener-
ating useful innovations: The ideas must be turned
into innovations under the organizing structure of
the work. One dimension of the structure of work—
being organized for creativity—is taken for granted
in the innovations literature, as it is the goal of the
process. The creativity literature has stressed that
having both the task motivation for creativity and
creative processes in place are important in gener-
ating creative outcomes (Amabile, 1983; Drazin et
al., 1999).
Organizations in creative industries value inno-
vativeness as a way to generate occasional (but
highly profitable) blockbuster products, even
though it is recognized that many creative products
are not highly valued in the market. Because cre-
ative products are a goal and are recognized to
generate variance in product evaluations, high vari-
ance in outputs is a measure of creative teams ef-
fectively using their diverse knowledge. As noted
earlier, creators are allowed a degree of control over
team selection and continuation in creative indus-
tries and may dissolve a team that experiences con-
flict or a creative drought. As a result, creative
works that are brought into production tend to
come from teams whose members are comfortable
working with each other, which is a selection
mechanism that reduces the effects of team conflict
on the observed innovations.
An important characteristic of team composition
is the experience that the members have in working
together. Teams go through a process of socializa-
tion that makes communication easier as members
adapt to each other (Katz, 1982). The result is that
low or diverse member tenures in teams create
communication difficulties (Pfeffer, 1983), which
increase the negative effects of member diversity on
communication (Pelled, Eisenhardt, & Xin, 1999).
Conversely, teams with sufficient experience to
have established efficient communication can more
easily utilize member diversity (Harrison, Price, &
Bell, 1998; Harrison et al., 2002). When teams work
on projects of short duration, team experience is
often better expressed as the number of projects
that a given team has worked together on than as
the duration of prior work together, because it is
repetition of the creative phase in the start of a
project that improves cooperation. Also, teams are
more likely to re-form for new projects when their
members are satisfied with a previous work pro-
cess, so the gain in collaboration from experience is
728 AugustAcademy of Management Journal
amplified by selectivity in assembling teams that
work well together.
1
Thus, teams with many prior
collaborative projects have better communication
and are thereby more likely to fulfill the goal of
obtaining more creative outputs. These teams are
also more likely to develop standardized practices
for operation, which result in higher mean perfor-
mance outcomes (Gilson et al., 2005). For the same
reasons, teams with many prior collaborative
projects should be able to raise the average quality
of their outputs. These arguments lead to the fol-
lowing predictions:
Hypothesis 4. As the team experience of cre-
ators increases, they are more likely to generate
products that have extreme (best or worst)
performance.
Hypothesis 5. As the team experience of cre-
ators increases, they generate products with
higher mean performance.
Learning by refining existing products and pro-
cedures increases mean performance rather than
increasing the dispersion of performance—indeed,
procedures that encourage incremental improve-
ments tend to reduce the dispersion of performance
(Benner & Tushman 2002; March, 1991). Incremen-
tal improvements occur through learning by doing,
which is a process of making minor experiments,
observing the results, and adopting those experi-
ments that are seen to improve performance (Ar-
gote, Beckman, & Epple, 1990). Experience leads to
opportunities to experiment and improve, but op-
portunities come at a decreasing rate as the poten-
tial for improving performance through incremen-
tal changes runs out. In consequence, efficiency
improves proportionally to the total volume of pro-
duction, as is captured in the well-documented
learning curve (Argote, 1999). Learning by doing is
subject to decay and obsolescence (Argote et al.,
1990), so it is most effective when recent produc-
tion is high. It follows that a work unit with a full
workload is likely to perform better than one that is
underemployed.
Although the learning curve is well documented
for cost reductions in industrial production, it is
not known whether learning also improves creative
performance. Against the learning curve, one may
argue that the processes of experimentation and
routinization are unlikely to positively affect such
unique tasks as developing a new product that
changes the frontiers of knowledge; further, one
may argue that tastes change too fast for learning to
have much value over time. An observation in favor
of learning by doing in creative tasks is the finding
that heavy (but not excessive) workload improves
creativity in organizations (Amabile et al., 1996;
West, 2002), as learning by doing would predict.
The theoretical argument against learning curves in
creative work also seems weak, as it discounts the
usefulness of cumulative knowledge for creative
tasks and the ability of creators to anticipate or
follow shifting tastes. It is more parsimonious to
maintain the usual learning curve in this context as
well, leading to the following prediction:
Hypothesis 6. Creators with heavy workloads
generate products with higher mean
performance.
