No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the authors.
Top/Bottom Self-Label, Anal Sex Practices, HIV Risk and Gender Role Identity in Gay Men in New York City
Abstract
Within the gay community, labeling oneself as a “top” or as a “bottom” communicates preferences for insertive or receptive sexual practices. The use of these terms and their relevance to the HIV/AIDS pandemic have received little attention in the scientific literature. The current exploratory study examines both qualitatively and quantitatively the use of top/bottom self-labels and their relation to gender role identity, sexual behavior, and HIV risk. Results revealed that nearly half of the 84 participating men used a self-label to describe their genitoerotic preferences. However, the rate of self-labeling decreased significantly over the five-year study period. Results also revealed that self-label corresponded to anal sex practices, such that tops engaged in more insertive anal sex than bottoms, and bottoms in more receptive anal sex than tops. Further, top/bottom labelers were more dichotomous in their anal sex practices than men who did not use a label. Labeling was also related to HIV status; bottoms were significantly more likely to be HIV+ than tops. The relationship between labeling and gender role interests and behaviors in childhood and adulthood were negligible. We conclude that labeling oneself as a top or a bottom continues to be a common practice among gay men in NYC to communicate preferences for insertive or receptive anal sex and that these labels can be used with caution to predict sexual behavior in the subset of gay men who use them.
... Research has demonstrated that LGBTI youth are more likely to struggle with issues of access to sexual health information and services and this may influence such a population in seeking information elsewhere, such as online interactive spaces (Knight et al. 2014;Mitchell et al. 2014). Constructs of sexuality in terms of being a 'top' or a 'bottom' have been explored by researchers interested in the sexual identification and practice of gay men, and attest to the complexities of identification that language and labelling practice imply in general (Grundy- The terms 'top' and 'bottom' have been used within the LGBTI community to describe preferences of being either an insertive or receptive partner during sexual intercourse (Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg 2000). Other researchers have argued that such emphasis on the sexual preferences and practice in relation fails to acknowledge the wide and complex dynamics of the labels . ...
... More than this, the role or identity of top/bottom is characterised by continually shifting identifications related to a different influence, such that an individual may embody both identities and preferences of top/bottom simultaneously or at different moments in life and in a relationship Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg 2000). Indeed, some researchers have argued for the fluidity of gay men's sexual preferences, preferring not to use binary labels in thinking about gay sexuality (Johns et al. 2012) and have also used the label of being 'versatile' to discuss the fluidity of sexual positions during sex (Moskowitz, Rieger and Roloff 2008). ...
... The implications of such labelling practices have presented interesting dynamics for researchers investigating sexual health practice and negotiation. For example, it has been found that individuals who identify as bottoms are more likely to be HIV-positive than individuals identifying as tops (Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg 2000). Other research demonstrates the role of sexual labelling as top/bottom in making sexual decisions within a relationship (Johns et al. 2012). ...
This paper discusses the constructs of sexuality amongst a group of LGBTI university students during a Stepping Stones workshop aimed at exploring their engagement with sexual and reproductive health rights issues as it affects them. These constructs include notions of binary identities of being gay, such as being a ‘top’ versus being a ‘bottom’, that are then applied to sexual practices and behaviour that have serious implications for sexual health and bodily integrity. We discuss the intersections of gender identity, sexuality, sexual health and sexual rights, arguing that such constructs are not only limiting in their demarcations of sexual boundaries in relationships and for intimacy but also that attempts to engage sexual health promotion must take into account the intersecting identities of gender and sexuality that are tied to sexual behaviour.
... 67). In the United States, approximately three of every ten MSM in the United States identify as a Bottom (Moskowitz et al., 2008;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Therefore, assuming that the calculation in Cantor et al. (2002) is correct and assuming arguendo that FBOE applies to Bottoms only, then approximately one-half of Bottoms in the United States might attribute their sexual identity to the fraternal birth order effect. ...
... For instance, Moskowitz et al. (2008) reported that 19% of their American gay sample identified as Top and 34% as Bottom. Hart et al. (2003) reported 18% Tops and 23% Bottoms, and Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg (2000) reported that among its sample of New York City MSM, 26.2% were Tops and 22.6% ...
... Similarly, masculine facial features are associated with Top AERO and feminine facial features with Bottoms (Tskhay & Rule, 2013), and Tops generally prefer shorter partners, while Bottoms generally prefer taller partners (Valentova, Stulp, Trebicky, & Havlicek, 2014). Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg (2000) noted that in many Latin American societies, a man's AERO is very stable, while in North America, an MSM's AERO tends to be somewhat less stable, as there are more Versatiles in the United States than in most of Latin America. Further, in the United States, at least among MSM in their late teens and early twenties, there is a modicum of flexibility with AERO self-labels, especially between versatile and "mostly top" (Pachankis, Buttenweiser, Bernstein, & Bayles, 2013). ...
... Chris New (performing Glen) present body traits that permit an analysis through the keys elaborated in the theoretical background (Carballo-Diéguez, 2004;Wegesin et al., 2000). It will be interesting to see how this construction falls apart in the second part of the movie. ...
... Second, Glen suspects that Russell pretended to be the type of guy who didn't suck many cocks. Because we can expect to cognitively associate less experience in giving oral sex to a same sex partner with higher masculinity (in line with Wegesin et al., 2000), we can consequently expect the audience to interpret this part of the dialogue as a further indicator of Russell's masculine pole. In the meantime, Glen's suspects question Russell's masculinity and present the potential for a fake, self-constructed gender performed through sexual activities -i.e. ...
... However, altogether the actions discussed work as indicators of masculinity versus femininity in a reader that intentionally seeks the heteronormative relation. The little unbalance may create some expectations in line with Wegesin et al. (2000) about the sexual roles, but not as much as in Nic and Jules' traits. It seems that Andrew Haigh, the director, has played a bit on the intermittent confirmation of Russell's masculinity, especially by hinting at his top role in the first sexual encounter, but leaving it very blurred and unconfirmed. ...
In cognitive research on gay sexuality there is evidence that observers use one’s masculinity and femininity traits to infer about one’s sex role preferences (Tskhay & Rule, 2013). Observers in these cases seem to reason on the basis of a “reproductive economy” typical of the heterosexual sexed body. Parallel to the cognitive field, media scholars have proposed different outlines of representation of gays in the media, in mainstream movies or TV shows (Berridge, 2012; Davis, 2004; Shugart, 2003).
This thesis creates a bridge from sexuality and gender to media studies, offering a multidisciplinary approach to the research on gay depiction in media, involving both cognitive and semiotic tools for the empirical analysis. The focus on gay couples aims to identify what relation exists between heteronormativity, gender stereotypes and depiction of gay sexuality in three case studies: The Kids Are All Right (2010), Weekend (2011), Looking (2014-2015).
The results point at different levels of heteronormativity persistence. Same-sex bodies seem to be subject to a compulsory “reproductive justice”, under which characters are polarized according to their traits of masculinity or femininity and their bodies are forced into a “reproductive economy” typical of the heterosexual dynamics. Finally, when a polarization on the basis of femininity and masculinity traits is hard to generate, the case studies promote the figure of the versatile gay men, who perform alternate sex roles in the couple.
... Eleven (47.8 %) articles included in this review provided a definition and/or assessment of both sexual positioning identity and practice. In Western populations, men who prefer IAI have generally been referred to as''tops,''men who prefer RAI have been referred to as''bottoms,''and men who prefer both have been referred to as''versatile''or''vers'' (Carrier, 1977;Hart, Wolitski, Purcell,Gómez,& Halkitis,2003;van Drutenetal., 1992;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Recently, new labels for sexual positioning preferences are being formed among MSM, including ''versatile bottom'' and ''versatile top,'' where identifying as a ''versatile bottom''refers to someone who''mostly''has RAI (or ''bottoms'') and sometimes has IAI, and identifying as a ''versatile top'' refers to someone who ''mostly'' has IAI (or ''tops'') and occasionally has RAI (Klein, 2009;Wei & Raymond, 2011). ...
... Assessments of sexual positioning identity and practice in the literature were considerably inconsistent, limiting generalizability between studies. Most assessments of sexual positioning identity ('top', 'bottom', 'versatile,' etc.) or sexual positioning behaviors (IAI, RAI) were categorical, asking MSM to self-select among the available options (Grov, Parsons, & Bimbi, 2010;Hart et al., 2003;Johns et al., 2012;Klein, 2009;Moskowitz & Hart, 2011;Moskowitz, Rieger, & Roloff, 2008;Pachankis, Buttenwieser, Bernstein, & Bayles, 2013;Tskhay, Re, & Rule, 2014;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2011). Studies working with Latino MSM have used Spanish terms ''activo'' and ''pasivo'' replace the terms ''top'' and ''bottom'' (Carballo-Diéguez et al., 2004;Carrier, 1977). ...
... Seven (30.4 %) of these articles suggest that self-labels for positioning among MSM significantly correlate with anal sex behaviors. Previous work on MSM and anal sex practice suggests that MSM who identified as ''top'' had higher frequency and likelihood of IAI compared to those who identified as either ''versatile''or''bottom,''and MSM who identified as''bottom'' had higher frequency and likelihood of RAI compared to MSM who identified as''top''or''versatile'' Moskowitz et al., 2008;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2011). As previously noted, MSM who identified as''versatile'' were found to have varying frequencies of IAI and RAI (Lyons et al., 2011;Wei & Raymond, 2011). ...
Sexual positioning practices among men who have sex with men (MSM) have not received a thorough discussion in the MSM and HIV literature, given that risks for acquiring or transmitting HIV and STIs via condomless anal sex vary according to sexual positioning. MSM bear a disproportionate burden of HIV compared to the general population in the United States; surveillance efforts suggest that HIV and STIs are increasing among domestic and international populations of MSM. We conducted a narrative review, using a targeted literature search strategy, as an initial effort to explore processes through which sexual positioning practices may contribute to HIV/STI transmission. Peer-reviewed articles were eligible for inclusion if they contained a measure of sexual positioning identity and/or behavior (i.e., “top”, “bottom,” etc.) or sexual positioning behavior (receptive anal intercourse or insertive anal intercourse), or assessed the relationship between sexual positioning identity with HIV risk, anal sex practice, masculinity, power, partner type, or HIV status. A total of 23 articles met our inclusion criteria. This review highlights dynamic psychosocial processes likely underlying sexual decision making related to sexual positioning identity and practices among MSM and MSM who have sex with women (MSMW), and ways these contexts may influence HIV/STI risk. Despite limited focus in the extant literature, this review notes the important role the contextual factors (masculinity stereotypes, power, partner type, and HIV status) likely to play in influencing sexual positioning identity and practices. Through this review we offer an initial synthesis of the literature describing sexual positioning identities and practices and conceptual model to provide insight into important areas of study through future research.
... For example, Shaw et al. (2019) found that event-level versatility was significantly associated with versatile role preferences and condomless sex. Other studies have found that labeling oneself as top, versatile, or bottom as a way to communicate sexual preferences regarding insertive or receptive anal sex was associated with HIV infection risk, with bottoms being significantly more likely to be HIV þ than tops (Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Moskowitz and Garcia (2019) found that ideal-reality penetrative role dissonance was predictive of sexual dissatisfaction among tops who bottomed in their relationships and, to a lesser extent, bottoms who topped. ...
