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Commodity systems analysis: An approach to the sociology of agriculture
... Para responder, nos basamos en el enfoque de sistemas agroalimentarios y el análisis de Cadenas Globales de Valor (CGV). El enfoque de sistemas agroalimentarios permite investigar tanto las relaciones presentes en la producción y el consumo, como el contexto histórico, social y político en el que estas se inscriben (Bendini y Steimbreger, 2002;Friedland, 1984;Gorenstein y Gutman, 2003). Por su parte, las CGV rastrean las conexiones entre diferentes actores involucrados en las relaciones entre producción y consumo de una mercancía, con énfasis en el poder relativo de cada uno de ellos para definir las condiciones de intercambio (Bair, 2009;Trevignani y Fernández, 2015). ...
... Rastrear las relaciones entre la producción y el consumo de una mercancía implica varias dificultades, ya que estas relaciones se caracterizan por ser complejas, distantes, e involucrar a una gran cantidad de actores (Hinrichs, 2003). Con el fin de abordar dicha complejidad, autores como William Friedland (1984), Mónica Bendini y Norma Steimbreger (2002) y Silvia Gorenstein y Graciela Gutman (2003) han utilizado el concepto de sistemas agroalimentarios. Estos adoptan una visión integral de la organización de la producción, distribución y consumo de alimentos, enfocada en las fases de transformación de las mercancías agrícolas en productos industriales o de consumo. ...
... Desde la perspectiva de sistemas agroalimentarios, diferentes investigaciones han indagado acerca de las formas en que el contexto social y político da forma a las posibilidades de trabajo y sustento en la agricultura. Friedland, por ejemplo, se enfoca en la manera en que las transformaciones sociales en Estados Unidos a partir de la década de 1970 configuraron la agricultura de ese país en términos de las prácticas de producción, las características del mercado laboral, las organizaciones de personas productoras, la aplicación de la ciencia, el papel del Estado, la comercialización y la distribución (1984y 2001Friedland y Barton, 1975;Friedland, Bartony Thomas, 1981). En América Latina, los trabajos de Gorenstein y Gutman han mostrado que los paquetes tecnológicos y el auge de los estándares de calidad para los productos agrícolas han aumentado el poder de decisión de las empresas distribuidoras y comercializadoras sobre las personas productoras agrícolas (2003;Gutman, 2002). ...
El aumento de la demanda global de una mercancía puede, paradójicamente, reducir las oportunidades comerciales de productores orientados al mercado nacional. En Colombia, la creciente demanda de aguacates para exportación ha llevado a la expulsión de productores de otras variedades que durante décadas han abastecido el mercado nacional. Esto se debe a la entrada de inversionistas que han expandido la producción de aguacate tanto en los mercados nuevos como en los preexistentes. Al mismo tiempo, los productores preexistentes han rechazado las oportunidades creadas por el aumento de la demanda cuando estas van en contra de sus posibilidades de sustento. A través de entrevistas con actores de la cadena de valor del aguacate en Santander, Colombia, y un diálogo con las literaturas de cadenas de valor y sistemas agroalimentarios, esta investigación destaca la necesidad de estudiar los efectos sociales del comercio de mercancías más allá de las relaciones lineales.
... This settlement is closely linked to the general mobilization of the wage-earning workforce required by the new enclaves of intensive agriculture, especially of fruit and vegetables, which have proliferated in the Spanish regions, especially on the Mediterranean slope and in the south 1 . Tradition-1 For a global approach to the formation of this new agrifood globalization of fresh fruit and vegetables, see Berlan (1987); Bonnano (1994); Friedland (1984Friedland ( ,1991Friedland ( , 1994aFriedland ( , 1994bFriedland ( , 1997Friedland ( and 2001 ;Friedland, Barton and Thomas (1981);Fridmann (1984), Friedmann and McMichael (1989); McMichael (1994;1995). We have made a synthesis in Pedreño and Quaranta (2002). ...
... El objeto del presente artículo es analizar el proceso de asentamiento de los trabajadores agrícolas migrantes en el campo español. Este asentamiento está estrechamente vinculado con la movilización general de la fuerza de trabajo asalariada requerida por los nuevos enclaves de agricultura intensiva, especialmente frutas y hortalizas, que han proliferado en las regiones españolas, sobre todo en la vertiente mediterránea y en el sur 1 . 1 Para un planteamiento global sobre la formación de esta nueva globalización agroalimentaria de productos hortofrutícolas en fresco, véase Berlan (1987);Bonnano (1994); Friedland (1984Friedland ( ,1991Friedland ( , 1994aFriedland ( , 1994bFriedland ( , 1997Friedland ( y 2001; Friedland, Barton y Thomas (1981); Fridmann (1984), Friedmann y McMichael (1989); McMichael (1994;1995). ...
... Sin embargo, la realidad de unas condiciones de empleo muy degradadas, máxime en el contexto de la desdemocratización neoliberal (De Castro, 2014), unido a las mayores opciones laborales que se iban abriendo conforme avanzaba el proceso de modernización económica del país en la década de los 80, iría desactivando estas bolsas tradicionales de jornaleros, planteando un problema de escasez de mano de obra en el campo. ...
This purpose of this article is to analyze the various forms of settlement of foreign immigrant workers in Spanish farming. This issue is framed within the general labor mobilization policies promoted by the State and companies to meet the recruitment needs of globalized agriculture. After conducting a historical exploration of labor mobilization in the different social accumulation structures, as shown in the Spanish agrarian reality, the analysis focuses on the different types of settlements of immigrant farmworkers a) corporately-organized settlements; b) substandard housing or shantytowns in rural areas; and c) urban neighborhoods. Finally, attention is paid to the Region of Murcia, a Spanish Mediterranean enclave of intensive fruit and vegetable production that has required a very large mobilization of foreign workers.
... To explain the food system we need to understand the material and cultural specificities that bring together production, distribution, and trade, as well as the consumption patterns that emerge through a whole web of relationships and transactions (Benson and Fischer, 2007;Freidberg, 2004;Galt, 2014;Mutersbaugh, 2002). We also draw from work analysing how agricultural livelihoods are affected by changing relations in food production and consumption (Fine, 2002;Friedland, 1984). Santander's pre-existing avocado farmers' choices are further enabled and constrained by other local and international actors; this includes the broader effect of changes to the political economy of agriculture and state policy efforts at the horizontal level. ...
... Food systems frameworks were proposed to describe the stages through which an agricultural commodity is transformed and acquires value, rather than forensically charting transactions (Dixon, 1999). Friedland (1984), Fine (2002), and other authors have challenged us to think of commodities as objects with a social as well as a physical presence, immersed in cultural and historical contexts. This is important as the relations between food production and consumption relate to how decisions or changes at one point of a food system can affect other actors and environments in distant places. ...
... In this section, we review important transformations in the conceptualization of global relations in food systems and highlight the need to pay deeper attention to the farmers whose livelihoods are left behind by booms, or rapid transformations of consumption trends, in these systems. Two landmark interventions in the study of the relations between food production and consumption are Friedland's (1984Friedland's ( , 2001) commodity systems analysis and Fine's (1994) systems of provision (SOP). Interested in how technology, legislation, and other aspects of the social and political environment of food systems were rapidly transforming labour and production conditions in agriculture after the 1970s, Friedland (2001) proposed a commodity chain analysis methodology to identify how changes outside agriculture shape social relations within farming. ...