Learning curves have different shapes, depend-
ing on the nature of the learned task. Tasks can be
learned at different speeds as a learner gains expe-
rience, and they can be forgotten at different speeds
if the learner has a low workload (Argote et al.,
1990). Thus, the relative importance of total cumu-
lated experience and recent workload in determin-
ing performance will differ with type of task. If
creative tasks are highly dependent on a set of basic
skills that can be applied in many situations, then
total experience will matter most. If creative tasks
are instead dependent on volatile knowledge such
as shifting audience tastes, then recent workload
will matter more. If we assume that there is a set of
learnable basic skills useful in creative tasks, we
can also hypothesize the following effect of total
experience:
Hypothesis 7. As the tenures of creators in-
crease, they generate products with higher
mean performance.
Investing in work facilities can also increase ef-
ficiency. In industrial production, this observation
leads to the obvious positive relation between
amount and quality of production machinery and
production efficiency. For creative work, a techni-
cal and administrative support system that relieves
creators of routine tasks has the same effect, as does
organizational slack devoted to improving the
knowledge of the innovators (Cohen & Levinthal,
1990). These considerations predict:
Hypothesis 8. As organizational resources in-
crease, creators generate products with higher
mean performance.
1
This argument can be verified by the data. We found
that first-time collaborations were more likely to be dis-
solved when the product received a low evaluation, but
after the first collaboration there was no longer a relation
between product success and group re-formation.
2006 729Taylor and Greve
METHODS
Data and Sample
We analyzed data on comic books published
from 1972 through 1996. We chose 1972 as the
beginning year for our data, as the censorship of
comics by CCA, and hence constrained innovation,
ended in 1971. We ended the study in 1996 for two
reasons. First, we wanted substantial time to have
elapsed from the end of our data set that early
valuations resulting from company marketing
strength or speculation would no longer affect the
perceived market value of a comic. Second, after
1996, the comic bubble generated by an influx of
speculators (a consequence of widespread recogni-
tion of comic art as valuable) burst, and the indus-
try saw massive structural changes. Many publish-
ers went out of business, and even Marvel filed for
bankruptcy (Duin & Richardson, 1998). To avoid
this noise in the data, we stopped the study before
these structural changes occurred.
The ability of the comic-trading market to per-
ceive and respond to differences in product quality
made these data particularly attractive. The collec-
tor values of comics in the data represent retrospec-
tive market judgments of quality and innovative-
ness, with the impact of temporary perturbations
caused by nonqualitative product gimmicks greatly
reduced by the time span between publication and
collector value assessment. The collector value of a
comic book is a natural version of Amabile’s (1982,
1996) consensual assessment technique for creativ-
ity, as collectors provide independent expert judg-
ments of products, which are compared against
each other rather than against an absolute ideal.
The evaluators of comics are increasingly adult; a
survey by the largest comic distributor, Diamond
Comics, revealed that the average age of (avid)
comic readers is 34.
The unit of analysis was the individual comic
book. The price and comic data we used came from
the electronic source Comicbase, which we tapped
in 2004. Supplemental data for identifying authors
and publishers were obtained from the 2003 Over-
street Comic Book Price Guide and the 2002 Stan-
dard Catalogue of Comic Books. The value infor-
mation in the Comicbase data is drawn primarily
from analysis of actual sales transactions collected
from online auctions, dealer sales, shop sales, and
convention sales. For a reliability check, we com-
pared the prices our primary source listed for a
random sample of 250 comics to prices in another
data source, the Overstreet Comic Book Price
Guide. The correlation between the two sources
was .99. The data on each comic book used in our
analysis include the date issued, its creators, and
the organization that published it. We began the
data collection by identifying all comic books pub-
lished in the United States between 1972 and 1996.
For each of these, we then captured the creator and
company data. We then examined the data, remov-
ing duplicates and other inconsistencies. Finally,
we eliminated comics released with marketing gim-
micks such as gifts to allow comparability. After
the clean-up, a total of 4,485 comic books with 234
publishers remained. Not surprisingly, Marvel and
DC, the two largest comic publishers, accounted for
almost 54 percent of all the comics in our data.
Thus, the findings may be weighted toward the
experiences of creators in these large firms.
We analyzed the collector value of comics as
reported in the Comicbase data for the year 2003,
leaving at least five years between the publication
of a comic and its evaluation. We standardized
these values to have a mean of zero and a standard
deviation of unity in each year. The evaluation of
comic values differs a great deal, so the standard-
ized values show extreme outliers to the right-hand
side (very innovative comics with very high collec-
tor value). On the left-hand side there are also out-
liers, but less extreme ones, as comics cannot have
a negative value. Figure 1 shows the distribution of
values at four five-year intervals starting in 1977.
The distributions place most of the observations in
the center (“normal” comics), but with left and
right tails of unusually low and high values,
respectively.
Measures
Dependent variable. As noted earlier, our de-
pendent variable was the within-year standardized
collector market value of a comic in the year 2003.