... The remainder of the study participants indicated that they are or preferred to be tops (30.3% and 29.3%, respectively) or versatiles (28.3% and 27.3%, respectively). These prevalence rates diverge from estimates provided by prior studies, such as Lyon et al.'s (2013) estimate that 20% of MSM are versatile, Shaw et al. (2019) estimate that 15% of MSM are versatile, or Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg (2000) estimate that 26.2% of MSM are tops and 22% are bottoms. These discrepancies may be related to the fact that many of our participants are currently or were previously in relationships with women and may tend to adopt receptive anal sex positions with men to vary their sexual activity, as they are more likely to adopt insertive positions when having vaginal or anal sex with women. ...
There is a lack of research concerning self-identified bisexual men who have sex with men (BMSM), specifically regarding their self-identification as top, versatile, or bottom and their sexual behaviors. As a result, this study seeks to examine the use of top, versatile, and bottom identity labels among a group of self-identified BMSM and to describe their sexual behaviors, examining any possible associations between sexual positions and condomless anal sex. This study recruited 278 BMSM, who ranged in age from 21 to 69 years old (M age ¼44.92, SD age ¼10.74). This study recruited participants via websites, e-mail, and social media. All participants self-identified as bisexual men who have sex with other men. The majority of sample participants were married to a woman (32.7%) or single (30.7%), held a university degree, and lived in urban areas. Participants indicated relatively high bisexual identity acceptance levels (8.03 on a scale from 1 to 10). The survey included three categories of questions, encompassing sociodemographic information, sex role self-identifications, and (un)protected anal sex behaviors. Regarding typical anal sex behaviors, 41.4% of BMSM self-identified as bottoms, 30.3% as tops, and 28.3% as versatiles. The study found significant differences among BMSM for all types of anal sex practices based on sex role identities. Versatile men more frequently reported condomless receptive anal sex, whereas tops were the most likely to report partaking in condomless insertive anal sex. Finally, self-identified bottom BMSM perceived themselves as having shorter penises and being younger in age than BMSM self-identifying as tops, versatiles, or as older in age. This study shows that sexual position self-labeling among BMSM is complex , as well as the need for further research.
... Sociological, psychological, and public health studies have documented that many MSM may self-identify by their penetrative or receptive role in anal intercourse (Moskowitz & Hart, 2011;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2011;Zhang et al., 2015;Zhou et al., 2013). These self-identifications are hereby referred to as anal sex roles, where men who prefer to be exclusively receptive during anal intercourse self-identify as ''bottoms,'' men who prefer to be exclusively penetrative during anal intercourse self-identify as ''tops,'' and men without preference for either role during anal intercourse self-identify as ''versatiles'' (Moskowitz & Hart, 2011). ...
... It is possible that more individuals would be categorized as behavioral top, bottom, and versatile partners if behaviors with condoms were assessed, which was not assessed in the current survey. However, MSM frequently self-identify with these anal sexual role labels (Hemmige et al., 2011;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2011). Future research should assess the congruence of self-identification and behavioral classification as a top, bottom, or versatile partner and compare the associations of these identities and behavioral categories with these outcomes (Kapur et al., 2014). ...
The current study sought to examine awareness of, willingness to use, and preferences for available and theoretical administration modalities for HIV pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) and the association of anal sex roles with these concepts among a sample of men who have sex with men (MSM) in Paris, France. Broadcast advertisements were placed on a popular geosocial-networking smartphone application for MSM to direct users to complete a Web-based survey. MSM answered questions on their recent engagement in condomless anal intercourse and awareness of and willingness to use PrEP in the form of once daily and event-driven pill regimens, long-acting injections, and penile and rectal microbicides as well as sexual roles. Multinomial regression models were fit to assess the association between behaviorally classified anal sexual role and preferences for one of these biomedical prevention modalities. A total of 482 HIV-uninfected MSM completed the survey, 48.1% of whom engaged in some form of condomless anal intercourse in the preceding 3 months. Most respondents (85.3%) had heard of once daily PrEP, but fewer respondents had heard of other prevention strategies. Assuming equal effectiveness, long-acting injections were the most commonly preferred (21.8%). Behaviorally defined “bottom” and “versatile” MSM more frequently preferred long-acting injections (32.9% of “bottoms” and 25.3% of “versatiles”). The development of long-acting injections to deliver antiretroviral drugs and topical microbicides may offer more convenient and acceptable options for HIV prevention among MSM, as MSM in this sample were willing to use them and would prefer to use them over currently available pill regimens.
... There has been a dramatic increase in the scientific understanding of receptive and insertive anal sex behaviors of gay and bisexual men.Whileinitiallyframedasakeybehavioralvariableimpacting the likelihood of HIV infection (Hart, Wolitski, Purcell, Gómez, & Halkitis, 2003;Weinrich et al., 1992), secondary research has revealed that men readily identify as their anal penetrative orientation (i.e., if exclusively insertive, a ''top''; if exclusively receptive, a ''bottom''; or if willing to be both insertive and receptive, a''versatile'') (Carballo-Diéguez et al., 2004;Gil, 2007;Kippax & Smith, 2001;Moskowitz, Rieger, & Roloff, 2008;Underwood, 2003;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Gay men's labeling as a top, bottom, or versatile has been referred to in the literature as their sexualself-identity and/or sexual self-label (Hartetal., 2003). ...
... The first studies acknowledging same-sex anal penetrative role (e.g., Carrier, 1976Carrier, , 1977 identified that men take different roles and that some men can be somewhat exclusive in the roles they take. Later studies (e.g., Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Weinrich et al., 1992) investigated the correlates of taking and adhering to these penetrative roles. Studies throughout the late 1990s and through the first decade in the twenty-first century continued identifying correlates of sexual position self-labels (e.g., Carballo-Diéguez et al., 2004;Gil, 2007;Grov, Parsons, & Bimbi, 2010;Kippax & Smith, 2001;Maskowitz & Hart, 2011). ...
Research on gay and bisexual men’s sexual position self-label (i.e., being a top, bottom, or versatile during anal sex) has revealed only independent snapshots of its development by focusing primarily on the influence of penis size. Moreover, the basic chronology of development of the sexual position self-label has barely been addressed. In response, we implemented a survey of 282 gay and bisexual men that measured demographics (including height and penis size), age of sexual recognitions, sexual position self-label, and attitudinal constructs suggested by previous literature as important (e.g., pleasure, control, anxieties, and gender typicality). Results suggested that men’s sexual position self-label was learned over a 15-year timespan. Ages of first same-sex genital manipulation and first anal sex experiences were related to age at first self-labeling. With respect to predictors of labels, a multivariate path model was created. The model did not support the direct importance of penis size, but identified indirect paths that linked penis size to top/bottom identification (e.g., smaller penis sizes leading to topping-anxieties and thus, a bottom label). Finding bottoming to be pleasurable and the importance of sexual control dynamics were the only two direct predictors. The path model substantiated the reliance both bottoms and tops show towards seeking (or not seeking among tops) gender typical, sexually dominant partners. It also supported previous evidence regarding race; specifically, while race may activate differences in sexual behavioral dynamics, it is not a great predictor of the sexual position self-label. This study shows that sexual position self-labeling has enormous complexity and cannot be reduced down to penis size.
... The three main sexual self-labels are as follows: (1) "top," meaning a man who prefers the insertive role; (2) "bottom," meaning a man who prefers the receptive role; and (3) "versatile," meaning a man who prefers to perform either role (Hart et al., 2003;Moskowitz, Rieger, & Roloff, 2008). Previous studies have found that sexual role preference is consistent with sexual behavior and pleasure (Hart et al., 2003;Moskowitz et al., 2008;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2011). Although sexual self-labels predict preferred roles and pleasure in associated sexual activity, it remains unclear whether there are differences in overall sexual satisfaction among individuals with different sexual self-labels. ...
... Painful receptive anal intercourse appears to be common among gay and bisexual men (Collier, Sandfort, Reddy, & Lane, 2014;Damon & Rosser, 2005;Rosser et al., 1997;Vansintejan et al., 2013). The greater frequency of receptive anal intercourse among bottoms (Hart et al., 2003;Moskowitz et al., 2008;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2011) may be associated with greater frequency of pain during anal intercourse. Biological pain during anal intercourse can decrease sexual satisfaction. ...
The present study explored the relationships among sexual satisfaction, sexual minority identity, and sexual role preference (top, bottom, and versatile) in a sample (N = 403) of Chinese men who self-identified as either gay or bisexual. Participants completed online the New Scale of Sexual Satisfaction, Lesbian and Gay Identity Scale, and a survey of sexual role preference. The New Scale of Sexual Satisfaction comprises two factors: (1) personal experiences and sensations (ego focused), and (2) participants’ perceptions of partner reactions and sexual activity in general (partner/activity focused). The hierarchical multiple regression model revealed that internalized homonegativity (the degree of negativity the participant associates with their sexual minority identity) significantly predicted ego-focused and partner/activity-focused sexual satisfaction. There were significant differences in ego-focused sexual satisfaction among sexual role preference groups (top, bottom, and versatile). Participants in the top (preferring the insertive position) and versatile (preferring either position) groups scored higher on ego-focused sexual satisfaction compared to those in the bottom (preferring the receptive position) group (Mtops = 3.12, Mversatiles = 3.23, Mbottoms = 2.98, p < .05). These findings indicated that reducing internalized homonegativity could be a complementary treatment for sexual satisfaction in gay and bisexual men.
... Although studies have suggested that there is no static or general dichotomous sexual role identity among MSM, 10,11 in Western populations, men who prefer IAI have generally been referred to as 'tops', men who prefer RAI have been referred to as 'bottoms', and men who prefer both are referred to as 'versatile' or 'vers'. [12][13][14][15] Research also shows that sexual role identity and practice varies by age and may be dependent upon cultural context. [16][17][18] Studies from the United States show that the proportion of MSM who identify in each of these role identities is not equally distributed. ...
... Conversely, MSM who identified as 'bottom' had higher frequency and likelihood of RAI compared to MSM who identified as 'top' or 'versatile'. 14,15,19 MSM who identified as 'versatile' had varying frequencies of insertive and receptive anal sex. 12,19 Other correlates of sexual positioning practices have included masculinity stereotypes, partner type, and HIV status. ...
Identifying roles for anal sex is an important issue for populations of MSM; we described the prevalence of identifying as being 'top', 'bottom', 'versatile', or 'don't know/not applicable' among Malay and Chinese MSM in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, and behavioural outcomes according to these labels for sexual role identity.
Data analysis was conducted on a survey administered during weekly outreach throughout Kuala Lumpur in 2012. Pearson's Chi square tests were used to compare demographic and behavioural characteristics of MSM who reported roles for anal sex. Binary logistic regression was used to explore the odds of behavioural outcomes among MSM who identified as 'bottom', 'versatile,' and 'don't know' compared to MSM who reported that 'top' was their sexual role.