Work on global food systems has focused on the livelihoods of farmers directly affected as growers of agricultural export goods and has paid less attention to those who are left behind by new patterns of production and consumption. The connections between pre-existing agricultural livelihoods and the new systems of provision associated with fashionable products are poorly understood. Global trends in food culture have wide ranging local impacts. In this paper, we argue that researchers need to look beyond linear commodity chains and the goods that travel from producers in one country to consumers in another and expand global food systems analysis to understand what regional livelihoods are modified or displaced by globalized agriculture. Avocados are a popular health food among millennials. Colombia is experiencing a boom in exports. Avocados have long been grown in the Santander region, but global demand has turned them into a politically important crop. Using food systems analysis, our field research illuminates how new opportunities for capital accumulation are transmitted through global markets and shape regional agricultural practices. Large investors have profited, while small-scale farmers have been impoverished. We demonstrate how the interplay of requirements for homogenous fruit from local supermarkets, demand for the export Haas variety, as well as the government’s export-oriented policies have modified local livelihoods.Our contribution examines the broader social space in which agriculture is located. We argue for the need to study food systems beyond the vertical relations that constitute linear supply chains and examine the horizontal context of systems of provision.
... Discussion centered on terms, such as Gunde Frank's (1969) 'the development of underdevelopment' and Wallerstein's (1974) 'world system' of core, semiperiphery, and periphery counties structured in unequal exchange relationships as a remnant of colonialism. In the 1990s, the New Rural Sociology combined the domestic and international foci to incorporate commodity systems (Friedland, 1984) and commodity chain analysis (Hopkins and Wallerstein, 1986), which documented the political-economic dimensions of globalization of agriculture and food systems (Bonanno et al., 1994;McMichael, 1994;Goodman and Watts, 1997). Though the New Rural Sociology was most prominent in the sociology of agriculture literature (see Section Sociology of Agriculture and Food Studies), it had a major influence on the rural sociological study of agricultural science and technology as well. ...
... Rural sociologists have also pioneered in studies of several areas of agricultural science other than biotechnology, such as developing methodologies for 'commodity systems analysis' (Friedland, 1984). These studies have demonstrated that the forces that shape public and private agricultural research are, more often than not, relatively specific to the commodity sector involved. ...
... Institutional crises of the 1970s prompted the end of the surplus regime and the nascent emergence of the neoliberal regime (Post-Fordism) based on flexible accumulation strategies employed by TNCs who exercised global sourcing strategies to obtain the best factors of production, often to the detriment of subordinate groups and substantive forms of democracy (Bonanno and Constance, 2008;Burch and Lawrence, 2007;Campbell and Dixon, 2009;Heffernan, 2000;Magdoff et al., 2000). The combination of food regimes theory with commodity systems analysis (Friedland, 1984) provided the terminology and framework that informed agrifood theory in the 1990s. Critiques of the neo-Marxist foundations of the agroindustrialization thesis (Goodman and Watts, 1994) grounded in social constructivist perspectives pushed agrifood theory beyond its structuralist and pessimistic outlook. ...
... Authors within this tradition often elaborate extensively on the actual material contours of their objects of study. Bill Friedland pioneered commodity systems analysis in the sociology of agriculture, which paved the way for a fine-tuned focus on specific agricultural commodities and the development of industries around them (see Friedland, 1984). In this work, and in his later reprise to the original (2001), he stresses that the materiality of the good and the technologies that are introduced for commodity production all play an important role in the types of relational networks that develop. ...
... These critiques are necessary for our discipline, driven by a concern many Agrifood scholars have about our current industrial agri-food system. In employing actor-network and assemblage theories in the agrifood context, we are not forgetting about the broader political economies that have been so well described in work around food regimes (Friedmann and McMichael, 1989; see also McMichael, 2009) and commodity chain analyses (Friedland, 1984;Wells, 1996;Friedberg, 2004). Rather, we are looking at practices of power in new places, and how these alternative power sources may contribute to our understanding of contemporary food politics and their alternatives. ...
... teorier om polarisering innenfor jordbruket har inspirert mange av verkene i den "nye landbrukssosiologien" (se f.eks . Buttel 1983;Friedland 1984). dette er et poeng som jeg kommer tilbake til senere i artikkelen. ...
... når vil familielandbrukt bli slukt av de store agri-business selskapene? (newby 1978;Friedland 1984). Forskningsspørsmålene har i stor grad vaert forankret i strukturelle teorier om politisk økonomi og politisk sosiologi (Buttel m.fl. ...
What is sociology of agriculture and food and can the ”classics” help us interpret
how family farming develops and why norwegian farming is still family
based? this article goes back to the roots of the agrarian (agricultural) -sociology
and discuss what knowledge highly renowned and some not so well
known contributors has had for the sociology of agriculture and food and in
the development of theory and research on family farming. the sociology of
agriculture and food is an established field within sociology, both in norway
and internationally. Empirically the sociology of agriculture and food has an
industry focus on agriculture as a location for production of food and fiber,
from raw materials to refined products on the market. along the value chains
of agriculture and food are sociological questions asked about the motivation
of involved actors, on the distribution of money, work, organization, social
inequality, institutional arrangements (regulations versus norms) and not least
questions of power, and power relationships between individuals, groups and
sectors. Here we also find the farms, farmers and their families. the article
has its analytical focus on the development and survivability of the norwegian
family farming system within a capitalist market system that dominates the
markets in the western world.
... Nor does the argument also suggested above that neither producers nor consumers should be accorded a priori a determinant role in shaping the relations of consumption. A notable attempt to develop a methodology that goes some way to resolving these dilemmas has been provided by Fine (1995; see also Fine and Leopold 1993;Fine et al. 1996), who argues that a shift is necessary from 'horizontal' to 'vertical' analyses. Horizontal analyses, he suggests, examine single commodities from narrow disciplinary perspectives and then generalise their results to the nature of consumption in general. ...
... While these separate factors are common to many commodities, the unique ways in which they interact contribute to the development of equally unique 'systems of provision' for each commodity or commodity group which cannot be generalised to other commodities. At first glance this appears to have much in common with 'commodity systems analysis' as developed by Friedland (1984), with its focus on production practices, grower organisation, labour, science production and application, marketing and distribution and the role of the state. Key additional factors considered by Fine, however, include the material culture surrounding commodities and the role and agency of consumers within systems of provision, although I would suggest that the consideration of these factors in Fine et al's (1996) studies of sugar and meat are weak due to a preference for macro-level statistical methods. ...
... Secondly, we acknowledged that harvesting can be divided into multiple stages and we analyzed the gendered dimensions of harvesting across these stages. There are proposed stages of food procurement in the human behavioural ecology (e.g., foraging and production, processing, and distribution; Winterhalder and Smith 2000, Borgerhoff Mulder 2003, Smith and Winterhalder 2003 and the agri-food systems literatures (e.g, production, circulation, consumption; Friedland 1984, Dixon 1999, Friedland 2011, Goodman and DuPuis 2002. Within these literatures, however, there have been different approaches to selecting the stages that comprise a food system (e.g, see Goodman and Dupuis 2002). ...