We also obtained the collector values from 2000
through 2002 and used these to verify that the
values were stable. We found that the pairwise
correlations of adjacent years were on average .92
for all the comics. This correlation is quite high,
given that values may change as a result of reeval-
uation of the artistic value of a comic as well as in
response to new information about its scarcity and
demand. We examined the correlations of values
for the last five years of comics in the data (1992–
97) separately to check for instability in the evalu-
ation of recent comics but found that these corre-
lations were also high: the adjacent-year correlation
was .97 on average.
To further test that the upper values were comics
perceived to be innovative, we sent a survey to 20
industry experts identified in the Overstreet and
Wizard comic guides asking for a list of which 25
published comics in the modern comic era they
730 AugustAcademy of Management Journal
considered most innovative. Thirteen of the experts
responded; the average percentage of agreement
was 76 percent for the top 25 and 85 percent for the
top 10. This is an impressive level of agreement,
given that the raters had the entire universe of
published comics to draw from. We also calculated
an interrater agreement between the possible com-
binations using Cohen’s kappa (Cohen, 1960; Lan-
dis & Koch, 1977). The results showed significant
agreement between the lists, with mean Ks of .46
for the top 25 and .67 for the top 10 most innovative
comics (Z .000 for both). We generated a list of 50
comics by combining the lists. The innovations
included comics such as the 1987 Maus: A Survi-
vor’s Tale, the first comic nominated for the Na-
tional Book Critics Award and a winner of the
Pulitzer Prize; the 1962 Amazing Fantasy #15, the
first depiction of a hero with personal problems
(Spider-man); and the 1982 Love and Rockets,
which showcased ethnic sensibility and stylistic
sophistication. We compared the survey results to
the price data. Of the 50 innovative comics identi-
fied by the experts, 64 percent were in the top 10
percent of the comic values in our data, and the
innovative comics were on average at the top 13.3
percent of standardized values.
Independent variables. To test Hypothesis 1, we
included number of creators, measured as a count
of the writers and artists involved in a comic. A
creator can act as both writer and artist, but typi-
cally a team of creators develops a comic. Adding
team members on a comic often adds different per-
spectives to the creative process. The use of differ-
ent views in the process is illustrated by this quote
from an interview with Geoff Johns, a writer for the
Superman comic among others. “I love co-writing.
It’s a blast to sit in a room or talk over dinner or just
throw around ideas with another writer. It’s the
best thing in the world if you’re working with
someone you really gel with creatively and person-
ally. . . sometimes we fight over it and do it all over
again eight times” (Hays, 2005). Some of the qual-
itative data suggested that a creator acting as both
writer and artist might denote a special creative
process. For example, award-winning comic cre-
ator James Sturm stated: “Working alone allows
you to have a single focus—the art, writing, every-
thing is purely directed by your vision, without
having to make compromises” (personal interview,
November 2003). To address this possibility, we
also included an indicator value for single creator.
To test Hypothesis 2, we coded diversity of back-
grounds as the number of genres in which creators
had worked over the year prior to the publication of
a focal comic. This variable, genre experience, was
a count of all genres that the creators on a team had
worked with in their careers, omitting double-
counts of genres that more than one creator had
worked with. This variable captured a team’s range
of genre knowledge domains. Comicbase catego-
FIGURE 1
Value of Comics for Four Years
2006 731Taylor and Greve
rized comics into 22 genres but associated some
comics with multiple genres (e.g., a graphic super-
hero novel). To test Hypothesis 3, we interacted
this variable with the indicator variable for single
creator.
To test Hypotheses 4 and 5, we calculated team
experience as the number of times a creative team
had worked together previously. That is, we kept
track of the team number of collaborations rather
than the number of collaborations between the
members of a team (who might have collaborated as
parts of different teams). We also tried a measure
counting all collaborations between members of a
team, which gave the same findings. In these data,
the two measures correlated nearly perfectly (.96).
To test Hypothesis 6, we included a workload vari-
able, the average number of comics that the creators
of each comic had produced in the past year. To
test Hypothesis 7, we measured the number of
years elapsed since each team member’s first pub-
lished comic and took the highest as our variable
for tenure. Though the data we analyzed start in the
modern period (1972), we based the tenure and
genre variables on data going back to 1930 to cor-
rectly measure experience before 1972. To test Hy-
pothesis 8, we measured organizational resources
as the sum of the standardized values of the num-
ber of comics published, total circulation, and
number of affiliated creators per year for each pub-
lisher (
.92; average r .80). We constructed this
measure using a data set in which each firm-year
contributed one observation in order to avoid over-
weighting the large firms.
Initial circulation of a comic was used as a con-
trol for scarcity effects on comic value. Because
multigenre comic titles might be evaluated differ-
ently than single-genre titles, we entered the vari-
able genre count, which equaled the number of
genres in which a focal comic was classified. We
created an indicator variable with a value of 1 if the
average workload of creators had significantly in-
creased (more than fivefold) over the previous year.
We included the highest-value comic any of the
creators had made in the past in order to control for
creator ability differences and attempts to repeat
past successes (Amburgey & Miner, 1992).