Labels for anal sex roles were significantly associated with condom use for last anal sex. Among MSM who used labels for anal sex roles, MSM who identified as 'bottom' had highest level of not using condoms for last anal sex (24.1%, p = .045). In binary logistic regression model, identifying as 'top' was significantly associated with reporting using a condom during last anal sex and reported consistent condom use for anal sex in the past six months (p = .039 and .017, respectively).
With regard to sexual role identity, some MSM may be a part of a special subgroup of at-risk men to be targeted. Future research should evaluate the origins, meanings, and perceptions of these labels, and the developmental process of how these MSM identify with any of these categories. Research should also uncover condom use decision making with regard to these labels for sexual positioning.
© The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav.
... Scant research exists regarding male same-sex anal penetrative roles. Sociological, psychological, and public health studies document that many gay and bisexual men may self-identify by their penetrative role (Carrier, 1977;Gil, 2007;Hart et al., 2003;Moskowitz et al., 2008;Sanderson, 1994;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2010). These self-identifications have been called sexual self-labels (Hart et al., 2003). ...
p>Sociological, psychological, and public health studies document that many gay and bisexual men may self-label by their anal penetrative role (i.e., bottom or exclusively receptive; top or exclusively insertive; or versatile, both receptive and insertive during anal intercourse). Yet, what orients men to think of themselves as tops, bottoms or versatiles is poorly understood. We surveyed 429 men engaging in same-sex anal intercourse to investigate the degree to which anal penetrative self-identity was concordant with actual penetrative behavior. Additionally, the roles of masculinity and physical body traits (e.g., penis size, muscularity, height, hairiness, and weight) were tested as correlates of anal penetrative identity and identity-behavior concordance. Tops and bottoms showed a high degree of concordance between identity and enacted behavior; however, only half of versatiles reported concordant identity and behavior (i.e., wanting to be versatile and actually reporting versatile behavior). Generally, tops reported larger penises than bottoms. They also reported being comparatively more masculine than bottoms. Versatiles fell somewhat between the tops and bottoms on these traits. Of the six independent variables, penis size and masculinity were the only two factors to influence concordance or discordance between identity and penetrative behavior. Our study suggests that the correlates of gay men’s sexual self-labels may depend on objective traits in addition to the subjective pleasure associated with receptive or insertive anal intercourse.</p
... With a rich historical and contemporary discourse, sexual positioning roles have long been a significant social and cultural element of queer male communities (Chauncey, 1995;Underwood, 2003). The expectation to indicate a preferred sexual role has been acknowledged for some time, with many researchers and commentators reporting on how sexual roles are a central feature of how queer men relate to one anotherboth socially and intimately -and especially when networking online (Gil, 2007;Kheraj, 2018;Moskowitz et al., 2008;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). The ubiquity of anal sex among sexual minority men is widely reflected in social and popular media, ranging from guides explaining how to prepare for sex as a top or bottom (Baume, 2020;Cheves, 2018) to satirizing commentary about the characteristics of those who come to embody a particular sexual positioning role (Green, 2020;Zane, 2019). ...
Racialized Sexual Discrimination (RSD), also referred to as “sexual racism,” is widely reported among young sexual minority Black men (YSMBM). Though RSD is driven in part by sexual scripts and racial stereotypes, little is known about YSMBM’s experiences with RSD with respect to their sexual positioning roles. Using data from a cross-sectional web-survey of YSMBM (N = 726), a multivariate Kruskal Wallis test was conducted comparing YSMBM who identified as mostly bottom, versatile, or mostly top, on the degree to which they were affected by four RSD experiences, as well as the frequency with which they encountered these experiences. Men identifying as mostly bottom reported significantly stronger negative reactions to same-race rejection and encountering sexual role assumptions than men identifying as mostly top. Men identifying as versatile encountered same-race rejection significantly more frequently than men identifying as mostly top. Men identifying as mostly bottom encountered White superiority significantly more frequently than men identifying as mostly top. RSD may impact YSMBM differentially based on sexual position. These findings may have implications for culturally competent clinical practice, as well as analytic implications (e.g., estimating more complex statistical models) for sexual racism research, which remains an important yet underexamined field in the health sciences.
... This accepted switch, in part, came from men feeling overburdened with their responsibilities regarding work and wanting to see themselves as "weak, helpless or inferior and implicitly or explicitly demanding considerations and advantages on this basis" [122]. In this regard, with respect to homosexual relationships, one partner was expected to assume the top (male) role and the other the bottom (female role), although in many societies, only the bottom role defined a man as homosexual with the top seen as a "normal" man of power [123] (p. 45). ...
The presently ubiquitous idea of how gender is defined remains deeply indebted to modern thought, depending on the concept of sex as its reference point. Originating with practices arising from capitalism, modern thought’s concept of sex was enhanced with the search for the norm regarding standardization, then further refined through the research program of eugenics. Gender, in contrast to sex, has its roots in sexual practice changes from the second half of the twentieth century onward, developed in association with 1980s postmodern thought. The presuppositions of the two concepts differ radically. Understanding the difference between sex and gender matters because gender is now more than a critique of sex—it is an idea that is accepted and understood in popular culture and affects how people interpret their sexuality. This review examines the foundations of modern and postmodern thought, then focuses on sex and gender with respect to their history within these modes of thought. The conclusion, pointing to future research, is that a further reformulation of sexuality will be required for gender, as a postmodern idea, to truly separate itself from the presumptions of sex as a modern concept, permitting individuals to express their sexuality as they choose without negative social and psychological repercussions.
... However, the proportion of men with each role is not proportionally equal among gays. Approximately, 20% of homosexual men are tops (insertive), while 26% are bottoms (receptive), and 54% are versatile (receptive or insertive) (Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Hart et al., 2003). ...
Studies on homosexual men reveal a secondary self-label, the sex role, which can affect many dimensions of their lives. Based on their roles in anal intercourse, homosexual men adopt self-label or sex role as top, bottom, and versatile. Unwelcoming social space, along with the legal and religious constraints in Islamic communities on homosexuality has made information about their personality traits scarce. Therefore, this study assessed the personality traits of homosexual men with different sex roles and compared them to each other and heterosexual men. In an ex post facto study, 197 Iranian homosexual men (30 tops, 36 bottoms, and 131 versatile) and 49 Iranian heterosexual men were included using purposive and snowball samplings to complete a short 71-item Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2). The results showed top group obtaining highest mean score among the groups for scales of validity (F) and hypochondriasis (Hs), while bottom group obtaining highest mean scores for scales correction (K), depression (D), hysteria (Hy), paranoia (Pa), psychasthenia (Pt), and hypomania (Ma). These results suggested that bottoms encounter more difficulties in forming relationships and concealing their sexual identity. Depression, hopelessness, and a sense of failure in attracting support and affection from others are more prominent among bottoms.
... This accepted switch, in part, came from men feeling overburdened with their responsibilities regarding work and wanting to see themselves as "weak, helpless or inferior and implicitly or explicitly demanding considerations and advantages on this basis" [105]. In this regard, with respect to homosexual relationships, one partner was expected to assume the top (male) role and the other the bottom (female role), although in many societies only the bottom role defined a man as homosexual with the top seen as a 'normal' man of power [106] (p. 45). ...
A presently ubiquitous idea, how gender is defined remains deeply indebted to modern thought, depending on the concept of sex as its reference point. Originating with practices arising with capitalism, modern thought’s concept of sex was enhanced with the search for the norm regarding standardization, then further refined through the research program of eugenics. Gender, in contrast to sex, has its roots in sexual practice changes from the second half of the twentieth century onward, developed in association with 1980s postmodern thought. The presuppositions of the two concepts differ radically. Understanding the difference between sex and gender matters because gender is now more than a critique of sex—it’s an idea accepted and understood in popular culture and affects how people interpret their sexuality. This review examines the foundations of modern and postmodern thought then focuses on sex and gender with respect to their history within these modes of thought. The conclusion, pointing to future research, is that a further reformulation of sexuality will be required for gender, as a postmodern idea, to truly separate itself from the presumptions of sex as a modern concept, permitting individuals to express their sexuality as they choose without negative social and psychological repercussions.
... Multiple studies have focused on "top" and "bottom" sexual position labels among gay men, particularly in the area of studies of HIV risk. In a study of US urban gay men, half labeled themselves as "top" or "bottom," and these labels corresponded with sexual practices and preferences, as well as with HIV risk (gay men who identified as "bottoms" were more likely to be HIV positive) (Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg 2000). A study of South African gay men investigated ways that men construct identities and negotiate relationships (Henderson 2018), documenting that the "bottom" identity label can reflect stereotyped sexual roles while also powerfully resisting heteronormativity. ...
Sexual identity labels and meanings have been expanding. We explore how sexual identities are taking shape, intertwining, and emerging in new forms among a growing number of LGBTQ+ people (i.e., lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning, or people whose identities are outside the historically privileged or dominant groups of heterosexual sexual identities). We situate contemporary sexual identities in theories of the social construction of identity, intersectionality, and the life course. We review recent research that illuminates identity complexity and intersectionality, the increasingly intertwined understandings and experiences of sexuality and gender, and intersections of sexuality and gender with identities embedded in race and social class. Finally, we consider new work that situates sexual identities in the context of life course development, including life stage, developmental processes, and relationships.
Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Sociology, Volume 49 is July 2023. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
... Beyond the plasticity in individual ontogeny, some characteristics can vary over historical time and place, such as anal sex role preferences (Underwood, 2012;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000) and gender expression. For example, in societies with higher permissiveness toward the nonheterosexual behavior, the individuals more readily exhibit gender nonconforming behavior and nonheterosexuality, whereas in more conservative societies, where homosexuality might even be prohibited by law, they tend to act in a more genderconforming manner (Asal et al., 2013;Kenny & Patel, 2017;Puckett et al., 2016). ...
... Role-in-sex refers to sex positions or roles during sexual activity (Underwood, 2003). For GBM the terms "top," "bottom" and "versatile" can denote behavioral positions depending on preference for the insertive or receptive role in anal sex (Diaz, 1998;Johns et al., 2012;Moskowitz & Garcia, 2019;Moskowitz et al., 2008;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2010). These terms are also used to describe culturally recognized elements of identity (Underwood, 2003). ...
Gay and bisexual men (GBM) with prostate cancer experience worse sexual and mental health outcomes following prostate cancer treatment than heterosexual men. Emerging evidence suggests that GBM may change their role-in-sex in response to treatment effects. The purpose of this study was to describe the impact of prostate cancer treatment on role-in-sex, to estimate the prevalence of such changes, and to determine the impact on quality of life and mental health. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 30 sexual minority prostate cancer patients. Then, we recruited 401 gay and bisexual prostate cancer patients into a study assessing the effects of rehabilitation. Qualitative data were analyzed using descriptive thematic analysis. Differences in quality of life and mental health outcomes were analyzed using multivariate analyses of variance. Prostate cancer treatment resulted in loss of role-in-sex for many patients. When changes in role-in-sex occurred, the shifts were predominantly from tops to bottoms. Those with a current top role-in-sex had significantly better sexual and mental health outcomes than either versatiles or bottoms. Clinical implications include the need for providers to ask about role-in-sex in order to address disparities in health outcomes by sexual orientation and to provide culturally appropriate care to sexual minority patients.