... Second, we present our analysis harvesting divided by harvesting stage including: 1) pre-harvest, 2) yë blök or searching for food, 3) transformation, and 4) sharing ( Figure 2). While we were mindful of making links in our analysis to harvesting stages found in the behavioral ecology (e.g., foraging and production, processing, and distribution; Smith 2000, Smith andWinterhalder 2003) and the agri-food Friedland 1984, Dixon 1999, Friedland 2011, Goodman and Dupuis 2002, we chose to use the categories that best reflected Bribri harvesting stages. To make the links among our work and the human behavioural ecology and agri-food systems literatures, our stage yë blök or searching for food is similar to the foraging or pursuit harvesting stage, transformation relates to the food processing stages, and sharing relates to distribution. ...
The gendered dimensions of wild food harvesting are often examined at the resource appropriation stage; to build on this literature, we examined gender and wild food harvesting across multiple wild harvesting stages from pre-harvest to food sharing. Using qualitative methods (participation, interviews, and group discussions) informed by Bribri Indigenous teachings, we found that: 1) no single harvesting stage was exclusive to members of one gender, 2) mixed gender harvesting groups were common, 3) women participate in all wild harvesting stages, and 4) men are central to wild plant food harvesting. These findings provide a nuanced picture of gendered harvesting and challenge prevalent biases about women and men's roles in plant harvesting and hunting. Our research further highlights the importance of examining variables such health, opportunities or motivation to harvest, and expertise, to understand intra-gender harvesting. Our research provides a framework to examine gender across multiple stages in a forest food system; this framework can be useful for forest managers interested in gaining a deeper understanding of the diverse contributions women and men make within these systems.
Spanish
Las dimensiones de género en la recolección de alimentos silvestres han sido examinadas principalmente en la etapa de apropiación de recursos; para contribuir a esta literatura, se analizó el género y la recolección de alimentos silvestres en múltiples etapas de recolección, desde antes de la cosecha y hasta el momento cuando se comparte la comida. Utilizando métodos cualitativos (participación, entrevistas y discusiones en grupo) desarrollados con enseñanzas Bribrí, encontramos que: 1) ninguna de las etapas de cosecha era exclusiva para miembros de un género en particular, 2) los grupos de recolección mixtos en género eran comunes, 3) las mujeres participan en todas las etapas de la recolección silvestre, y 4) los hombres juegan un papel fundamental en la recolección de plantas silvestres para alimentación. Estos resultados exponen las complejidades de cosecha en cuanto a género, y desafían los prejuicios que prevalecen respecto al rol de de mujeres y hombres en cuanto a la cosecha de plantas silvestres y la cacería. Además, nuestra investigación destaca la importancia de considerar cómo otros factores influyen en las diferencias entre personas del mismo género; factores como la salud, las oportunidades, la experiencia o la motivación para la cosecha. Nuestra investigación proporciona un marco conceptual para examinar género a través de múltiples etapas de cosecha en un sistema alimentario de los bosques; este marco puede ser útil para la gestión forestal, que tiene interés en entender de manera más integral las contribuciones de mujeres y hombres dentro de estos sistemas.
French
Les dimensions quant au sexe dans le domaine de la récolte des aliments forestiers sont souvent examinées au niveau de l'appropriation de la ressource. Pour étoffer cette littérature, nous avons examiné le sexe et la récolte des aliments sauvages à travers de multiples stades de la récolte, des moments la précédant à ceux du partage de la nourriture. En utilisant des méthodes qualitatives (participation, interviews et discussions de groupe) informées par les enseignements indigènes Bribri, nous avons trouvé que : 1) aucun stade de la récolte n'était exclusif aux membres d'un sexe, 2) les groupes de récolte mixtes étaient communément présents, 3) les femmes participaient à tous les stades de la récolte sauvage, et, 4) les hommes étaient présents au cœur de la récolte des aliments végétaux sauvages. ces résultats offrent une image nuancée de la récolte par sexe et lance un défi aux préjugés établis quant aux rôles des hommes et des femmes dans la récolte des plantes et dans la chasse. Notre recherche souligne de plus l'importance de l'examen des variables telles que la santé, les opportunités ou la motivation de récolter, et l'expertise, pour saisir la récolte en sexe mixte. Notre recherche dresse un cadre pour examiner la question du sexe dans les stades multiples d'un système d'alimentation forestière. ce cadre peut-être utile aux gestionnaires forestiers intéressés d'obtenir une compréhension plus profonde des diverses contributions que hommes et femmes effectuent dans ces systèmes.
... The suppressed works of anthropologist Walter Goldschmidt (1947) on the negative impact of industrial agriculture on community quality of life were rediscovered. Bill Friedland's (1984) commodity system analysis approach revealed the collusion between agribusiness, state government, and universities to suppress farm labor in California. The Farm/Debt crisis of the 1980s provided the rich evidence that US agriculture was part of a global agrifood system dominated by powerful agrifood transnational corporations (TNCs) who applied their notable powers to influence the state apparatus (Bonanno et al. 1994;Goodman and Watts 1997;McMichael 1994). ...
The Agriculture, Food and Human Values Society and the journal Agriculture and Human Values provided a crucial intellectual space for the early transdisciplinary critique of the industrial agrifood system. This paper describes that process and presents the concept of “The Doctors of Agrifood Studies” as a metaphor for the key role critical agrifood social scientists played in documenting the unsustainability of conventional agriculture and working to create an alternative, ethical, sustainable agrifood system. After the introduction, the paper details the “Critical Turn” in agrifood studies, followed by a reconsideration of my “Four Questions” framework, focusing on the current tension between the food security and food sovereignty discourses and movements.
... Empirical analysis of farmers' participation in VBSCs is critical in understanding whether various types of VBSCs actually serve an agriculture of the "middle" in the US. As shown by work that uses commodity chain or system analysis methodology (e.g., Busch et al. 1991;Gereffi and Korzeniewicz 1994;Friedland 1984), supply chains are often organized very differently around various commodities. Many larger VBSCs specialize in certain categories of farm products, e.g., grains by Shepherd's Grain, horticultural crops by Red Tomato, and dairy by Organic Valley. ...
In the last few decades, the emergence of mid-scale, intermediated marketing channels that fall between commodity and direct markets has attracted growing interest from scholars for their potential to preserve small and mid-sized farms while scaling up alternative agrifood sourcing. When such mid-scale supply chains are formed among multiple business partners with shared ethics or values related to the qualities of the food and the business relationships along the supply chain, they may be termed "values-based supply chains (VBSCs)." Most of the research on VBSCs to date has relied primarily on a case study approach that investigates the performance of VBSCs from the perspective of VBSC founders or leaders. In contrast, this research seeks out the perspectives of farmers who participate in VBSCs. A nationwide farmer survey conducted in 2017 offers original insights on farmer motivations for participating in VBSCs and how they are being used by farmers relative to other marketing channels. We find that VBSCs serve farms of all sizes. Overall, smaller farms were more likely to market a higher percentage of overall sales through their VBSC and more likely to rank their VBSC as one of the top three marketing channels in their portfolio. But it was the larger farms that were more likely to perceive VBSC-specific benefits. Our findings confirm that while there is a limited volume of product that such regional supply chains can currently handle, farmers view VBSCs as a valuable marketing option that aligns with their own values and preserves their product's identity.