To control for observations lost through missing
data on creators or publishers, we computed an
inverse Mills ratio from a logit model predicting
complete data and included it in the model (Lee,
1983). Finally, we included indicator variables for
five-year spans (197882, 1983–87, 1988 –92, and
1993–96, with 1973–77 as the omitted category). To
keep the tables brief, the coefficient estimates for
these indicator variables are not shown. We lagged
all independent variables by a year.
Model Specification
Because our focus on innovations as extreme val-
ues was novel, we tried three modeling approaches
to test the hypotheses. The first approach uses lin-
ear regression analysis on the standardized level of
performance and deviation from mean perfor-
mance. We standardized performance to have a
mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1 in each
year. Thus, it expressed performance relative to
other comics in the same year. We expressed the
performance deviation as the absolute deviation
from the mean of the standardized variable (which
is 0). The second approach was linear regression on
percentiles, in which we rank-ordered the observa-
tions according to ascending performance within
each year and then calculated the rank percentile.
This approach has assumptions about performance
similar to those of linear regression, except that it
focuses on rank rather than on absolute level of
performance. The third was linear regression anal-
ysis deleting the top and bottom 1 percent of obser-
vations as a check for influential outliers. These
approaches gave consistent results except as noted
in the text, and we present the results of the first
approach, linear regression on standardized perfor-
mance, with no deletions.
Table 1 provides the descriptive statistics and the
correlation matrix. As expected, the variables with
high correlations were single creator and multiple
creators, workload increase and workload average,
and publisher size and single creator. None of the
other variables had high correlation coefficients.
Preliminary analysis showed that the results were
stable when subsets of the variables were omitted
from the model.
RESULTS
We first report results of analyzing the data with-
out distinguishing individual creators and multi-
person creative teams and then show models that
distinguished the effects of individual creators. Ta-
ble 2 shows the result of the analyses of perfor-
mance level and deviation. Because Hypotheses 1
through 5 concern innovative (variance-increasing)
behaviors, we first describe model 2, which exam-
ines the performance deviation from the mean. Hy-
pothesis 1 states that having many creators in-
creases the chance of producing extreme outcomes.
This hypothesis is supported, as seen in the posi-
tive and highly significant coefficient for number of
creators in the regression on the standardized de-
viation of performance. However, it is not sup-
ported in the regression on rank deviation, so the
finding is sensitive to the treatment of extreme out-
732 AugustAcademy of Management Journal
liers in the distribution. Next, Hypothesis 2 states
that diversity of creator background increases the
performance variance. The variable for genre expe-
rience had a significant, positive effect, in support of
the hypothesis. Hypothesis 3, stating that this effect is
stronger for individual creators, is tested in model 4.
Hypothesis 4 states that increased team experi-
ence increases variance in performance. The posi-
tive and significant coefficient estimate of team
experience strongly supports this hypothesis.
These findings show that teams with diverse
knowledge and much experience working together
produce comics with extremely high or extremely
low performance, in support of our theory of the
effect of knowledge combination on innovative-
ness. The analysis of deviation from the mean thus
provides strong support for three of our hypotheses
on factors that increase the likelihood of teams
making innovative products with extreme (high or
low) evaluations.
TABLE 1
Descriptive Statistics and Correlations
a
Variable Mean s.d. 12345678910111213
1. Circulation 0.02 0.01
2. Number of genres 1.19 0.41 .17
3. Workload increase 0.11 0.32 .09 .10
4. Lowest-value
comic
0.46 1.39 .05 .02 .11
5. Single creator 0.27 0.45 .17 .12 .06 .17
6. Number of creators 2.17 1.31 .05 .11 .12 .07 .55
7. Genre experience 2.56 1.54 .02 .21 .02 .02 .11 .19
8. Team experience 3.35 6.53 .10 .14 .14 .01 .31 .02 .06
9. Highest-value
comic
4.66 18.27 .04 .07 .08 .08 .02 .01 .00 .03
10. Workload average 14.73 10.41 .19 .10 .46 .14 .12 .15 .04 .11 .09
11. Tenure 16.63 11.14 .03 .15 .12 .12 .14 .16 .05 .07 .04 .17
12. Tenure squared/
100
4.01 5.26 .08 .20 .09 .12 .21 .11 .05 .12 .05 .18 .96
13. Publisher size 0.74 0.98 .25 .10 .00 .02 .33 .07 .07 .17 .05 .12 .27 .30
14. Inverse Mills ratio 0.52 0.23 .22 .22 .13 .07 .01 .17 .03 .10 .15 .30 .28 .02 .02
a
Correlation coefficients with a magnitude greater than .03 are significant at the .05 level.