... As indicated above, men who have sex with men (MSM) often identify themselves according to separable anal intercourse roles and related self-labels. Qualitative and correlational studies have found that MSM who prefer to engage in insertive anal intercourse tend to identify as "tops," men who prefer to be exclusively receptive during anal intercourse self-identify as "bottoms," and those without preference for either role as "versatiles" (Gil, 2007;Kippax & Smith, 2001;Moskowitz & Garcia, 2018;Moskowitz & Roloff, 2017;Moskowitz et al., 2008;Ravenhill & de Visser, 2018;Reilly, 2016;Underwood, 2003;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). These sexual self-labels also relate to other sexual activities such as oral sex, fisting, and the use of sex toys, whereby tops are generally insertive, bottoms generally receptive, and versatiles amenable to either role (Hart et al., 2003;Moskowitz et al., 2008). ...
Heterosexual gender roles are not directly relevant to gay romantic relationships, but gay men often take on different relationship roles depending on their sexual roles. In the present paper, we argue that gay men might draw on sexually explicit media (SEM) featuring men who have sex with men (MSM) to get information about how insertive sexual partners (“tops”) and receptive sexual partners (“bottoms”) typically behave. For this to be the case, however, we would have to reliably observe different behavior in SEM performers acting as tops vs. bottoms. We examined 220 of the most viewed online dyadic MSM SEM videos to determine whether performed verbal and physical intimacy, victimization, and sexual behaviors depended on the sexual role taken. We found that tops and bottoms engaged in similar amounts of intimacy behaviors, but that bottoms were depicted as initiating sexual activity more than tops. Tops enacted physical and psychological victimization more than bottoms, although these behaviors were rare. Tops were shown taking the insertive role across all sexual acts and versatile performers (i.e., those taking both insertive and receptive roles) were rarely depicted. The present study adds to the literature about the complexity of sexual-self-labels, and suggests that MSM SEM depictions of intimacy and sexual decision-making depend on the sexual role taken.
... Additionally, self-identified heterosexual men who engage in anal sex with feminine trans partners may not disclose this behavior to health care professionals, particularly if they engage in receptive anal sex. Receptive anal sex is associated with increased HIV risk (Schneider et al., 2012;Templeton et al., 2009;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2011;Weinberg & Williams, 2010). As such, men's general sexual health education should include information pertaining to insertive and receptive anal sex, including STI transmission risk and prevention strategies. ...
Feminine trans individuals (i.e., individuals who were assigned male at birth but who have a feminine gender presentation and identity) are present in many cultures. In some cultures, these individuals identify as (trans) women. Many of these individuals undergo medical treatments to feminize their bodies (e.g., breast augmentation), but most do not undergo vaginoplasties and therefore have penises. In many non-Western cultures, feminine trans individuals identify as a non-binary gender (i.e., neither man, nor woman). Many of these individuals do not surgically augment their bodies. Across cultures, some men express sexual interest in feminine trans individuals. Are manifestations of sexual interest in feminine trans individuals consistent across Western and non-Western cultural settings? Our review suggests that, across cultures, most of these men are also sexually attracted to cisgender individuals. Many are sexually attracted to cisgender women or to cisgender members of both sexes. A small subset is sexually attracted to cisgender men. Men who are sexually interested in feminine trans individuals commonly report being primarily insertive during anal sex. Additionally, they tend to report that their sexual interest in these individuals is motivated by attraction to femininity or to the combination female- and male-typical characteristics.
... These identities have a range of meanings, cultural associations, and risks saddled to them, and have been discussed in a variety of ways. Some researchers have demonstrated the way expressions of gender are bound up with these identities Moskowitz & Hart, 2011;Reilly, 2016), while others have examined how the social weight of HIV risk intersects with being a 'top' or a 'bottom' (Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). 'Bottoming' does pose a greater risk of disease transfer for blood-borne viruses compared to 'topping', however the way bottoming is socially constructed differs radically across subcultures in the gay community. ...
Gay and queer men tend to experience higher rates of mental health issues, STIs/HIV, suicide, substance dependency, and poor well-being than other demographics. Despite sustained public health efforts internationally, many of these issues continue to disproportionately affect members of the gay community. This thesis presents a new approach to the health issues gay and queer men face. It examines how 'risky' health-related practices including condomless sex and the use of illicit drugs might be legitimate ways of performing self-care and pursuing well-being. In order to address this aim, I conducted 16 interviews over a 12-month period in New Zealand and Australia using a constructionist grounded theory approach and a theoretical framework that draws upon the work of Judith Butler, Elizabeth Grosz, Michel Foucault, Homi Bhabha, Kane Race, Nikolas Rose, and Pierre Bourdieu. My participants and I explore a wide range of topics including the performative nature of sex and the notion of 'play', how pleasure and the emotional significance of sex might be related to self-care, the ways in which space might influence sexual practices and experiences, and to what extent having sex outside the home might be a form of self-care. I also cover safer sex practices and the experience of disease, how PrEP has radically changed the way gay men approach sex, the way drugs are bound up in self-care practices, and the relationships between self-care and community. The concept of 'wild self-care' emerged from these interviews and describes how practices or behaviours which appear risky, dangerous, or unhealthy can also be seen as legitimate ways of caring for the body and the self. I demonstrate how my participants used creative, unexpected, ii and alternative methods of caring for themselves using substances or 'risky' forms of sex and describe the way self-care is communal nature rather than a solitary practice. I also present the notion of health-as-process. This concept allows researchers to approach health as an ongoing process rather than a state of being that might be achieved. This speaks to the emotional and personal way that risk is constructed and experienced. All these facets come together to articulate the deeply complicated ways that people care for themselves.
... Therefore, the lower rates of masturbation seen in the baby boomer generation is likely a combination of physical aging as well as the negative perception of masturbation that was prevalent before the sexual revolution of the 1960s and 70s (Das, 2007;Kontula & Haavio-Mannila, 2009). Similarly, while decreasing participation in receptive anal intercourse from millennials to Gen Xers to baby boomers may be explained by the effects of aging, it likely also reflects changes in the cultural environment for each subsequent generation of gbMSM, such that behaviours like receptive anal sex which have traditionally faced more stigma, have become more culturally accepted (Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Age at first anal sex with a male partner decreased with each subsequent generation from 20 for baby boomers, 19 for Generation X, and 18 for millennials. ...
Introduction:
Given that different generations of gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men (gbMSM) have been influenced by substantially different life course events and cultural contexts, we explored differences in sexual behaviour between millennials, Gen-Xers, and baby boomers.
Methods:
Sexually active gbMSM from Metro Vancouver, ≥16 years, were recruited using respondent-driven sampling between 2012-2015 and completed computer-assisted self-interviews every 6 months, up to 2017. To explore differences between generations (millennials born ≥1987, Gen-Xers born 1962-1986, baby boomers born <1962) we used multivariable logistic regression models using baseline, RDS-weighted data. We also examined 6-month trends, stratified by generation, in partner number, prevalence of high-risk sex, and relationship status using hierarchical mixed-effects models.
Results:
Among 774 gbMSM (190 millennials, 469 Gen-Xers, 115 baby boomers), median age of first anal sex with a male partner decreased from 20 (aQ1,aQ3:17,25) among baby boomers to 18 (aQ1,aQ3: 16,20) among millennials (x 2 (DF=2, N=764)=12.920, p=0.002). After controlling for relevant demographics, differences were observed for some sexual behaviours (i.e., anal sex positioning, giving oral sex, sex toys, masturbation, sexual app/website use, transactional sex) but not others (i.e., receiving oral sex, rimming, fisting, watersports, group sex). At baseline, millennials reported less high-risk sex than other generations but all trended toward less high-risk sex, fewer partners, and regular partnering over the course of the study.
Conclusions:
While there was notable similarity across generations, millennial gbMSM reported earlier age at first anal intercourse and less high-risk sex. However, all generations trended towards less high-risk sex, fewer partners, and regular partnering over time.
... Building on these works, researchers have demonstrated that the relationship between gay men's masculinity preference and sociosexual orientation differs between different sex roles. There are three commonly recognized sexual self-labels among gay men: Those who self-label as "top" prefer the insertive role, who self-label as "bottom" prefer the receptive role, and who self-label as "versatile" prefer neither (Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Zheng, Hart, and Zheng (2013) showed that tops with less restricted sexual behaviors preferred more feminine male faces, bottoms with less restricted sexual behaviors preferred more masculine male faces, and no association between sociosexuality and male facial masculinity preference was found in versatiles. ...
Theory and some evidence suggest that masculine characteristics (e.g., lower pitched voice) will predict indices of men’s long-term health. In a related finding, researchers have demonstrated that the attractiveness of individuals predicts variation in their mate preferences. As self-perceived attractiveness may predict sociosexuality (i.e., the willingness of individuals to engage in restricted or unrestricted sexual relationships), we investigated how self-rated attractiveness and sociosexuality influence preferences regarding male voices among 338 gay men across different cities in China. Each participant was randomly presented with six pairs of male voices and gave preferences using a forced-choice method; each pair of male voices consisted of a masculine (lower pitched) and feminine (higher pitched) version of the same original voice. Our findings suggested that gay men who perceived themselves as more attractive showed stronger preference for lower pitched voices compared with self-perceived less attractive individuals. In addition, we found that gay men’s sociosexuality score was positively correlated with their preference for masculine cues in male voices, indicating that gay men who were less sociosexually restricted preferred lower pitched voices over higher pitched versions compared with men who were more restricted. Our study presents evidence contributing to a better understanding of condition-dependent strategies of partner choice in gay men.
... Most studies on sexual roles among MSMs, focused on the HIV prevalence, yet two aspects need further clarification. First, the dominant opinion was that the bottoms and versatiles were more susceptible to the risk of HIV infection than the tops [24,25], but other researchers believed that HIV prevalence had no difference among the subgroups [18,26]. Second, previous researchers found that factors such as income, race/ethnic distribution and physical traits were different among sexual roles [18,[27][28][29][30][31], but few kinds of literature focused on the risky sexual behaviours of different sexual roles in the context of Chinese culture. ...
Background:
HIV infection is prevalent among men who have sex with men (MSMs), and sexual roles may be important factors related to it. This study aims to describe the sexual roles, risk sexual behaviours and HIV prevalence among MSMs, and to determine associated factors for HIV prevalence.
Methods:
A convenient sampling method was used to recruit participants in a non-government organization in Changsha, China. The participants were asked to complete a 38-item self-administered questionnaire regarding demographic characteristics and risk sexual behaviours before collecting blood samples for HIV testing. Chi-square tests and logistic regression analysis were conducted with Statistical Package for the Social Sciences Version 18.0 and other indexes were statistically described.
Results:
Totally 601 MSMs who came to a local non-government organization for voluntary counseling and testing completed a pencil-and-paper survey and were tested for HIV. The overall HIV prevalence of this sample was 13.3%, and that of the bottoms (16.3%) was similar to the versatiles (15.9%), but higher than the tops (6.1%). Bivariate analyses showed that there were significant differences in age, marital status, monthly income, sexual orientation, age at first sex, sex of the first sex partner, sex with a woman in the last 6 months, oral sex with a man in the last 6 months and oral sex role among 3 subgroups of MSM (p < 0.05). Multivariate analyses indicated that MSMs who played the role of either the bottoms or the versatiles were more likely to be HIV positive than the tops. While MSMs who used condoms in anal sex in the last 6 months, had sex with a woman in the last 6 months or had oral sex with a man in the last 6 months were less likely to be HIV positive.