Supplementary information:
The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s10460-021-10255-5.
... Bu süreçte ortaya çıkan meta sistemleri/zinciri (örn. Friedland, 1984), değer zinciri (örn. Neilson ve Pritchard, 2009), gıda tedarik zinciri ve gıdanın siyasal iktisadı (örn. ...
For English please see below.
Bu makale gıda rejimi kavramını, kapitalist gıda rejimi olarak yeniden kavramsallaştırmayı ve bu yolla karakteristik eğilimi insan-insan ve insan-insan-olmayan ilişkilerini (artı-)değer üretimine indirgemek olan kapitalizmi aynı zamanda bir gıda rejimi olarak ele almayı önermektedir. Bu kavramsallaştırma çabası, bir yanıyla tarım-gıda ilişkilerinde gözlenen neoliberal küreselleşme süreçlerinin kuramsal implikasyonlarına yönelik sorgunun bir ürünüdür. Diğer yanıyla ise güncel tarım/köylü sorunu literatüründe, kendisini siyasal iktisadî ve post-kalkınmacı yaklaşımlar arasında bir yarılma olarak gösteren kuramsal-politik açmaza yanıt arayışının bir uzantısıdır. İlgili literatürde daha ziyade tarihsel dönemleme aracı olarak kullanılan gıda rejimi kavramını, kapitalist gıda rejimi olarak yeniden ele almanın olanağı ise eleştirel bir toplum kuramı olarak Marksizmdir. Kapitalist gıda rejimi kavramsallaştırması ile tarım/köylü sorunu tartışmalarının her iki kampının güçlü yanlarının bir araya getirilebileceği ve ilgili literatürde gözlenen açmazdan çıkışa yönelik kuramsal-politik bir zemin sağlanabileceğini düşünülmektedir. Kapitalist gıda rejiminin birbiriyle bağlantılı iki temel eğilimi şu şekilde ifade edilebilir: (1) Yalnızca kapitalizmin tarihsel kuruluş süreci olarak değil, sermayenin var oluş ve eyleme tarzı olarak ilk(s)el birikim; (2) Tarım-gıda-kır-doğa arasındaki tarihsel, toplumsal ve ekolojik bağların gerek tarihsel-toplumsal gerekse kuramsal-analitik olarak kırılması ve gıdanın kırdan, tarımdan ve doğadan kopartılması. Böylesi bir kavramsallaştırma içinde köylüler, ne post-kalkınmacı yaklaşımların varsaydığı gibi ezeli-ebedi bir etik-politik karaktere sahiptir; ne de siyasal iktisadî anlayışların iddia ettiği gibi asla sınıf olamayacak ve farklılaşma süreçlerinde yok olmaya yazgılı bir toplumsal kategoriye aittir. Köylüler, tarım-gıda ilişkilerinin neoliberal yeniden yapılandırma süreçlerinde belirgin hale geldiği üzere, sınıf oluşumu bağlamında kapitalist gıda rejimi içinde ve ona karşı olarak politik özneleşme sürecindedir.
English version:
This article via re-conceptualizing the concept of food regime as capitalist food regime, suggests reconsidering capitalism itself also as a food regime, whose defining tendency is the reduction of human-human and human-nonhuman relations to (surplus-)value production. This reconceptualization attempt is, on the one hand, a product of interrogations on the theoretical implications of the neoliberal globalization processes of capitalist agrifood relations. On the other hand, it is a product of a search for ways out of the theoretical-political impasse of the contemporary agrarian/peasant question literature, which is manifested in the divide between political-economic and post-developmentalist understandings. The possibility of re-conceptualizing the concept of food regime, which is used in the related literature rather as a tool for periodization of the history of agrifood relations, is the understanding of Marxism not as a form of political economy, but as a critical theory of society. This article argues that via the capitalist food regime formulation, the strengths of both political-economic and post-developmentalist frameworks can be brought together, and a theoretical-political ground can be established, which would enable us to move beyond the impasse of the agrarian/peasant question debate. Within this framework the main tendencies characterizing the capitalist food regime can be pointed at two interrelated levels: (1) primitive accumulation, not only as a historical foundation of capitalist relations, but also as the mode of existence of capital; (2) dissociation of the historical, social and ecological links among agriculture, food, rural, and nature; and thereby, disarticulation of food from rural, agriculture and nature. According to this formulation, peasants neither possess an eternal ethico-political character as it is assumed by post-developmentalist approaches, nor are they belong to a social category that can never become a class as it is argued by the political-economic understandings. Rather, peasants, as it has become much more apparent in the neoliberal restructuring processes, are emerging as a political subject on the basis of class formation processes in and against the capitalist food regime.
... 1980'lerin sonlarından itibaren gıdanın metalaşması zemininde ortaya çıkan meta zinciri, gıdanın siyasal iktisadı ve değer ve tedarik zinciri gibi analizlerle tarım siyasal iktisadının, içeriği yeniden gözden geçirilirken, kapsamı da genişletilmiştir (karş., Bernstein, 2009;Bernstein ve Byres, 2001;Bonanno vd., 1994;Brass, 2000;Byres, 2004;Fine, 1994;Friedland, 1984;Goodmann ve Watts, 1997;Moore, 2016aMoore, , 2016bMoore, , 2015Neilson ve Pritchard, 2009). Bu çeşitlenmelerde tarım siyasal iktisadının "köylülük" çözümlemelerine yönelik yukarıda yer verilen temel önermeleri bakımından ise bir süreklilik söz konusudur (karş., Bernstein, 2016Bernstein, , 2014Bernstein, , 2009Bernstein ve Byres, 2001;Byres, 2004). ...
For English please see below.
Bu çalışma, 2000'lerle birlikte yeniden canlanan tarım/köylü sorunu tartışmalarının kuramsal bir değerlendirmesini yapmayı hedeflemektedir. Son 30 yıllık dönemde, tarım-gıda ilişkilerinin geneline ve tarım/köylü sorununa yönelik artan ilginin zemininde, neoliberal küreselleşme süreçleri ile sosyal kuramın seyrine damgasını vuran post-dönüş yer almıştır. Bu makale, tarım-gıda bilgisi alanında, bu bağlamda gerçekleşen çeşitlenme ve kuramsal farklılaşma süreçlerinin eleştirel tarım-gıda çalışmalarının ortaya çıkışı olarak görülebileceğini öne sürmektedir. Bu temelde, çalışmanın temel iddiası şudur: eleştirel tarım-gıda çalışmalarının yükselişi, yalnızca ana-akım liberal yaklaşımlar bakımından değil, 1960'lardan 1980'lerin sonlarına kadar ilgili literatüre kuramsal yönelimini veren siyasal iktisadî çözümlemeler bakımından da bir kırılma anı olarak işaretlenmelidir. Kuramsal dayanaklarını esas olarak kalkınma kavramının radikal eleştirilerinden alan ve kendisini daha ziyade güncel tarım/köylü sorunu tartışmalarında gözlenen post-kalkınmacı dönüşte gösteren bu kırılma, tarım/köylü sorunu literatürü bakımından post-kalkınmacı yaklaşımlar ile siyasal iktisadî çözümlemeler arasında giderek derinleşen bir kutuplaşma ve yarılma anlamına gelmiştir. Bu kutuplaşmayı, tarihsel ve entelektüel bağlam, kuramsal varsayımlar, metodolojik stratejiler, sorunsallar ve politik önermeler düzeylerinde inceleyen bu makale, 21. yüzyılda tarım/köylü sorunu tartışmalarının kuramsal ve politik sonuçlarının izini sürmektedir.
