No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Authoritarian Structures in Chad: Perceptions of Power among the Powerless
Abstract
Since 1990 Idriss Deby Itno is the president of Chad. To begin with, this article gives an overview of the most important events under Deby's rule. Then, it shows the mechanisms of autocratic governance quoting Chadian political opponents and opinion leaders. It becomes obvious to what an extent the mechanisms of legitimacy, repression and cooptation of elites contribute to the ruling elite's retention of power, as does the widespread poverty of large parts of the population. Last but not least the former colonial power France acts as a power resource for Deby's regime.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
This article focuses on how President Deby re-gained power after a nearly successful coup d'état against him in February 2008. The analysis points towards one major external reason for success and a divided internal strategy. The international community's little interest in Chad and the desire for political stability among the few interested states are the main external reasons for Deby's success. Internally, Deby's use of violence and co-optation explain his success. Deby defeated the Chadian military opposition by combining co-optation of adversaries in Chad's patrimonial marketplace.
Why do some autocracies remain stable while others collapse? This article presents a theoretical framework that seeks to explain the longevity of autocracies by referring to three pillars of stability: legitimation, repression, and co-optation. These three causal factors are derived by distilling and synthesizing the main arguments of classic and more recent research efforts. Particular emphasis is paid to re-incorporate legitimation in the explanation of stable autocracies. The article conceptionalizes the three pillars and discusses methods of concrete measurement. It then moves on to explain the stabilization process. How do these pillars develop their stabilizing effect? It is argued that reinforcement processes take place both within and between the pillars. They take the form of exogenous reinforcement, self-reinforcement, and reciprocal reinforcement. To illustrate the inner logic of these processes, I draw on empirical examples. I also state what we would need to observe empirically and how we can approach the three pillars methodically. A theoretical framework of this nature has two advantages: it is able to take the complexity of autocratic regimes into account while remaining parsimonious enough to be applicable to all autocratic regimes, irrespective of their subtype; and it integrates a static view to explain stability, with the emphasis on the underlying stabilization mechanisms and facilitates within-case and cross-case comparisons.
The area around the border of Sudan and Chad, where Darfur lies, has been an unimportant and unknown backwater throughout history. Today, however, Darfur is all over the international press. Everybody knows about the grim war there. There is no oil currently in production in Darfur. However, there is oil in the south of neighboring Chad and in Southern Sudan, and there might be oil in Darfur. This article considers a case of fighting for oil when there is no oil yet. It takes into account the role of local actors doing the fighting, that is, the army, rebels, and militias; national actors such as the Sudanese and Chadian governments; and international actors, such as multinational oil companies, the United States, China, and the United Nations. It explains how oil can have disintegrative consequences even when it is still only a rumor about a future possibility.
After decades of historic gains, the world has slipped into a democratic recession. Predatory states are on the rise, threatening both nascent and established democracies throughout the world. But this trend can be reversed with the development of good governance and strict accountability and the help of conditional aid from the West.
The emergence and disintegration of states, often under conditions of appalling violence, is a problem of primary importance in the world. Chad's long experience of civil strife and foreign intervention illustrates some of the fundamental difficulties involved in the attempt to achieve political stability through armed intervention. Covering Chad's thirty years of civil strife, Limits of Anarchy looks at foreign inervention in Chad's civil war and the effects of such intervention on state construction. The first major study of Chad to appear in English for many years, the book pays particular attention to French, Chadian, and ofhter African political reflections on the problem of Chad.
Between 1974 and 1990 more than thirty countries in southern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe shifted from authoritarian to democratic systems of government. This global democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend in the late twentieth century. In The Third Wave,Samuel P. Huntington analyzes the causes and nature of these democratic transitions, evaluates the prospects for stability of the new democracies, and explores the possibility of more countries becoming democratic. The recent transitions, he argues, are the third major wave of democratization in the modem world. Each of the two previous waves was followed by a reverse wave in which some countries shifted back to authoritarian government. Using concrete examples, empirical evidence, and insightful analysis, Huntington provides neither a theory nor a history of the third wave, but an explanation of why and how it occurred. Factors responsible for the democratic trend include the legitimacy dilemmas of authoritarian regimes; economic and social development; the changed role of the Catholic Church; the impact of the United States, the European Community, and the Soviet Union; and the "snowballing" phenomenon: change in one country stimulating change in others. Five key elite groups within and outside the nondemocratic regime played roles in shaping the various ways democratization occurred. Compromise was key to all democratizations, and elections and nonviolent tactics also were central. New democracies must deal with the "torturer problem" and the "praetorian problem" and attempt to develop democratic values and processes. Disillusionment with democracy, Huntington argues, is necessary to consolidating democracy. He concludes the book with an analysis of the political, economic, and cultural factors that will decide whether or not the third wave continues. Several "Guidelines for Democratizers" offer specific, practical suggestions for initiating and carrying out reform. Huntington's emphasis on practical application makes this book a valuable tool for anyone engaged in the democratization process. At this volatile time in history, Huntington's assessment of the processes of democratization is indispensable to understanding the future of democracy in the world.