TABLE 2
Results of Linear Regression Analysis of Level and Deviation of Performance
a
Variables Model 1: Level Model 2: Deviation Model 3: Level Model 4: Deviation
Circulation 10.16** (1.77) 4.62** (1.71) 10.13** (1.77) 4.59** (1.71)
Genre count 0.04 (0.05) 0.01 (0.05) 0.05 (0.05) 0.01 (0.05)
Workload increase 0.22** (0.06) 0.14* (0.06) 0.21** (0.06) 0.13* (0.06)
Highest value comic 0.02** (0.00) 0.02** (0.00) 0.02** (0.00) 0.02** (0.00)
Single creator 0.12* (0.06) 0.04 (0.05) 0.22* (0.09) 0.16
(0.08)
Number of creators 0.00 (0.02) 0.04* (0.02) 0.01 (0.02) 0.05** (0.02)
Genre experience 0.040** (0.012) 0.027* (0.012) 0.031* (0.014) 0.016 (0.013)
Genre experience single creator 0.044 (0.028) 0.053* (0.027)
Team experience 0.011** (0.003) 0.011** (0.003) 0.011** (0.003) 0.010** (0.003)
Workload average 0.004
(0.002)
0.003 (0.002) 0.004
(0.002)
0.003 (0.002)
Tenure 0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01)
Tenure squared 0.01 (0.01) 0.00 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.00 (0.01)
Publisher size 0.18** (0.04) 0.07
(0.04)
0.18** (0.04) 0.07
(0.04)
Inverse Mills ratio 0.50** (0.10) 0.23* (0.10) 0.51** (0.10) 0.23* (0.10)
Constant 0.25
(0.14)
0.08 (0.14) 0.24
(0.14)
0.09 (0.14)
R
2
0.15 0.11 0.15 0.12
a
n 4,485. Standard errors are in parentheses.
p .10
* p .05
** p .01
Two-sided tests.
2006 733Taylor and Greve
Next, model 1, on the level of performance, was
used to test our predictions on learning made in
Hypotheses 5 through 8. First, the statement in
Hypothesis 5 that the team experience of creators
increases average performance is supported, as the
coefficient estimate of team experience is positive
and highly significant. Hypothesis 6, stating that a
heavy workload increases performance level, is not
supported. Instead, the coefficient estimate is neg-
ative and marginally significant, contrary to predic-
tion. Tenure has an insignificant effect on the level
of performance, indicating a lack of support for
Hypothesis 7. Finally, publisher size has a negative
and significant effect on performance, contrary to
the prediction made in Hypothesis 8, that organi-
zational resources increase performance. The anal-
ysis strongly supports a positive effect of team ex-
perience but provides highly mixed results for the
other hypotheses on mean-increasing effects in
comic book creation.
These models also provided some interesting
findings that were not predicted. Genre experience
had a significant and positive effect on the level of
performance, suggesting that broad expertise on a
creative team increased mean performance in addi-
tion to having the predicted effect of increasing the
variance of performance. A similar mean-increas-
ing effect was also found for the highest-value past
comic. In these data, the role of expertise in jointly
spurring creativity and raising average performance
is so strong that it overwhelms the theorized trade-
off between exploration and exploitation (March,
1991). A trade-off may still exist within each indi-
vidual team, but the teams differ so much in knowl-
edge and experience that the factors that predict
level of performance resemble those that predict
variation. Also, a workload increase reduces both
the level of performance and (for the standardized
variable only), its deviation. Thus, the creators with
high workloads had lower performance, and in-
creased workloads resulted in lower-quality, less
innovative comics.
Next, models 3 and 4 present the analysis that
takes into account the difference between individ-
ual creators and multiperson creative teams. As
before, the analysis supports the three hypotheses
on factors that increase the variance of perfor-
mance, but model 4 provides additional detail.
Now, the main effect of genre experience on ex-
treme outcomes (Hypothesis 2) is not significant,
but the interaction of genre experience and individ-
ual creators is positive and significant. This finding
is in support of Hypothesis 3, stating that knowl-
edge diversity in an individual has a stronger effect
than knowledge diversity in a team. Combined,
these findings are a clear demonstration of process
loss: genre experience held by a single individual
has an effect on innovation, but genre experience
dispersed over team members does not.
To show the substantive effect of these interac-
tions, we graph them in Figures 2a–2b. In both
panels, genre experience is on the horizontal axis
and is graphed from 0 to the mean plus two stan-
dard deviations. The performance of a team with no
genre experience (a team of novices) is set to 0, and
the regression coefficients of the single-creator in-
dicator, genre experience, and their interactions are
used to compute the curves. Figure 2a shows that
single creators start with a lower level of perfor-
mance, as the negative indicator variable indicates,
and then have a marginally higher improvement as
they gain experience, leading the curves to cross at
five genres. However, the interaction effect is not
significant in the performance-level equation, so
we cannot be sure that the climb really is higher.