Conclusion:
Different sexual roles are associated with high-risk sexual behaviors among MSMs and their HIV infection status. Further research should target preventive interventions, and improve the effectiveness of the intervention according to the characteristics of the subgroups to reduce the HIV transmission among Chinese MSMs.
... Anthropological evidence points to forms of institutionalized homosexuality in which one partner undergoes a symbolic gender change, e.g. one of the men becomes a woman and even experiences spurious pregnancy or one of the females fulfills male gender roles such as hunting (Devereux, 1937). Even in some gay circles in contemporary western societies (Carballo-Die´guez et al., 2004;Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000) as well as in legal proceedings, heterosexual individuals and legal experts may draw on gender stereotypes to make distinctions between tops and bottoms (Ayres and Luedman, 2013;see Soucek, 2013 for a contrasting analysis of the ways in which gender norms inform court decisions in providing more protection for "perceived homosexuals"). But we are not aware of other instances in which such distinctions are codified in modern laws, except for the new penal code of Iran. ...
What does it matter who has what position in the same-sex sexual act? The difference can be life and death. This paper, drawing on sociology of punishment and the critiques of cultural determinism in explaining capital punishment, examines the new penal code of Iran (2013) with respect to same-sex sexual acts between men, analyzing it in terms of its literal and symbolic significance for homosexual men in Iran and its broader meaning and function within the current socio-political and economic situation of Iran. The new penal code makes distinction between male same-sex partners in terms of their respective position during intercourse. In a somewhat counter-intuitive manner, the penetrating man receives more leniency than the one who is penetrated. On the surface, we note greater leniency towards a whole class of gay men (the “tops”). But beneath the surface, some of the new provisions reveal potential anxieties around masculinity and the alteration in relationship between punishment and national identity in Iran as the country grapples with significant internal and geopolitical challenges. Our paper contributes to the literature on sociology of punishment that considers the interplay between global and national politics and the role of sexuality and gender in analyzing capital punishment.
... Among gay men, who self-label as "top" prefer the insertive role, who self-label as "bottom" prefer the receptive role, and who self-label as "versatile" prefer neither (Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Past research has indicated that the score of tops on self-perceived masculinity, instrumentality, and gender-related interest were significantly higher than among bottoms, while the score of bottoms on the dimension of expressiveness was significantly higher than among tops (Zheng, Hart, & Zheng, 2012). ...
Previous studies have demonstrated that women who prefer masculinized features in one domain (e.g., face) also tend to prefer masculinized features in other domains. In the present study, we examined the consistency of homosexual males’ preferences for masculinity across four domains: face, body, voice, and personality characteristics. Participants were recruited via the Internet, and comprised 191 bottoms, 99 versatiles, and 54 tops. The results indicated that masculinity preferences remain consistent across the modalities of vision, audition, and personality characteristics, which indicates that gay men who prefer masculine faces tend to prefer masculine bodies, voices, and personality characteristics. Further, significant positive correlations were identified between the masculinity preferences for the four domains, respectively. Our results suggest that preference for masculinity across the four domains represents a common underlying quality of gay men, indicating multiple cues are integrated when forming partner preferences.
... The field of sex research has long acknowledged that gay and bisexual men readily identify with their anal sex roles. Men who are exclusively insertive during anal intercourse identify as a "top," exclusively receptive, a "bottom," and if willing to be both insertive and receptive, "versatile" (Carballo-Diéguez et al., 2004;Gil, 2007;Kippax & Smith, 2001;Moskowitz, Rieger, & Roloff, 2008;Underwood, 2003;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Over the past 10 years, sexual minority men's anal penetrative sexual positions and associated identities (i.e., labeling as a top, bottom, or versatile) have seen an uptick in empirical investigation. ...
Across much of the gay and bisexual male research on sexual position self-label (i.e., calling oneself a top, bottom, or versatile), there exist two commonalities: (1) studies tend to focus almost entirely on individual, relationally single androphilic men; (2) studies rarely account for relationships and relationship dynamics. In response, we explored the role of self-label over sexual and relationship satisfaction among gay and bisexual partnered men. Specifically, we looked at whether adopted sexual position identities were consonant or dissonant (i.e., matching or mismatching) with enacted behavior in relationships and how that impacted men’s attitudes toward different relational attributes. Through an online survey, we sampled 169 men in same-sex relationships, asking them questions about their ideal penetrative role identities and their reality penetrative roles with their partner. We then asked them to rate their relationship on 10 sexual and interpersonal attributes. Multiple regression modeling suggested ideal-reality penetrative role dissonance was predictive of sexual dissatisfaction among tops who bottomed in their relationships and, to a lesser extent, bottoms who topped. In contrast, penetrative role dissonance was predictive of relationship satisfaction among tops who bottomed in their relationship, but not bottoms who topped. We conclude that a potential reason for this paradox among tops who bottom may be sexual altruism. That is, men may be satisfied with other aspects within their relationships, understand their partner’s anal sex preferences, and accommodate that position in response to their initial relationship satisfaction.
... There is a prevalent notion that real life m/m sex is 'fairly switchy', so that 'whether they're topping or bottoming is less determined by "the relationship" than "it's Tuesday" or "I'm tired, you do the work"' (American, 55-64, in a relationship, bisexual). Indeed, numerous studies have shown that the majority of gay men selflabel as versatile; that is, instead, of seeing themselves as 'tops' or 'bottoms' they practice both insertive and receptive sexual intercourse (Coxon et al., 1993;Hart, Wolitski, Purcell, Gómez, & Halkitis, 2003;Lyons, Pitts, & Grierson, 2013;Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000;Wei & Raymond, 2011;Wilcox, 1981). As far back as 1965, Hooker noted that, 'few individuals prefer and predominantly engage in modes of sexual gratification for which any term defining a typical 'sex-role' can be assigned. ...
The introductory chapter provides an overview of previous research that has examined women who engage with m/m pornography and erotica, and reflects on the response of the women who participated in this study to both existing research and popular perceptions of women who like m/m erotic media. The chapter goes on to explore the issues raised by conducting research with an often misrepresented community (Tablesaw, The pervy survey. Dreamwidth blog, http://tablesaw.dreamwidth.org/421853.html, 2009; Jenkins, Textual poachers: Television fans and participatory culture, Routledge, 1992) while at the same time being an active member of that community and using online community spaces (I am a writer of gay male erotic fiction and slashfic which I have published online and in print anthologies). Against the backdrop of a rich history of scholarship that examines the benefits and pitfalls of researching a community while being part of it, the chapter looks at how the respondents themselves reacted to my involvement and positionality, and how this affected their decision to participate in the research (or not).
... As the results suggest, self-identification in a particular gay identity does not dictate which particular sexual role to use during sexual encounters. These findings assert that sexual roles of gay men are influenced by diverse factors such as the degree of satisfaction resulting from a particular sexual role and the power dynamic which relates to gender roles assumed by either the individual or the partner (Dieguez et al., 2004;Wegsin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). Results suggest that gender roles may factor into which sexual roles to engage in, but may not essentially influence preferred sexual roles since there are more significant factors which may come into play during the encounter (i.e. ...
... Among gay men, bisexual men, and other men who have sex with men (MSM) in Western countries, sexual self-labels are usually applied to reflect one's preference for the insertive or receptive position during anal intercourse (Hart et al., 2003). Men who prefer the insertive position during anal intercourse self-label as''top,''men who prefer the receptive position during anal intercourse self-label as''bottom,''and men who have no preference for either position during anal intercourse selflabel as ''versatile'' (Wegesin & Meyer-Bahlburg, 2000). In contrast, the terms that are used to reflect sexual self-labels are substituted by the use of numbers in China. ...
We examined the sexual motives underlying sexual self-labels among Chinese men who have sex with men. A total of 60 bottoms, 120 versatiles, and 48 tops participated in a Web-based survey. Our results showed that tops were more likely to desire exerting power over their partners during sex, while bottoms were more likely to desire being overpowered by their partners. There were no significant sexual self-label differences in the sexual motives of wanting intimacy and the desire for pleasure. The intimacy and power ratings differed across sexual activities and sex positions. There was a tendency for sexual positions in which the performer was facing the receiver to be rated as more intimate than those in which the performer was facing away from the receiver, and for individuals who preferred to be insertive to feel more powerful in sexual positions in which their partner was kneeling down or standing than those in which their partner was sitting or lying down. Tops were significantly more likely than bottoms to engage in insertive sexual positions, while bottoms were significantly more likely to engage in receptive sexual positions. Both tops and bottoms were more likely to engage in the corresponding insertive/receptive position when the insertive position was rated as more powerful than the receptive position. Our results suggest that the concordance between sexual self-labels and sexual position preferences may rely on the power difference between the insertive and receptive positions in addition to body characteristics.
... For instance, 63% of the 4295 MSM from 6 major US-cities had a versatile behavior pattern over a 30-month period (80). Other studies report similar or even bigger proportions of MSM who engage in both receptive and insertive anal sex (57,(81)(82)(83)(84)(85). Our ethnographic research suggests that versatility may be becoming more prevalent among MSM in South Africa, as local MSM communities, through increased exposure, adopt sexual practices and identities informed by the ideologies of global gay-identified communities, particularly those of the North American, Western European, and Australian gay communities whose sexualities are currently most in vogue in emerging gay community contexts. ...
To explore demographic, behavioral and psychosocial risk factors for HIV infection in South African MSM we recruited 480 MSM (aged 18 and 44 years) using respondent-driven sampling. Data were collected through individual computer-assisted face-to-face interviews. Participants were tested for HIV. RDS-adjusted HIV prevalence is 30.1 % (unadjusted 35.6 %). Few participants had ever engaged in both receptive and insertive anal sex; sex with women was frequently reported. Independent demographic and behavioral correlates of HIV infection include age, education, number of male sexual partners, ever having been forced to have sex, and ever having engaged in transactional sex; engagement in sex with women was a protective factor. Psychosocial risk factors independently associated with HIV infection were feminine identification, internalized homophobia, and hazardous drinking. Our findings confirm what has been found in other studies, but also suggest that the dynamics and context of sexual transmission among MSM in South Africa differ from those among MSM in Western countries.
... They distinguished between receptive and insertive anal intercourse and found that changes in the roles of behavior distributions influenced the spread of HIV. Wegesin and Meyer-Bahlburg (2000) drew attention to the phenomenon of self-labeling occurring in the gay community that involves naming partners by some hackneyed, colloquial phrases according to the role played by them in sexual relations. Under this nomenclature, an inserter is called the "top," and an insertee is called the "bottom." ...