English version:
This study aims to analyze, in theoretical terms, the agrarian/peasant question debate that has been reinvigorated since the early 2000s. The growing interest in agrifood relations, and agrarian/peasant question in particular, has been a product of, on the one hand, neoliberal globalization processes, and, on the other, the post- turn characterizing the trajectory of social theory. This article suggests that the proliferation and differentiation processes manifested in the field of agrifood knowledge within this context can be seen as the emergence of critical agrifood studies. On this ground, the main argument of this study is the following: the rise of critical agrifood studies signifies a theoretical rupture not only with respect to the mainstream liberal understandings but also in relation to the political-economic approaches that dominated the critical circles from the 1960s to the late-1980s. This rupture, which has been centered mainly on the radical critique of the concept of development, is particularly manifested in the post-developmentalist turn with respect to the agrarian/peasant question formulations, which has led to a growing divide between post-developmentalist and political-economic understandings in the contemporary agrarian/peasant question debate. This article is an attempt to trace the theoretical and political implications of the agrarian/peasant question debate of the 21st century, through an analysis of this divide which is reflected in the following areas: historical and intellectual context, theoretical assumptions, methodological strategies, major problematics, and political propositions.
... A second way that gentrification contributes to food scholarship is by bridging debates between Marxist-inspired scholars that focus on the political economy of food production (Friedland 1984;Friedman 1982;McMichael 2009) and post-structural scholars that emphasize the cultural politics of food consumption (Coveney 2006;DeVault 1994;Murcott 1983;Warde 1997). The first group seeks to explain how capitalism's growth logic compels agricultural practices that harm people and the planet, often suggesting that overthrowing capitalism is necessary for a sustainable and just food system (Magdoff, Foster, and Buttel 2000;Guthman 2014). ...
From upscale restaurants to community gardens, food often reflects shifts in taste that are emblematic of gentrification. The prestige that food retail and urban agriculture can lend to a neighborhood helps to increase property values, fostering the displacement of long-term residents while shifting local culture to create new inclusions and exclusions. And yet, many activists who oppose this dynamic have found food both a powerful symbol and an important tool through which to fight against it at scales ranging from individual consumption to state and national policy. The book argues that food and gentrification are deeply entangled, and that examining food retail and food practices is critical to understanding urban development. A series of case studies, from super-gentrifying cities like New York, to oft-neglected places like Oklahoma City, show that while gentrification always has its own local flavor, there are many commonalities. In the context of displacement, food reflects power struggles between differently situated class and ethnoracial groups. Through the lens of food, we can see that who has a right to the gentrifying city is not just about housing, but also includes the everyday practices of living, working and eating in the places we call home.
... The analysis of food regimes is methodologically consistent with commodity chain approaches in the tradition of Friedland (1984), since it traces production relations globally. Yet it also goes further in terms of integrating consumption and state actors-issues that have long been neglected in commodity chain approaches (Dixon 1999;Friedland 2001). ...
This article asks how the application of digital technologies is changing the organization of the agri-food system in the context of the third food regime. The academic debate on digitalization and food largely focuses on the input and farm level. Yet, based on the analysis of 280 digital services and products, we show that digital technologies are now being used along the entire food commodity chain. We argue that digital technologies in the third food regime serve on the one hand as a continuation of established information and communication technologies, thus deepening certain features of the existing food regime such as the retail sector’s control over global commodity chains. On the other hand, digital technologies also introduce new forms of control and value extraction based on the use of data and pave the way for large tech companies to take over market shares in the agri-food sector. Finally, we find that multinational agri-food companies are starting to take on the business models of leading digital tech companies, for instance by developing digital platforms throughout the agri-food system. We argue that this shows that the broader economic restructuring of neoliberal capitalism towards digital capitalism is also making its way into the agri-food system.
Keywords: food regime, digital agriculture, agri-food system, food commodity chain, agrarian labor, digital platforms
... 368). This view is aligned with traditional sociological studies that emphasized that "commodities can emerge only from locally based extractive and productive systems" (Bunker, 1984(Bunker, , p. 1017, and present 'commodity systems analysis' as a framework for studying farming and agribusiness (Friedland, 1984). ...
Commodity businesses account for more than 33% of the world trade and, simultaneously, face increasing sectoral competition and environmental pressures from both government and civil society. They are globally organized in different inter-firm configurations, and even when there are system-level goals, it does not imply that the constituent agent shares them. Notwithstanding the relevance of commodity firms, there is no systematic review of their inter-organizational configurations and impact on economic, social, and environmental terms. We review 141 papers published in management journals in the last 31 years, that simultaneously analyze a commodity firm and its inter-organizational form, to examine how commodity firms interact with each other and explore their economic, social, or environmental impact. Our contributions are threefold: (1) we identify that the network/cluster is the main inter-organizational form adopted in the commodity sector and that no research investigates a combination of both economic and environmental impacts, based on this finding, this paper contributes a consolidated framework to guide future research on inter-organizational forms of commodity firms by explicitly stating the link between inter-organizational forms and outputs; (2) we identify that almost 90% of the papers either do not mention a specific theory (45%) or use a single theory (42%) to guide their research, thus highlighting the need for theoretical development in the field; (3) given the relevance of the commodity sector in environmental challenges, this paper contributes both the conceptual and empirical base to policy design and implementation. This paper ends with contributions and suggestions for further research.
... A second way that gentrification contributes to food scholarship is by bridging debates between Marxist-inspired scholars that focus on the political economy of food production (Friedland 1984;Friedman 1982;McMichael 2009) and post-structural scholars that emphasize the cultural politics of food consumption (Coveney 2006;DeVault 1994;Murcott 1983;Warde 1997). The first group seeks to explain how capitalism's growth logic compels agricultural practices that harm people and the planet, often suggesting that overthrowing capitalism is necessary for a sustainable and just food system (Magdoff, Foster, and Buttel 2000;Guthman 2014). ...
Order: http://bitly.ws/8Z3L
From hipster coffee shops to upscale restaurants, a bustling local food scene is perhaps the most commonly recognized harbinger of gentrification. A Recipe for Gentrification explores this widespread phenomenon, showing the ways in which food and gentrification are deeply—and, at times, controversially—intertwined.
Contributors provide an inside look at gentrification in different cities, from major hubs like New York and Los Angeles to smaller cities like Cleveland and Durham. They examine a wide range of food enterprises—including grocery stores, restaurants, community gardens, and farmers’ markets—to provide up-to-date perspectives on why gentrification takes place, and how communities use food to push back against displacement.
Ultimately, they unpack the consequences for vulnerable people and neighborhoods. A Recipe for Gentrification highlights how the everyday practices of growing, purchasing and eating food reflect the rapid—and contentious—changes taking place in American cities in the twenty-first century.