Figure 2b shows the curves for the deviation of
performance, where the interaction effect is statis-
tically significant as well as larger in magnitude.
Although single creators start out with lower inno-
vativeness, their curve crosses that of teams at three
genres. Hence, genre experience is especially valu-
able for increasing individual innovativeness. Con-
versely, combining diverse knowledge from multi-
ple persons results in process costs that offset the
benefits.
We performed two additional analyses to explore
the conditions under which experience affects in-
novative output. First, we suspected that experi-
ence without diverse knowledge might not increase
the variance of outputs, and might even decrease it.
Using an interaction of experience and an indicator
variable for whether a team had experience from
only one genre, we found that the first of these
conjectures was true. This interaction variable had
a negative and significant coefficient in the analy-
ses of performance deviation and performance
level, and the coefficient was exactly large enough
to cancel out the positive main effect of experience.
Experience increases variation when combined
with diverse knowledge, but not otherwise. Sec-
ond, we thought that large organizations might
have lower performance because their formaliza-
tion prevented learning from experience in teams
and thus entered an interaction of size and experi-
ence to test this conjecture. The findings were un-
supportive, as the coefficient estimates on perfor-
mance were insignificant.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
This paper follows the research tradition of using
cultural industries to investigate competitive dy-
734 AugustAcademy of Management Journal
namics (Hirsch, 1972), as in work on music (All-
mendinger & Hackman, 1996; Bougan, Weick, &
Binkhorst, 1977); book and magazine publishing
(Levitt & Nass, 1989; Thornton & Ocasio, 1999);
film (Mezias & Mezias, 2000; Miller & Shamsie,
1996); and radio broadcasting (Greve, 1995; Greve
& Taylor, 2000). We use the comic-publishing in-
dustry to examine the relationship between cre-
ative and learning processes and subsequent com-
mercially recognized value. We distinguish factors
that increase the performance variance and factors
that increase the mean performance level.
Uniquely, we examine exploration activities that
result in outcome extremes, as seen in increased
variance of performance, rather than just enhanced
performance.
We found higher variance of performance in
teams with multiple members, experience from
multiple genres, and a history of working together.
The positive effect of genre experience on variance
was largely attributable to single-member teams,
however, suggesting that individuals are capable of
more creative integration of diverse experiences
than teams are. These findings were supportive of
our hypotheses. We also found that large organiza-
tions and high workloads reduced the variance,
although production of high-value output in the
past predicted high variance. We found a higher
level of performance in individuals and teams with
experience from multiple genres, and team experi-
ence working together also increased performance.
We also found that large organizations and high
workloads reduced the level of performance, and
single creators had lower performance than teams,
on the average. The results show an interesting
pattern. Innovation and creativity as variance-
increasing activities have clearly distinguishable
causes in line with predictions, but there was much
less support for the hypotheses on mean-increasing
activities. In addition, some of the factors hypoth-
esized to increase performance variance also in-
creased the mean.
The results substantiate our argument that com-
bining knowledge requires a deep understanding of
knowledge, rather than information scanning or ex-
posure. The variables that reflect a deep under-
standing—experience in diverse knowledge do-
mains, team experience, and previous innovation
experience—drove the increase in variance behav-
ior. Number of creators, the variable that captures
FIGURE 2a
Interaction Effects on Performance Level
FIGURE 2b
Interaction Effects on Performance Deviance
2006 735Taylor and Greve
exposure but not understanding, provided mixed
results. The findings suggest that it is not enough to
have access to new knowledge; commitment and
significant experience in a knowledge domain are
also needed to generate innovations (Tripsas,
1997). The results on multiple creators suggest that
without a deep understanding by the participants,
variance may be increased at the cost of lower mean
performance. On the other hand, knowledge-build-
ing experience, often considered the bane of inno-
vation, was an important positive factor.
Our investigation provides an interesting obser-
vation on the difference between exploration and
exploitation. Four of the variables included in the
model increased variance: diverse knowledge
(cross-genre experience), team experience, previ-
ous innovation success, and number of creators
(though the latter had somewhat mixed effects).
The first three of these also increase the mean per-
formance. This finding suggests that although ex-
ploration and exploitation may be two different
processes, experience affects both positively. Ap-
plication of diverse knowledge is a variance-increas-
ing process, yet applying experience is necessary for
both exploration and exploitation. It may be that
knowledge-intensive activities are united by the need
for understanding but differ in the direction of the
effort. Knowledge combination is inherently difficult,
and it occurs most easily when a team has past expe-
rience working together. This finding is consistent
with accounts in the team formation literature of
stages of team activity in which much of the early
activity is focused on learning how to work together
rather than on the team task. It also suggests that the
dichotomy between exploration and exploitation at
the organizational level is driven not by the differing
knowledge assets used, but by the differing goals and
expectations for the tasks. An organization may trade
off exploitation and exploration when assigning a
research and development team the goal of making a
radical innovation versus improving an existing tech-
nology or product, but a team composition that gives
high performance on an exploration task also gives
high performance on an exploitation task. It is not the
selection of people that determines the degree of ex-
ploration, but what they are asked to do.