The attempt is made to initially arrange in the terms of methodology the area of the research on partner roles in homoerotic relations. These issues have been noticed fairy early in human history, e.g., different roles performed or bimodal polarization, but only recently the science become interested in this. It is suggested to cover all such roles by the term sexual partner roles (SPR) instead of various terms used and to classify them according to the ethological evolutionary approach into the appetitive and consummatory SPR. Further details of the division are discussed, and the utility of such classification is marked.
Sexual self-labeling refers to gay and bisexual men’s preference for dominant (top) or submissive (bottom) sexual positions. This study examined influences of gender beliefs on sexual self-labeling identification and criteria for a romantic partner’s sexual role, along with the related mechanism (N = 543). Gender beliefs were represented through gender roles attitude and gender values regarding couples. Individuals endorsing traditional gender beliefs and having high internalized homophobia were more likely to identify as tops. However, individuals with internalized stereotypical gender-roles were more likely to have fixed self-labeling (e.g. exclusively tops and exclusively bottoms) rather than flexible self-labeling (e.g. versatiles). Gender beliefs indirectly affected sexual self-labeling via internalized traditional gender-roles and internalized homophobia. Gender beliefs directly impacted requiring a partner to be complementary, and indirectly affected this element through internalized traditional gender-roles. The results demonstrate that gender beliefs affect sexual self-labeling identification and partner choice by way of internalized, stereotypical gender beliefs in relation to sexual self-labeling. This study implicated the heteronormative culture’s influences on patterns in same-sex relationships among Chinese gay and bisexual men.
Lay summary This study examined the influences of gender beliefs on self-labeling (top, bottom, and versatile) and partner choice in gay and bisexual men in China. Individuals endorsing traditional gender beliefs were more likely to identify as tops. Individuals endorsing the similar beliefs toward sexual roles were more likely to have fixed self-labeling (i.e., exclusively tops or bottoms) than flexible self-labeling (i.e., versatiles). The findings indicated that heteronormative culture has extensive influence on sexual minorities.
In öffentlichen und medialen Debatten spielt die Verknüpfung von Religion und Gender eine prominente und problematische Rolle. Religiöse Erfahrungen und Praktiken sind ohne Beachtung der Diversität der betroffenen und agierenden Subjekte nicht adäquat zu verstehen. Dennoch ist eine gendersensible Religionswissenschaft immer noch nicht selbstverständlich. Aktuelle und historische Fallstudien zum Zusammenhang zwischen Religion und Diversität nehmen verschiedene Religionen wie den Islam sowie westliches und orthodoxes Christentum in den Blick und behandeln zudem eine Vielfalt an Medien, wie Erzählungen, Filme, Serien oder Reality-TV.
Sexual role preference or self-label (i.e., top, versatile, or bottom) has been well studied in samples of sexual minority men (SMM) but lacks research among adolescent sexual minority men (ASMM). In response, data were collected from 302 ASMM (15–18 years old), measuring sexual self-label, relationship and sexual experience, sexually explicit media use, use of geosocial networking applications, penis size satisfaction, and gender atypicality. Results showed there was no significant difference in the distribution of sexual position self-identity in ASMM when compared with data from published, adult samples. A model that associated sexual socialization factors with adopting any self-label was significant, with greater number of partners, previous geosocial networking app use, and more relationship experience being positive predictors of having a label. Additionally, a model that tested the convergent validity between self-label and enacted sexual behaviors was significant. Both receptive and insertive sex enactments were highly correlated with corresponding labels. Lastly, gender atypicality and penis size satisfaction were significant predictors of sexual position self-identity. Data from our study supports sexual self-labeling occurring before adulthood, during adolescence for SMM. Furthermore, it shows that socialization factors (e.g., partner frequency, using apps) are important in the development of sexual position self-identity in this population.
The current understanding of sexual consent negotiation is grounded in research conducted with heterosexual populations, and little is understood about how non-heterosexual men (bisexual, bi-curious, two-spirited, other) navigate these processes. A sample of 251 heterosexual men and 313 non-heterosexual men participated in an online survey where they were asked to respond to an open-ended question regarding sexual consent. Heterosexual men responded to the question “Do you think sexual consent and sex negotiation is different for heterosexual men compared to gay men? If so, how?”. Non-heterosexual men responded to the question “Do you think sexual consent and sex negotiation is different for men who have sex with men compared to heterosexual men? If so, how?”. Several methods were used to recruit participants including social media (i.e. Facebook, Twitter), Amazon’s Mechanical Turk, and via the distribution of flyers/posters. Participants were from Canada, the United States, and Western Europe. Basic demographic information was gathered along with self-identified sexual orientation. Responses were analyzed following Braun & Clarke’s (2006) six phase thematic analysis guidelines from which four main themes were derived: (1) understanding of sexual interactions, (2) understanding of sexual script, (3) unique challenges, and (4) the universality of sexual consent. These findings provide initial insight into the perceived differences between heterosexual and non-heterosexual men in regards to sexual consent negotiation within heterosexual male and male same-sex sexual interactions which can serve to inform social interactions, education, and policy making. Further implications and future directions are discussed.
Drawing on ethnographic research, this paper explores self-understandings among same-sex attracted men in Harare along with the local terms such men use to refer to themselves as well as their adoption and modification of globally circulating sexual identity labels. All study participants related to some of the labels that are prominent in the present-day, western-inspired global discourse on same-sex relations. However, they were rarely understood in the exact same way that is represented as typical in the 'west', indicating that when understandings and labels travel, they are not simply copied and pasted into new contexts. In Harare, being gay was closely interwoven with considerations about one's gendered self, and many same-sex relations were gender-structured. At the same time, this characteristic appeared to be a matter of emerging dispute, as it was sternly criticised by some. The history of political homophobia in Zimbabwe shone through in many stories and could be identified in some of the local terms used to refer to gay people, some of which had been invented to conceal from outsiders what they laid bare for insiders, and others of which had sting and mocked those in power for ideas and rhetoric perceived to be misguided or bizarre.
Global research reveals that gender-role norms have a profound effect on socio- and psycho-sexual expression (e.g. sexual positioning) among gay and bisexual men, which in turn may affect mental health and sexual risks. However, little is known about these factors among gay and bisexual men in Muslim-majority countries such as Tajikistan. Using a combination of in-depth individual interviews and focus-group assessments, this exploratory, qualitative study examined how gender roles might function as a social determinant for the practice of sexual positioning, which in turn may influence intimate partner violence (IPV), sexual risk and relational power. Results suggest that being the ‘active’ partner in sexual relationships closely aligns with the construct of hegemonic masculinity, affording actives more power in male–male relationships which may in some cases result in IPV directed against ‘passives’. Despite this imbalance, passives also hold power in some cases, such as easier access to public resources such as the police and gay and bisexual focused services. Further research should examine gender norms and sexual positioning relative to IPV and sexual risks among Muslim men in Tajikistan.
Background In the USA, young Black gay, bisexual or other men who have sex with men (YBMSM) bear the largest burden of HIV incidence. The aim of this study is to examine the independent associations between economic dependency on a sexual partner and several HIV risk behaviours and sexual health outcomes among YBMSM living in Jackson, Mississippi, USA.
Methods:
Baseline data from 589 YBMSM, with a median age of 22.0 years (IQR=15-25) participating in a brief sex-positive HIV and STI prevention intervention, were used to measure the association between six sexual behaviours, sexually transmissible infections (STIs) status at baseline and economic dependence. Bivariate χ2 associations were tested and regression models adjusted for education level (≤ high school), employment and HIV-status.
Results:
In regressions, of the six sexual behaviours reported in the last 90 days and six STIs tested at baseline, economically dependent YBMSM were more likely to report condomless anal receptive sex (aOR=2.19, 95%CI=1.25-3.83), ≥3 partners as a top (aOR=1.99, 95%CI=1.17-340), ≥3 sex partners as a bottom (aOR=2.07, 95%CI=1.24-3.45), ≥3 sex acts as a bottom (aOR=2.10, 95%CI=1.16-3.82) and testing positive for oral gonorrhoea (aOR=2.39, 95%CI=1.18-4.83) after controlling for HIV status, employment and education.
Conclusions:
Interventions should consider how poverty, unemployment and economic dependence interact to influence relationship power imbalances, condom use and sexual positioning agency, and sexual health for key populations of MSM.
This chapter examines the difficulties presented to women in this sample by heterosexual (and, to some extent, lesbian) pornography, in terms of both the lack of agency afforded to female actors because of the wider political and economic situation of women, and the lack of evidence, or rather, ‘authentic’ evidence of female desire. It looks at why women the women I spoke with might therefore see m/m pornography as a viable alternative, answering the call for ‘a moral pornography’. This chapter also examines what women described as the ‘eroticising equality’ (Dyer, R, Idol thoughts: Orgasm and self-reflexivity in gay pornography. In P. Church Gibson (Ed.), More dirty looks: Gender, pornography and power, BFI, London, pp. 102–109, 2004; Pugh, The democratic genre: Fan fiction in a literary context, Seren, 2005) of gay sex, and explores the experiences of a subsection of the sample who spoke about how issues with their own bodies, and in some cases a history of previous sexual abuse (committed by men), meant that m/m porn offered a comfortable space to explore their own sexuality and sexual identity which heterosexual pornography did not.
In anal intercourse between gay men, men who are typically insertive ("tops") are often perceived as, and may identify as, more masculine than those who are typically receptive ("bottoms"). "Versatile" men, who may adopt either position, may be perceived as more gender balanced and may transcend the gender-role stereotypes associated with self-labeling as top or bottom. The aim of this study was to explore how gay men's beliefs about masculinity were associated with their beliefs about the gendered nature of sexual self-labels and their behavior in anal intercourse. Individual semistructured interviews were undertaken with 17 UK-based gay men. Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) identified that perceptions of tops and bottoms as gendered social identities varied depending on the extent to which gay men subscribed to the mandates of hegemonic masculinity, the dominant masculinity in Western society. The findings also suggested that some gay men differentiated between top and bottom as social identities and topping and bottoming as gendered behaviors. This had implications for gay men's behaviors in anal intercourse. It is suggested that future efforts to engage with gay men about their sexual behavior should account for their beliefs regarding the gender-role stereotypes associated with gay sexual self-labels.
Background:
HIV pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is an effective tool in preventing HIV infection among high risk men who have sex with men (MSM). It is unknown how effective PrEP is in the context of other implemented HIV prevention strategies, including condom use, seroadaption, and treatment as prevention (TasP). We evaluate the impact of increasing uptake of PrEP in conjunction with established prevention strategies on HIV incidence in a high risk population of MSM through simulation.
Methods:
Agent-based simulation models representing the sexual behavior of high risk, urban MSM in the United States over the period of one year were used to evaluate the effect of PrEP on HIV infection rates. Simulations included data for 10,000 MSM and compared increasing rates of PrEP uptake under eight prevention paradigms: no additional strategies, TasP, condom use, seroadaptive behavior, and combinations thereof.
Results:
We observed a mean of 103.2 infections per 10,000 MSM in the absence of any prevention method. PrEP uptake at 25% without any additional prevention strategies prevented 30.7% of infections. In the absence of PrEP, TasP, condom use, and seroadaptive behavior independently prevented 27.1, 48.8, 37.7% of infections, respectively, and together prevented 72.2%. The addition of PrEP to the three aforementioned prevention methods, at 25% uptake, prevented an additional 5.0% of infections.