... The four cases of commodity system sustainability (cf. Appadurai, 1986;Friedland, 1984) focused on creating cohesion within a specific subsector of the agricultural landscape: cocoa in Indonesia, tea in the United Republic of Tanzania, ecotourism in Trinidad and Tobago and pineapples in Uganda (KACE). The justifications for these framings draw upon sectoral development and are attempts to shift the entire subsector towards sustainable practices. ...
This edited volume has gathered together a collection of selected case studies fromaround the world, documented by the innovators themselves. The preceding chaptersdetail how each case has innovated within its organizational and institutional environmentsto create markets for its sustainable products. All the case studies in this volumeare considered “market-driven” innovations. We classify them as such becausethe innovators are relying upon innovative market instruments and institutions tosell products that are cultivated using sustainable agricultural practices. One of theselection criteria for the case studies was proof that the agricultural practices used bythe innovators were in line with the categories documented in FAO’s Save and growpublication (2011). We argue that the 15 cases presented in this book exemplify newways of organizing farmers who practise sustainable agriculture. These new wayshave changed the rules about how farmers and consumers can be linked throughmarket exchanges. In this chapter, we explain how we arrived at this conclusion.The chapter is organized as follows. First, we present our analytical frameworkof “institutional innovations”, which is followed by three sections that explainwhy and how institutional innovations work. We conclude by explaining how it isthrough these institutional innovations that markets act as incentives for the localuse of sustainable practices.
... Hay tres perspectivas teóricas que nos permiten articular la discusión de los campos sociales y políticos con la actividad empresarial en la agricultura y la alimentación y estudiar ambos dentro del proceso histórico de transformación del capitalismo mundial. La primera es planteada por Friedland (1984, quien argumenta que los cambios nacionales y globales en la agricultura deben ser enmarcados en términos de un "sistema agroalimentario" que considere los patrones de especialización de productos, los flujos de capital, los cambios tecnológicos en la producción e industrialización de los alimentos y la conducta del consumidor. La segunda es de Friedman y McMichael (1989), quienes estudian históricamente la relación entre la producción y el consumo de los alimentos en el marco del capitalismo mundial. ...
... Global Value Chains (GVC) analysis proposes that research on value chains follow a product from field to cup (Gereffi et al. 2005). GVC analysis has emerged from research in the 1980s on commodity systems (Bair 2009;Friedland 1984), which consist of the value chain that converts a natural resource into a consumer item and the supplementary activities that support that value chain. A value chain typically has about five stages: production, processing, distribution, retail, and consumption. ...
Présenté aussi au 116th Seminar, October 27-30, 2010, Parma, Italy
... During the 1990s approaches emerged which, under the influence of the 'new cultural geography', crossed sub-disciplinary borders and focused more on the socio-cultural aspects of the broader field of agriculture (see Bell & Valentine 1997, Cook & Crang 1996, Cook et al. 1998, Goodman & Watts 1997, Le Heron 1993 for an overview see also Morris & Evans 2004). While the traditional 'commodity chain' approach (Friedland 1984) proposes to follow a commodity's way along the supply chain, the new approaches, inspired by relational epistemologies and ontologies, intend to understand the complex interrelations between producers, consumers and their food-from farm to fork and beyond (Cook et al. 2006). The attention for the 'biographies and geographies' of food (Cook et al. 1998) is connected with an interest in the relational contexts of food knowledges, the respective processes of meaning-making, and moral economies of food (Jackson et al. 2009). ...
Full text available:
https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/food-that-matters-sustainability-and-the-materialdiscursive-boundaries-of-carnist-and-vegan-food-practices(770c7ed4-5279-4969-b165-0558dc9f635b).html
- - - Acting upon Livestock's Long Shadow to mitigate climate change, mass extinction, and other social-ecological crises requires fundamental changes in food practices. Labelled as "ethical consumers", vegans, vegetarians, and meat-reducing carnists already attract considerable attention. However, food practices on the production side, which are just as much an ethical issue, also require reconfiguration in order to achieve sustainable development. In a critical assessment of tendencies that depict consumer demand as the only legitimate means of change and depoliticise absolute reductions of animal-sourced foods, this thesis extends the locus of vegan food practices to various productive processes drawing on cases such as stock-based and stockfree farms, retailers, and food-related advocacy networks. By exploring these foodscapes, it is examined how the material-discursive boundaries between vegan and carnist food practices are drawn, particularly in response to animal agriculture as a sustainability challenge. Inspired by practice and materialist turns, my research builds on debates on ethical consumption, responsibility, and sustainability within sociological and geographical food studies. Relational and posthumanist approaches are drawn upon to conceptualise practices and conduct material-discursive analyses. Qualitative methods are applied to outline relations within and between agricultural and retailing foodscapes in Greater Manchester, Derbyshire, and South West England, involving a mix of participant observation (incl. field notes and photography), in-depth interviews with stakeholders on site, and an interpretative examination of their sustainability-related websites and reports. The findings revolve around the marginal but emerging agricultural and culinary paradigm of "vegan organic" production. It excludes the use of manure, bone meal, or other animal derivatives for the replenishment of soil fertility and relies instead on nutrient-fixing plants and practices such as composting or mulching. Thus, veganism, rather than being a dietary identity, becomes a relationally grounded approach to how vegans and plant foods come into being performatively through material-discursive practices. Conventionally, however, the term "vegan" as applied in both food regulations and everyday life, is merely a label either for people who abjure from animal products or for vegetal products. This dematerialised consumption-based mainstream conception of veganism personalises food practices, confines ethics to a sentimental care for domesticated animals, and depoliticises social-ecological reasons for veganism. In order to maintain a safe operating space for all life on Earth, I suggest that performing vegan food practices as much as possible is an undogmatic responsibility of ethical producers and consumers alike, regardless of their personal identities as vegans, vegetarians or "meat eaters" (carnists).
... Its boundaries were defined by production processes, not political geography-thus they aimed to move beyond the study of national industries and toward understanding spatial divisions of labor in terms of how local, regional, and national processes were integrated into and shaped by global scale interests and economies. Early commodity chain analyses of goods like wheat and timber (Özverler 1994;Pelizzon 1994) emphasized how capital accumulation drove the organization and expansion of commodity chains, while more recent approaches recognize power as more broadly rooted and acknowledge the roles of consumers, labor organizations, and social movements as well as the tensions among land, labor, and capital in processes of globalization (Bair 2005(Bair , 2009Fine 2002;Friedland 1984Friedland , 2001Gereffi and Korzeniewicz 1994). ...
This paper applies the interdisciplinary approaches of commodity chain, commodity circuit, and commodity network analyses—common in sociology, anthropology, and geography—to cotton cloth in the Aztec economy to demonstrate how these techniques can enrich archaeological understandings of ancient economies. Commodity chain analysis draws attention to social and economic dependencies that link people and processes along a production sequence and across wide geographic areas. Commodity circuits and commodity networks highlight the bundling of goods and knowledge in nonlinear and multidirectional flows, the relationships that link participants through these flows, and the flexible meanings and values of goods for participants. By applying these approaches to the archaeological study of cotton cloth in the Aztec economy, we show how they provide a holistic framework for studying goods that bridges the microscale (household) and macroscale (world system).