Our findings on mean-increasing variables are
generally weak, with many insignificant effects.
The typical experience effects appear weak or ab-
sent in the creative task of generating comic books;
these effects may exist but be absorbed by other
variables, such as past innovation experience. The
impact of organization also was not as expected, as
the results show that larger organizations have
poorer overall performance. Generalizing this re-
sult is problematic given the dominance of Marvel
and DC as publishers in the field we examined,
because it may be indicative of the negative impact
of these two organizations on the performance of
creators. This interpretation was suggested, prior to
the empirical analysis, by interviews with creators
who had worked both independently and with
larger organizations, and who felt that the con-
straints imposed by these organizations reduced
the quality of their work. The findings proved them
right.
The results also highlight the methodological
contribution of the study. By analyzing perfor-
mance levels, past innovation research has only
looked at the upper tail of the impact of undertak-
ing innovative behavior. Exploration is variance-
inducing, and that variance can yield both positive
and negative innovative outcomes. The empirical
results support this argument, as the conditions
that caused positively evaluated innovations also
caused negatively evaluated innovations. Studies
that examine only positive results of innovative
activities meld the results of variance- and mean-
increasing activities, and thus they fail to provide
insights on either one. In addition, explicitly mod-
eling the negative impact of exploration more ac-
curately allows empirical measurement of the risks
associated with innovation.
This research has some limitations that we hope
to address in future work. First, although the task of
producing comics involves technical skills such as
writing, layout, inking, and coloring, it does not use
technology in the same way as products that re-
quire engineering. Nor does this task occur under
the limitations for safe and ethical experimentation
that face, for example, medical teams developing
new procedures. In recognition of the possible role
of constraints on innovations, we chose not to an-
alyze comics from the censorship period, and we
believe findings from an uncensored period are
more generalizable. Censorship is a constraint that
operates directly on creative output, however, and
is thus different from the constraints on the creative
process imposed by technology and safety con-
cerns. Innovations in comics may be a relatively
unconstrained creative task, so additional research
is needed to establish whether technological,
safety, or other constraints would modify these
findings.
Second, an important theoretical issue is that of
partial team replacement. There is a difference be-
tween a team becoming effective as a result of past
interactions of the team as a whole and a team
becoming effective as a result of past dyadic inter-
actions of members in previous teams. Individual
members can be replaced without fear of worse
outcomes if the latter process is the more impor-
736 AugustAcademy of Management Journal
tant, but not if the former is. Unfortunately, these
data showed a dominant pattern of replacing all
members or none, so measures of dyadic and full-
team experience correlated too highly for these ef-
fects to be distinguished. A context in which partial
replacement is more common may be necessary to
address the difference between these processes of
team learning.
Third, the data may be susceptible to effects from
the historical period under investigation. In any
data based on individual career outcomes, it is
worthwhile checking for influences from specific
cohorts and periods. We found the distribution of
career cohorts and time periods of the creative
works to be quite even, and thus there were no
numerically influential cohorts or time periods in
the data. Like other cultural products, however,
comic books are available for other creators to
study and mimic, and the broad agreement on
which comics are most successful created a shared
history that influenced these creators. We believe
that the long duration of this study—1972 to
1996—provides reasonable insurance against
shared-history effects because the history available
to the creators changed substantially during this
period.
Future research should focus on innovations as
novelty and examine more closely how organiza-
tions create extreme outcomes. This project would
require research designs to identify all innovative
products, not just the successful ones. Such designs
will give more incisive analysis because they will
allow empirical tests of the theoretical distinctions
between mean-increasing and variance-increasing
influences on innovation, which may be important
for work on team diversity. The tension between
diverse teams containing more information and
having greater difficulty using it has persistently
troubled the diversity literature (Williams &
O’Reilly, 1998). It could be that a focus on average
outcomes has exacerbated these difficulties be-
cause the net effect of diversity is unclear when one
is measuring average performance, but its effect
should be increased variance in performance be-
cause of the contrast between diverse teams that
function well and those that do not.
More important, however, may be the suggestion
that the real driver of innovation is combining di-
verse knowledge. Our focus on the genre experi-
ence of creators was empirically very powerful, as
it supported our predictions on performance devi-
ance and gave an unexpected finding on perfor-
mance level. This pattern of findings indicates that
future research should focus on concrete measures
of the career experiences of team members rather
than on surface-level diversity. Just as comic cre-
ators get expertise from working in different genres,
members of product development teams gain ex-
pertise from working on products and technologies.
Future research should investigate how career ex-
periences yield expertise in specific knowledge do-
mains that affects the innovative performance of
teams.