Conclusions:
In order to achieve a 25% reduction in HIV infections by 2020, HIV prevention efforts should focus on significantly scaling up access to PrEP in addition to HIV testing, access to antiretroviral therapy, and promoting condom use.
This article combines qualitative and quantitative textual approaches to the representation of penis size and sexual position of performers in ten of the most visited gay pornography websites currently in operation. Specifically, in excess of 6,900 performer profiles sourced from ten commercial websites are analysed. Textual analysis of the profile descriptions is combined with a quantitative representation of disclosed penis size and sexual position, which is presented visually by two figures. The figures confirm that these sites generally market themselves as featuring penises that are extraordinarily large, and finds a sample-wide correlation between smaller penis sizes (5-6.5 inch) and receptive sexual acts (bottoming), and larger (8.5-13 inch) with penetrative acts (topping). These observations are supported through the qualitative textual readings of how the performers are described on these popular sites, revealing the narratives and marketing strategies that shape the construction of popular porn brands, performers, and profitable fantasies.
We examined how sexism related to gay and bisexual men’s preferences for same-sex top (dominant) or bottom (submissive) sexuality in China. Specifically, we determined the impacts of sexism on sexual self-label identification and requirements for a romantic partner’s sexual role among 507 Chinese gay and bisexual men. Sexism was found to significantly predict top/bottom sexual self-label: gay and bisexual men endorsing benevolent sexism (BS; ideation of women who conform to traditional gender roles) were more likely to identify as tops than as bottoms. We also noted a significant prediction of hostile sexism (HS; hostility toward women who oppose traditional roles) on partner choice: Tops and bottoms endorsing HS were more likely to require a complementary partner rather than to have no requirements. Moreover, sexism was related to sexual role prejudice, a concept derived from sexism that we defined as holding attitudes toward the gender roles of “bottoms” among gay and bisexual men that indicate inequality of sexual self-labels. In a mediation analysis of these relationships, we noted significant indirect effects of BS and HS on sexual self-label via both benevolent and hostile sexual role prejudice, as well as on requirements for a romantic partner’s sexual role via benevolent (but not hostile) sexual role prejudice. Our results suggest that traditional gender beliefs may influence negative beliefs toward other sexual roles and that both sets of beliefs, although not always consistent with each other, relate to gay and bisexual men’s sexual self-labels and requirements for a romantic partner’s sexual role.
This study examines how participants view men who have sex with men (MSM) based on their sexual orientation identity (SOI) and sexual position identity (SPI). White heterosexual male (n = 93) and female (n = 210) American college students read one of six scenarios about an ordinary man named John who has sex with men. In the scenarios, John’s SOI and SPI were manipulated, in that he considers himself gay, straight or not gay, and thinks of himself as either a top or a bottom. Participants rated their attitudes towards John’s psychology, social character, HIV vulnerability and status as gay. Men were less interested in being friends with John and found him less interesting than women did, and agreed more that, if they were John, they would think of themselves as gay. Participants agreed for all SOIs that, if they were John, they would think of themselves as gay, though they agreed more strongly when John’s SOI was gay than otherwise. Compared to their ratings for gay John, participants rated straight and not gay John as more conflicted about his sexuality, in need of counselling, irresponsible and unpredictable. John’s SPI had almost no influence on any attitudes towards John. Findings suggest that, if MSM identify themselves as straight or not gay, people not only think that they are gay, but also experience them as more psychologically unhealthy than if they identify themselves as gay. These attitudes suggest that, because people commonly use SOIs to make predictions about sexual orientation, incongruence between a man’s SOIs and his sexual orientation implicates psychological difficulties.
This paper explores the meanings attached to gay sexuality through the self-labelling practices of a
group of young gay-identified students in focus group and individual interviews in Johannesburg, South
Africa. These meanings include constructs of the dynamics surrounding safe sex negotiation and risk related
to “top-bottom” subject positioning as well as the erotics of power and desire that are imbued in these
practices and positioning. Using performativity theory as a theoretical tool of analysis, I argue that constructs
of “top-bottom” subjectivities can be seen to meet certain erotic needs for LGBTI youth, including reasons
related to physical safety for LGBTI people living in dangerous spaces. The performance of “bottom” identities
in sexual intimacy and behaviour is further deployed in the expression and performance of power that the
participants construct as erotic. The implications for sexual health intervention include understanding the
gendered performance influences of sexual behaviour including safe sex, exploring creative ways that
practices of sexual health can be engaged with this population group in a way that accommodates the erotic
pleasure interfaced with sexual identity identifications and performances of “bottom” identities.
This article uses star study and textual analysis of posts on popular gay porn blog TheSword.com as a means to chart the career of retired power bottom twink Jake Lyons and the manner in which his various career and personal decisions – such as to perform bareback and in fetish porn – are critiqued by participants on this blog. I argue that a discourse of disposal and disgust surrounding Lyons and his actions pervade this forum and that this discourse is worthy of scholarly consideration: not only because it relates to sexual health concerns resulting from high-risk sexual practice facing the industry and gay community, but also because it has something to tell us about the consumption of gay porn and the objectification and disposal of gay male performers, twink bottoms particularly.
Bareback sex continues to fuel the HIV epidemic among men who have sex with men but despite the fact that much academic attention has been focused on the sexual behaviour of this population few authors have considered the significance of sexual position. In order to explore this relatively under-examined factor, interviews were conducted with 13 HIV-negative and unknown status gay men who had recently engaged in bareback sex. Using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis and through the lens of sexual position, the findings were organized across three super-ordinal themes. There were some areas in which there was little difference between the men's experiences of engaging in bareback as tops or bottoms (for instance, how participants connected with barebacking partners). In other areas, however, there were clear differences in men's experiences according to sexual position, particularly in the interpersonal dynamic between tops and bottoms during bareback sex encounters, which, it is argued, were acted out in accordance with a barebacking ‘sexual script’. There were further differences by position in how individuals overcame ‘cognitive dissonance’ by invoking strategies to make their engagement in bareback sex safer and in the meanings men ascribed to bareback sex and semen exchange. These findings provide valuable insights for those working with MSM around HIV prevention.
Preferences for anal sex roles (top/bottom) are an important aspect of gay male identity, but scholars have only recently begun to explore the factors that covary with these preferences. Here, we argue that the gendered nature of both racial stereotypes (i.e., Black men are masculine, Asian men are feminine) and sexual role stereotypes (i.e., tops are masculine, bottoms are feminine) link the categories Asian/bottom and the categories Black/top. We provide empirical evidence for these claims at three levels of analysis: At the cultural level based upon gay men's stereotypic beliefs about others (Study 1), at the interpersonal level based upon gay men's perceptions of others' sexual role preferences (Study 2), and at the intrapersonal level based upon racially diverse men's self-reported sexual roles on a public hookup website (Study 3). These studies offer the first systematic evidence of linkages between race categories and sexual roles in gay male communities.
Gay men across a variety of countries label themselves by their preferences for insertive anal intercourse or receptive anal intercourse. A "top" is defined as someone who prefers the insertive role, a "bottom" as someone who prefers the receptive role, and "versatile" as someone who has no preferences regarding anal sex role. Previous studies documented that tops showed a masculine profile and bottoms showed a feminine profile in gendered personality traits. In this study, we examined the association among sexual self-label groups and empathizing-systemizing (E-S) cognitive styles among 509 gay men across multiple cities in China. There were significant differences in systemizing among sexual self-label groups, with tops scoring higher on systemizing than bottoms and versatiles. Tops were more likely to have S > E and high E and S cognitive styles than bottoms. Bottoms were more likely to have E > S and low E and S cognitive styles than tops. There was a significant indirect effect of systemizing on sexual self-label through Self-MF. There was also a significant indirect effect of sexual self-label on systemizing through Self-MF. The findings suggest that sexual self-labels among adult gay and bisexual men may reflect more than preferences for anal sex.
This article reviewed research examining the association between childhood sex-typed behavior and sexual orientation. Prospective studies suggest that childhood cross-sex-typed behavior is strongly predictive of adult homosexual orientation for men; analogous studies for women have not been performed. Though methodologically more problematic, retrospective studies are useful in determining how many homosexual individuals displayed cross-sex behavior in childhood. The relatively large body of retrospective studies comparing childhood sex-typed behavior in homosexual and heterosexual men and women was reviewed quantitatively. Effect sizes were large for both men and women, with men's significantly larger. Future research should elaborate the causes of the association between childhood sex-typed behavior and sexual orientation and identify correlates of within-orientation differences in childhood sex-typed behavior. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Two possible levels of bias have been reported with regard to recall of human sexual behavior. A third level is postulated, that of bias in line with societal expectations. Looking at Australian and Swedish homosexual men, significant differences were found in recall of opposite-sex childhood play expectations independent of relationships with parents. It is concluded that sex-role rigidity and attitudes toward homosexuality may play an important part in these differences.
A synthesis of the writings of Mexican social scientists suggests that Mexican family roles are primarily determined by the submission of female to male and of younger to older. The husband-wife relationship emphasizes his manliness or machismo and his role as authoritarian patriarch. The father-son relationship tends to be distant, respectful, and frequently severe. The mother helps prepare the son for dominance and independence. The father-daughter relationship is distant though relatively conflict-free. The mother-daughter relationship is very close, the daughter achieving an early identification with the female role. Younger siblings respect the older ones and especially girls their brothers. Sister-sister relations remain close throughout life.
• Although much is known about the virus believed by most experts to be the cause of the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome and about its pathogenic actions, major areas of ignorance remain. Among these are the reasons for the varying time between infection with human immunodeficiency virus and development of acquired imunodeficiency syndrome, the relationship between neurologic and medical aspects of the disease, the time course of neuropsychological findings, and the prevalence of psychiatric morbidity. We assessed 124 homosexual men who were positive for human immunodeficiency virus and 84 who were negative for the virus. In this article we describe the study design, method of recruitment, and medical and demographic characteristics of the cohort, which will be followed up for 5 years.
Sexual behavior change to reduce the risk of HIV infection is a dynamic multi-staged process. We present an empirical model for change, where we describe a stage of initiation of safer sexual practices, followed by a consolidation stage, and a long-term maintenance stage. The process of change can be interrupted by occasional or repeated lapses. We apply this multi-stage model to sexual behavior in a cohort of gay men from the Chicago area. The prevalence of various stages are reported between 1986 and 1991. Men infected with HIV tended to initiate change to safer sex later than those who were not, but maintained change or relapsed to unsafe practices in the same proportion. Implications regarding factors associated with relapse to unsafe sex, and interventions to prevent relapse, are discussed
The purposes of this study were, first, to confirm inverse relationships between sex guilt and contraceptive use and attitudes and, second, to demonstrate that guilt regarding masturbation in comparison to sex guilt was a specific inhibitor of diaphragm use. In a sample of 186 single college women, sex guilt accounted for 28% of the variance in nine measures of contraceptive attitudes, thereby confirming the hypothesized inverse relationship. Users of safe, coitus‐independent, contraceptives scored lower on sex guilt than noncontraceptors. Moreover, the safe contraceptors, who used the pill or IUD, scored lower on sex guilt than women who relied on coitus‐dependent methods such as foam, suppositories, or condoms for contraception, which confirmed the second hypothesis. The third hypothesis was that masturbation guilt was inversely correlated with contraceptive attitudes. Including a measure of masturbation guilt along with sex guilt in a hierarchical multiple regression analysis revealed that masturbation guilt added, as further hypothesized, a significant increment of 4% to the variance in contraceptive attitudes beyond that explained by sex guilt alone. Finally, the use of the diaphragm was shown to be specifically related to masturbation guilt, rather than to sex guilt, as had been hypothesized. Masturbation guilt appears to inhibit the required handling of the genitals for insertion of the diaphragm.