... Critical theories were rediscovered regarding the relationship between the structure of agriculture and the quality of life for rural peoples. These theories combined with a commodity systems analysis (Friedland, 1984) revealed the collusion between agribusiness, government, and universities to advance industrial agriculture at the expense of farm labor, farmers, and rural social movements. Environmental sociology frameworks highlighted the extractive and unsustainable ecology of conventional agriculture (Buttel,1987). ...
... Hay tres perspectivas teóricas que nos permiten articular la discusión de los campos sociales y políticos con la actividad empresarial en la agricultura y la alimentación y estudiar ambos dentro del proceso histórico de transformación del capitalismo mundial. La primera es planteada por Friedland (1984, quien argumenta que los cambios nacionales y globales en la agricultura deben ser enmarcados en términos de un "sistema agroalimentario" que considere los patrones de especialización de productos, los flujos de capital, los cambios tecnológicos en la producción e industrialización de los alimentos y la conducta del consumidor. La segunda es de Friedman y McMichael (1989), quienes estudian históricamente la relación entre la producción y el consumo de los alimentos en el marco del capitalismo mundial. ...
En el texto hacemos un análisis etnográfico de los procesos, actores y redes
que configuran cadenas agroindustriales de mango desde el Corredor
Costero del estado de Chiapas (regiones Soconusco y Costa). El estudio se centra en el periodo que abarca de mediados de la década de los noventa, cuando comienza una intensa dinámica productiva, comercial y exportadora de esta fruta, al año 2013. La relevancia teórica del capítulo radica, en primer lugar, en el análisis de las relaciones sociales de producción, comercialización y consumo de frutas entre diferentes actores en y desde un ámbito territorial específico. Con ello se pretende arrojar luz sobre las formas que adquiere y en que se construye la globalización agroalimentaria en los territorios, así como la heterogeneidad de valores, intereses y representaciones que los actores sociales establecen en torno a aspectos estructurales y de poder (Morgan, Marsden & Murdoch, 2006, pp. 21-25; Long, 2008, p. 74). En segundo lugar, es relevante porque en México
el de las frutas es uno de los sectores con mayor dinamismo en la agricultura desde los años sesenta del pasado siglo, lo que deja ver los procesos de cambio en este sector (Calleja, 2007).
... põe em confronto o contributo da nova economia política (new political economy), marcada pela CSA (commodity systems analysis)proposta porFriedland (1984), sujeita à crítica e propostas da sociologia do consumo. De acordo com esta autora enquanto que para o primeiro o mecanismo principal reside na "commodification" ligada à acumulação de capital, o que apontando para uma única direcção na natureza da mudança se torna limitativo, já o argumento do outro contributo, baseada no peso do consumidor e do poder da dona de casa em determinar a forma dos processos produtivos, é igualmente parcial103 . ...
The book after a review of the debate about globalization seeks to connect the evolution of the Agriculture with the results of the current globalization process.
A particular attention is given to the less favored rural zones
... The conceptual framework and methodology we develop to understand the use of biological materials in responding to globalized change allows us to be aware of contextual factors while providing insights into what enables and constrains creativity in response to disruptions. We draw from the substantial literature on food systems (Dixon 1999;Ericksen 2008;Friedland 1984Friedland , 2001Hinde and Dixon 2007), on the one hand, and ideas developed around natural resource access (Ribot and Peluso 2003) on the other to guide our approach. ...
We introduce everyday creativity as an approach to understanding the role of agency in resilience thinking and as a conceptual lens through which to view the ways that people respond to globalized change. Our focus is on the use of biodiversity in crafting responses within food systems of rural and remote communities. We propose a conceptual framework to understand the flow of biological materials across five phases of a food system and how benefits map to actors. This allows us to locate disruptions that arise from globalized change and the factors that enable and constrain responses. We then present an application of the conceptual framework using a case study from the Atlantic Forest Coast of Brazil, that demonstrates that in a world characterized by globalized change our understanding of resilient food systems requires more analysis of the factors that limit everyday creativity at different phases of the food system.
... Legal, social and economic analyses have raised questions about power relationships within the agrifood industry by examining how the existence and exercise of market power actually works and to whose advantage it is used (e.g., Carstensen 2008;Foer 2010;Zheng and Vulkina 2009), how power can structure global relations of production and consumption and political institutions (McMichael 2000(McMichael , 2009Friedmann and McMichael 1989;Heffernan 1984;Friedland 1984Friedland , 1994 or discipline labor and other groups within the food system (UFCW 2010). This chapter addresses the question of how the structure of the agrifood industry relates to the relative power of agribusiness firms and farmers. ...
We review research on power, dependency and the concentration of agrifood industries and report updated concentration figures for selected agrifood sectors. We then utilize network exchange theory to identify principles of dependency and network relations and describe network relationships within the broiler, beef and commodity crop sectors. We argue that this study demonstrates that network analysis can inform on the nature, source and extent of differential dependencies and asymmetric power relationships within the agrifood sector.
... The French regulation school (Aglietta 1976;Boyer 1990) provides key insights into these macro-political, economic, and social configurations in the Fair Trade in the agriculture andfood sector 35 agrofood sector. In both political economy and mainstream research, a commodity approach has been adopted to analyze agriculture/industry relations (Davis and Goldberg 1987;Friedland 1984). The Latin American (Vigorito 1978) and French filiere (Lauret 1983) traditions emphasize the institutional regulation of com modity circuits. ...
... According to Jennifer Bair (2009), the concept of production chain -PC is originally based on the filière approach, introduced in the 1960s by French researchers at the Institut National de La Recherche Agronomique and the Centre de Cooperatión Internationale en Recherche Agronomique pour le Développement. Frequently used interchangeably with the terms "commodity systems analysis" (Friedland, 1984) and "systems of provision" (Fine & Leopold, 1993), the researchers seek to describe "the sequence of processes by which goods and services are conceived, produced and brought to market". ...
Although frequently used interchangeably, the concepts of supply chain and production chain are considered in this study as two distinct and complementary theoretical frameworks for the conception of a data-mapping model titled SCMap – Supply Chain Map. The model’s objective is to identify and assess real chains of companies and products. An application in the agribusiness sector, starting with a specific sugarcane processing plant and the biofuel ethanol is performed. The SCMap establishes a structured and integrated manner of linking products and companies, considering three different categories of relationships: (1) between companies – supply chain approach; (2) between products – production chain approach, and; (3) between companies and products – regarding commercial practices in the corporate environment. Grounded on Graph Theory and Social Network Analysis – SNA, the software UCINET and NetDraw application are used to draw the maps and quantitatively assess the centrality of each company and product relative to the whole chain.
... The more recent of these highlight ecological dimensions. The commodity systems analysis (CSA), as proposed by Professor William Friedland (1984), used the relationships surrounding a single commodity as a departure point. Highlighting the multiple activities of food systems, the CSA focused on production practices, grower organization and organizations, labour, science production and application, and marketing and distribution networks to capture the power dynamics operating with the industrial agriculture sector. ...