These findings have important implications for
managers organizing new-product development
teams. Most important is the effect of diverse
knowledge on the production of innovations. Com-
bining knowledge domains is not just a strong lever
for generating variance; in our data it also raised the
level of performance. Clearly, our findings imply
that individuals’ career experiences should be con-
sidered when teams are assembled, and they also
imply that careers should be managed so that an
organization has a broad stock of knowledge to
choose from. One career management issue is
whether to encourage specialization or broad expe-
rience. We found that although combining knowl-
edge domains appeared to affect the level of perfor-
mance in teams as well as in individuals, we could
only prove the effect for individuals. Although we
cannot tell for sure with these data, it is reasonable
to infer that the process cost implied by this finding
means that a given set of knowledge domains will
be less efficiently combined the more persons are
needed to assemble the domains in a team. In prod-
uct development, specialization can be costly. In
addition, when managers staff new-product teams
with cross-functional and cross-knowledge indi-
viduals, it is essential that the included members
have deep understandings of their respective
knowledge domains. Finally, our results show that
teams that have previously worked together are
superior to newly assembled teams. These findings
suggest that when seeking innovation in knowl-
edge-based industries, it is best to find one “super”
individual. If no individual with the necessary
combination of diverse knowledge is available, one
should form a “fantastic” team, with each team
member having deep knowledge and experience
working with the other team members.
Finally, the findings suggest that managers do
not have to make a trade-off between exploration
and exploitation when assembling teams. The char-
acteristics that increased exploration (extreme out-
comes) also increased exploitation (higher level of
outcomes). It is not team composition, then, but
rather the task and context given to a team that
creates a trade-off between exploration and exploi-
tation in product development. It may be the pro-
cess of setting goals and prefiltering options that
results in performance differences, not a difference
2006 737Taylor and Greve
in the core number of new ideas or proposed
options.
We used fine-grained data to reveal processes
that have been implicitly assumed but not explic-
itly tested in the literature on innovation through
combining knowledge. Our findings are consistent
with, and extend, many of the results found in the
prior research on team innovation grounded in psy-
chology and organizational behavior. Uniquely, we
were able to measure the value of different creative
team configurations with a real commercial out-
come—the collector value of a comic. In addition to
documenting the role of knowledge combination in
creating innovations, this research also raises inter-
esting questions of a possible dampening effect of
large organizations on innovative behavior and per-
formance level. We expect further work on explo-
ration through variance-increasing activities to
yield additional new insights.
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Alva H. Taylor (alva.taylor@dartmouth.edu) is an asso-
ciate professor in the strategy group at the Tuck School of
Business at Dartmouth. He received his Ph.D. in business
from Stanford University. His research examines the in-
ternal processes and cognitive aspects of innovation, or-
ganizational learning from competition, and managerial
risk taking.
Henrich R. Greve (henrich.greve@bi.no) is a professor of
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His research examines organizational learning from net-
works and from performance feedback, and determinants
of innovations in new and existing organizations.
740 AugustAcademy of Management Journal
... Rich communication channels allow for the transmission of a variety of cues, such as verbal and nonverbal signals, and can convey a high level of detail and context. knowledge diversity and exchange bring about the possibility to discover and execute new opportunities for technological innovation (Brennecke and Rank, 2017;Taylor and Greve, 2006). That is, the sharing of specialized, diverse knowledge exposes groups of inventors to different areas of expertise, approaches, and viewpoints that, in turn, result in novel knowledge associations and linkages (Brennecke and Rank, 2017;Taylor and Greve, 2006). ...
... knowledge diversity and exchange bring about the possibility to discover and execute new opportunities for technological innovation (Brennecke and Rank, 2017;Taylor and Greve, 2006). That is, the sharing of specialized, diverse knowledge exposes groups of inventors to different areas of expertise, approaches, and viewpoints that, in turn, result in novel knowledge associations and linkages (Brennecke and Rank, 2017;Taylor and Greve, 2006). Second, knowledge diversity and exchange, across groups of specialized inventors, also leads to novel interpretations of existing knowledge, which helps discover hitherto undiscovered opportunities or identify new ways to understand and solve existing problems (Carnabuci and Operti, 2013). ...
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The Barcelona Supercomputing Center (BSC) emerges as a prominent research & development (R&D) entity in high-performance computing, facilitating interdisciplinary collaborations that integrate computational methodologies with empirical research. Through interviews with 20 BSC experts, this study elucidates the organizational dynamics of publicly funded institutions. It reveals an internal exaptation affiliation and the requisite for external exaptation to address challenges related to recruitment alignment with productivity metrics, budget constraints, and reluctance to assume leadership roles. The BSC employs exaptation strategies, encountering challenges in workforce expansion and support services. The organization's dynamic context necessitates innovative solutions for sustainable growth and efficient talent management.
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