In a sample of 121 HIV‐positive (HIV+) and 84 HIV‐negative (HIV‐) gay and bisexual men in the New York City area, sexual behavior and functioning were assessed by interview and correlated with symptoms and signs of HIV‐disease progression. There was considerable variability in sexual partner numbers and behaviors, and a substantial proportion of men in both groups engaged in sexual practices that put themselves or their partners at risk for HIV infection. Few differences emerged. In particular, HIV+ men had significantly higher numbers of male sexual partners during their lifetime and higher rates of certain anal‐intercourse practices currently than HIV‐ men did. HIV+ men also reported experiencing significantly more frequent problems with sexual interest, pleasure, and erection, but not with orgasmic functioning. Within the HIV+ group, several risk behavior variables but none of the sex problem variables were correlated with symptoms and signs of HIV disease.
Sex-role preference is an important neglected variable in statistically controlled studies of homosexual behavior. This variable must accompany controls for degree of psychopathology of respondents and degree of heterosexual and homosexual behavior experienced by respondents. Cross-cultural differences exist. Mexican males have rigidly defined insertor-insertee roles, with earlier life events serving as predictors of these sex-role preferences. Greece is comparable to Mexico. In Turkey, stigmatization accompanies passive homosexuality. Role playing may be age graded, as in the Southwest Pacific. In lower socioeconomic classes of the United States, sex roles for homosexual males are more stereo-typically and unequivocably defined. Chicanos generally have strong sex-role preferences when involved in homosexual encounters; their attitude is similar to that found in Mexico. Among middle-class Anglo-American males, few or no sex-role feelings are associated with types of sex acts by most homosexually behaving males. This may be related to a focus on oral-genital rather than anal sex acts. The sharply dichotomized gender roles and the cultural formulation linking effeminacy and homosexuality appear to provide the necessary conditions for the development of sex-role preferences in many societies.
Our earlier Femine Gender Identity Scale for males appear to measure a strong single factor which was reliable and displayed substantial discriminant validity. However, the number of items was small and there was substantial overlap between items with respect to their meaning. In an attempt to overcome these limitations, in the present study the scale was extended and validated. Each item of the new scale differentiated among the groups in an experimental sample and, subsequently, in a cross-validation sample. A secondary finding was the significantly higher femine gender identity scores of homosexual patients over homosexual nonpatients.
Some aspects of the mestizoized urban culture in Mexico are linked to male homosexuality in support of the theory that cultural factors play an important role in the kind of life styles and sex practices of males involved in homosexual behavior. The following factors are considered relevant: the sharp dichotomization of gender roles, dual categorization of females as good or bad, separate social networks maintained by males before and after marriage, proportion of unmarried males, and distribution of income. One result of the sharp dichotomization of male and female gender roles is the widely held belief that effeminate males generally prefer to play the female role rather than the male. Effeminacy and homosexuality are also linked by the belief that as a result of this role preference effeminate males are sexually interested only in masculine males with whom they play the passive sex role. The participation of masculine males in homosexual encounters is related in part to a relatively high level of sexual awareness in combination with the lack of stigmatization of the insertor sex role and in part to the restraints placed on alternative sexual outlets by available income and/or marital status. Males involved in homosexual behavior in Mexico operate in a sociocultural environment which gives rise to expectations that they should play either the insertee or insertor sex role but not both and that they should obtain ultimate sexual satisfaction with anal intercourse rather than fellatio. In spite of cultural imperatives, however, individual preferences stemming from other variables such as personality needs, sexual gratification, desires of wanted partners, and amount of involvement may override the imperatives with resulting variations in sexual behavior patterns.
The connections between childhood gender nonconformity (assessed by the Freund Feminine Gender Identity Scale, or FGI) and adult genitoerotic role (assessed by a sex history) were examined. The core sample was a group of 106 men who had sex with other men before 1980 and who are currently enrolled in two longitudinal studies of AIDS. Although other workers have cautioned against assuming a priori that childhood gender role is inherently related to adult preferences for particular sexual acts, our data suggest that there is at least a statistical association between these two concepts. In particular, the FGI (and many of its factors and items) are significantly associated with preferences for receptive anal intercourse and, less clearly, with oral-anal contact--but not with oral-genital intercourse or insertive and intercourse. Suggestions for AIDS prevention and safe-sex awareness are made on the basis of these findings. The data also suggest that in sex research involving homosexual men, the correct genitoerotic role distinction is not insertive vs. receptive behaviors, or even insertive vs. receptive and intercourse, but receptive anal intercourse vs. all other behaviors.
Until an effective vaccine or treatment for AIDS is developed, the rate of spread of the epidemic will be determined primarily by the willingness of infected and at-risk individuals to refrain from behaviors implicated in the spread of the disease. Consequently, public health efforts have focused on educating these populations about the dangers inherent in certain practices. To date, the impact of these educational activities has been most extensively studied with regard to gay and bisexual men. Researchers, however, seem not always to appreciate the necessity to examine change at two levels of analysis--the individual and the aggregate because it is possible to draw different but valid conclusions about the nature of change, depending upon the level of analysis used. A series of models for examining individual and aggregate level change are described. These models are then used to examine whether there is evidence of change over a 6-month period in the sexual behavior of a sample of gay men from New York City. The data reveal evidence of a significant trend in the direction of safer sexual behavior at both the individual and aggregate level.
A sample of 357 gay/bisexual men, ages 20 to 65, were interviewed in 1985 regarding their sexual patterns over the course of the AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome) epidemic. Within four months after the interview, men were tested for antibody to HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) and 36 per cent were found positive. Cessation of receptive anal intercourse was associated with HIV negative antibody status, (OR greater than 3.0). Reducing the number of sexual partners, becoming monogamous, or eliminating other forms of sexual contact were not related to risk of HIV.
A sample of 745 New York City gay men, aged 20-65, were interviewed in 1985 as part of a longitudinal effort to determine the behavioral, psychological, and social impact of the AIDS epidemic on the non-ill but at-risk community. Detailed sexual behavior histories were taken for the year prior to the interview (1984-1985) and the year prior to when respondents first heard about AIDS (mode = July 1981). Parallel questions were asked for each annual time period allowing pre-AIDS/post-AIDS comparisons to be conducted. A multifactorial index of sexual behavior was constructed from three categorical variables: number of different sexual partners, (0, 1, and 2 or more); engaging in sexual contact outside a private home, (0, vs. 1); and engaging in sexual acts considered to be of higher risk for exposure to disease pathogens (0 vs. 1). These three factors, representing aspects of sexual behavior targeted for change by authors of risk reduction educational materials, were combined to form a seven-level typological index of sexual behavior. Analyses are based on comparisons between pre- and post-AIDS time periods on this index. Results indicate that both substantial change and substantial lack of change have occurred in gay male sexual behavior patterns, when sexual behavior measures are scaled to reflect complete abstinence from a particular type of sexual activity, as they are here. Results are discussed in light of previously reported findings on sexual behavior changes and the ambiguity surrounding the question of how much change is needed for significant risk reduction of AIDS.
This work focuses on the variations in societal responses perceived by male homosexuals in different group settings of interaction and on the relationship of these responses to their social status and related behavioral characteristics. Based on the analysis of data collected from a sampling of 148 male homosexuals in and around a large midwestern city, it is concluded that (1) stereotypic responses are more likely to occur under the interactional prescripts characteristic of secondary groups due to the impersonal and almost one-way interaction which characterizes them and (2) lower-class homosexuals are more likely to perceive stereotypic responses because of their closer approximation to the stereotypic image of the homosexual. It is also suggested that exhibiting behavior which closely approximates the stereotype may be a manifestation of the lowerclass homosexual's desire to be clearly identified with the homosexual community and to conform to the sex role stereotypic expectations of the lower classes. Such behavior may provide for a meaningful self-definition and opportunity for upward mobility unattainable in the larger society.
Predominantly homosexual males from Australia (n = 163), Sweden (n = 176) and Finland (n = 149) were compared on the Bem Sex-Role Inventory and on various measures of partner preference in order to establish the relationship between degree of homosexuality in terms of Kinsey Scale position and gender identity. Results suggest that while there is no relationship between femininity and degree of homosexuality, masculinity is inversely related depending on the degree of sex role stereotyping and anti-homosexual attitudes of the society the subjects live in. Such findings suggest that deviant gender identity is a function not of homosexuality as such but of societal attitudes which may reinforce a homosexual role.
This study examined the differences in childhood play behavior reported by adult male homosexuals (N = 198) and heterosexuals (N = 198) and those reported by female homosexuals (N = 198) and heterosexuals (N = 198). Two checklists with a total of 58 sports, games, and play activities were assembled: one for ages 5--8 and the other for ages 9--13. These were administered to the four samples. Monotonicity analysis (a type of factor analysis) revealed four scales within each checklist that were statistically reliable in each of the four samples. Scale and item mean comparisons revealed large significant differences between heterosexual males and females, male homosexuals and heterosexuals, and female homosexuals and heterosexuals. A majority of homosexuals reported significant degrees of cross-sex behavior in childhood play. Favorite play activities, age trends, play-related attitudes, and parent-child interactions were also examined.
Our objective was to examine the representativeness of samples of homosexuals, bisexuals, gays, and lesbians obtained for public health research. We identified journal articles cited in Medline and published between 1990 and 1992 that sampled individuals and classified them as homosexual, bisexual, gay, and/or lesbian. Information was abstracted from these articles to evaluate four components of sample selection affecting the representativeness of samples: (1) how the population is conceptually defined, (2) how the sampled population is operationally identified, (3) the setting from which samples are selected, and (4) the use of probability sampling to select subjects. We identified 152 public health articles published between 1990 and 1992 that sampled homosexuals, bisexuals, gays, and/or lesbians. We found articles (1) rarely (4/152) conceptually defined the population they were sampling, (2) used a range of incomparable methods to identify and select subjects, (3) sampled from settings representative of dramatically different populations, and (4) rarely (3/152) used probability sampling. Overall, we find methods used to identify homosexuals, bisexuals, gays, and lesbians for public health research produce samples representative of different and sometimes unidentifiable populations. To understand these populations from a public health perspective, it is imperative that steps be taken by researchers to standardize population definitions and sampling methodologies.
A practical synopsis of the VII International AIDS Conference
- Aids
- Summary
- Green R.
Chameleons by day, peacocks by night: The spatio-temporal organization of gay identity in the suburbs
- W Brekhus