... El presente trabajo combina una metodología de análisis de sistemas de mercancías con una sociología que utiliza como marco analítico los estudios agroalimentarios para investigar el caso de la mano de obra latina en la industria avícola y contribuir con ello a los debates de la globalización del sistema agroalimentario. El análisis de sistemas de mercancías (Friedland, 1984) es una metodología utilizada para investigar las relaciones de poder de una cadena de suministro de productos básicos dentro de su contexto sociohistórico que incluye las políticas estatales, estructura corporativa, las relaciones laborales y el entorno científico. La sociología del marco conceptual agroalimentario analiza la cambiante estructura del sistema agroalimentario desde la producción hasta el consumo, con especial atención en las diferencias de poder y la estratificación social entre los actores que participan en los diversos sistemas de productos que componen el sistema agroalimentario. ...
Este capítulo tiene por objetivo conocer los efectos de las crisis
durante las últimas décadas en los mercados laborales mundial y
mexicano. El análisis para el mundo se realiza con base en estadísticas
de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo, y para México las proporcionadas
por el Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía. Los
resultados denotan insuficiencia de las teorías clásica y keynesiana
para captar un fenómeno generado por las crisis: la informalidad, lo
cual incide en la caída de los salarios y el incremento de la pobreza;
por ello se recomiendan, tal y como lo establece la Agenda de Trabajo
Decente, nuevas políticas e instituciones que relacionen la mayor
productividad con mejores salarios y que lleven al pleno empleo:generar empleos formales bien pagados y con prestaciones básicas
como cuidado de la salud, sistema de pensiones, contrato de trabajo
y medioambiente laboral no contaminado.
İlk olarak 1970’lerde meta zincirleri olarak ortaya çıkan zincir çalışmaları sonraki 40 yılda gelişerek ve değişerek uluslararası ticaret ve uluslararası üretim alanında önemli olmuştur. Zincir çalışmalarının tarihine bakıldığında genel kabul görmüş üç temel yaklaşım ortaya çıkmıştır. Birinci yaklaşım makro boyutta ve uzun dönemli tarihsel bir yaklaşım ile ele alan dünya sistemleri, ikinci yaklaşım, kurumsal sosyoloji ve karşılaştırmalı kalkınma alanında çalışmalar yapan araştırmacılar tarafından geliştirilen Küresel Meta Zincirleri (KMZ) ve üçüncü yaklaşım, KMZ ile benzerlikleri bulunan ancak özellikle işlem maliyeti ekonomisi açısından önemli farklılıklar da gösteren Küresel Değer Zincirleri (KDZ) yaklaşımlarıdır. Bu çalışmada Meta Zincirleri kavramından 2000li yılların Küresel Değer Zincirleri kavramına kadar olan süreçteki kavramsal değişimi ele alınmaktadır.
Thoroughly revised and updated, the third edition of The Sociology of Food and Agriculture provides a cutting-edge, comprehensive introduction to the study of food and society. The book begins by examining the food economy, with chapters focusing on foodscapes, the financialization of food, and a new chapter dedicated to food and nutrition (in)security. In Part II, the book addresses community and culture. While some books only look at the interrelationships between food and culture, this section problematizes the food system from the standpoint of marginalized bodies. It contains chapters focusing on agricultural and food labor and the peasantries, topics which are often overlooked, and gender, ethnicity, and poverty. Part III examines food and the environment, with chapters addressing important topics such as agro-ecosystems, food justice, sustainable food, and agriculture and food sovereignty. The final part focuses on food futures and includes a brand-new chapter on sustainable diets and ethical consumption. The book concludes by showcasing how we can rethink food production and consumption in a way that can help heal social, political, and cultural divisions. All chapters draw on international case studies and include learning objectives, suggested discussion questions, and recommendations for further reading to aid student learning. The Sociology of Food and Agriculture is perfect for students of food studies, including food justice, food and nutrition security, sustainable diets, food sovereignty, environmental sociology, agriculture, and cultural studies.
The proliferation and differentiation processes in critical approaches on agrifood relations since the late 1980s can be seen as the rise of critical agrifood studies. When compared to the peasant studies of the era between the late 1960s and the late 1980s, critical agrifood studies signifies a radical theoretical reorientation in the field that especially becomes apparent in the post-developmentalist turn manifested in the contemporary agrarian/peasant question formulations. On this ground, by focusing on the last three decades, this study argues that the contemporary literature on the agrarian/peasant question is characterized by a divide between political economic and post-developmentalist understandings, which can also be seen as an impasse. This study, through a critical analysis of the implications of the neoliberal restructuring of agrifood relations for the agrarian/peasant question in social theoretical terms, claims that reformulating food regime as capitalist food regime on the basis of Marxism understood as a critical theory of society, and the agrarian/peasant question as the agrifood question of capitalism can provide a way out of this impasse by bringing the strengths of both political economic and post-developmentalist frameworks together.
In the last ten years kale, a Brassica crop common in the West, has been produced and consumed in noticeable quantities in the Philippines. Based on field research and discourse analysis of popular media, and drawing from the literature on socio-material relations, this paper illustrates the complex ways kale has traveled from the United States and assembled in the Philippines. Findings suggest that upon arrival in the Philippines, kale’s socio-material relations territorialized around privileged agri-food networks. Its translations as a ‘superfood’ and the ‘queen of greens’ have allowed it to become the most expensive vegetable in the Philippines and therefore inaccessible to lower income consumers. Through time, however, kale’s socio-material relations deterritorialized to transcend its exclusive network, with small growers now producing the leafy green for self-sustenance. While the nutritional properties of kale have turned it into a high status vegetable, its ability to be grown and propagated in the lowlands of the tropics and its close association with locally available Brassica crops like pechay (Chinese cabbage) have made it receptive to mainstreaming.
Many sociologists and food policy activists are preoccupied with the fate of the family farm. In this paper we ask whether tacit normative beliefs among scholars regarding the family farm as an imagined site of resistance to industrialization and its ills holds up to empirical scrutiny? Using a grounded theoretical approach, we build an understanding of the relationship structures defining the contemporary family farm in its wider assemblages and food system relations. We engage 36 self-identified family farmers in Canada in qualitative interviews from which we constitute a definition of the contemporary family farm and its role in food politics. Our interviews reveal incredible variation in labour arrangements, production styles and strategies as well non-uniform commitments to sustainability among farmers. The interviews also, perhaps most crucially, reveal some of our participants trading upon normative conceptions of “family farm” and mobilizing what we claim is a “floating signifier” (Laclau, 1989) for a variety of food system interests, some arguably unsustainable.
This paper argues that the changes in the export meat indsutry do not equate with those encapsulated as the shift from mass production to flexible production. Farmers played a pivotal role in the traditional organisation of the industry. They are likely to retain considerable independence in the future. The influence of farmers across the export meat industry is decisive in the disparity between idealised models of industrial change and its actuality in the export meat industry.
Organic agriculture in the US emerged in California in the 1960s as part of the environmental social movement response to the negative externalities of industrialism (Belasco 1989). The first organic standard developed in California in 1990 is the model for the US standard (Guthman 2004a). Although opposed by conventional agriculture, organics is now part of the mainstream, available in the majority of supermarkets. The success of organics is a great victory for the environmental movement and other critics of conventional agriculture. Sociologically, the success is problematic due to conventionalization, or the process whereby organics takes on many of the characteristics of mainstream agriculture regarding scale and structure. The scholarly discussion regarding the extent and implications of conventionalization has generated a substantial literature in agrifood studies.
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