The authors analyze the significant political reforms undertaken by 40 sub-Saharan countries. The introduction provides a brief overview of political trends in Africa's period of regime transition in the first half of the 1990s. Chapter 1 surveys the literature on democratization and the different approaches that have been used to explain the success or failure of democratization attempts. Chapter 2 extends and illustrates this theoretical framework by discussing the nature of African political institutions, both formal and informal. Chapter 3 describes in detail the beginning, internal dynamics, and outcomes of recent political transitions across the continent. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 test the authors' politico-institutional approach with the help of a comprehensive base of quantitative data that includes variables on each country's socioeconomic status, legacy of political institutions and transition trajectory. Extensive use is made of case studies. The final chapter examines the prospects for democracy in Africa as of the mid-1990s. It distinguishes between the reversal, survival and consolidation of fragile democratic regimes.
This article concerns a type of change involving implementation of 'traveling models'—procedural cultural plans of how to do some-thing done somewhere elsewhere. Specifically, it concerns the World Bank's traveling model of oil revenue distribution in support of Chadian development. It finds that this model is failing and that dystopia is developing in its stead. A contrasting explanation, which examines the contradictions and consequences of Chadian patrimonialism and US imperialism, is proposed to account for this state of affairs. Finally, the analysis is shown to have implications for conceptualizing patrimonialism and planning development.
This article examines coercive capacity and its impact on autocratic regime stability in the context of post-Soviet Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, and Ukraine. In the post-Cold War era, different types of coercive acts require different types of state power. First, high intensity and risky measures – such as firing on large crowds or stealing elections – necessitate high degrees of cohesion or compliance within the state apparatus. Second, effective low intensity measures – including the surveillance and infiltration of opposition, and various forms of less visible police harassment – require extensive state scope or a well-trained state apparatus that penetrates large parts of society.
Coercive state capacity, rooted in cohesion and scope, has often been more important than opposition strength in determining whether autocrats fall or remain in power. Thus, the regime in Armenia that was backed by a highly cohesive state with extensive scope was able to maintain power in the face of highly mobilized opposition challenges. By contrast, regimes in Georgia where the state lacked cohesion and scope fell in the face of even weakly mobilized opposition. Relatively high scope but only moderate cohesion in Belarus and Ukraine has made autocratic regimes in these countries generally more effective at low intensity coercion to prevent the emergence of opposition than at high intensity coercion necessary to face down serious opposition challenges.
22 Oppositioneller 15. 6. 2012
22 Oppositioneller 15. 6. 2012.
Sociologus 64 (2014) 1
25 Kailitz / Köllner (2013a: 9) 26 Trotha (1995: 8)
- Gerschewski
Gerschewski (2013).
25 Kailitz / Köllner (2013a: 9).
26 Trotha (1995: 8).
27 Popitz (1992: 61).
28 Trotha (1999: 234).
- Popitz
29 Popitz (1992: 61; 221-227); Trotha (1994: 39-40).
34 Dies ist eine Übersetzung der in der angelsächsischen Literatur auch als "high intensity coercion" oder "hard" und als "low intensity coercion" oder "soft" bezeichneten Formen von Repressionen
34 Dies ist eine Übersetzung der in der angelsächsischen Literatur auch als
"high intensity coercion" oder "hard" und als "low intensity coercion" oder "soft"
bezeichneten Formen von Repressionen. Way / Levitsky (2006: 392).
35 Gerschewski u. a. (2013: 116).
Beobachter beklagen den Preis, den die Tschader für diesen Einsatz zu zahlen haben
Mit diesem Einsatz präsentierte sich das tschadische Regime als Friedensmacht in
der Region und kehrte auf das internationale Parkett zurück. Beobachter beklagen
den Preis, den die Tschader für diesen Einsatz zu zahlen haben. Vgl. Debos (2013a).
68 Geistlicher 19. 6. 2012.
69 Oppositioneller 29. 10. 2011.
70 Oppositioneller 26. 6. 2008.
Erkenntnisse und Grenzen neuerer Beiträge der Comparative Politics und Nahostforschung
- André Bank
Bank, André 2009. Die Renaissance des Autoritarismus. Erkenntnisse und Grenzen neuerer Beiträge der Comparative Politics und Nahostforschung. Hamburg
Review of Social Sciences 1, S. 10 -41.
Der Tschad: eine afrikanische Gewaltgeschichte. Welt-Trends. Zeitschrift für internationale Politik 74
- Matthias Basedau
Basedau, Matthias 2010. Der Tschad: eine afrikanische Gewaltgeschichte. Welt-Trends. Zeitschrift für internationale Politik 74, S. 41 -50.
Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag
- Matthias Und Basedau
- Robert Kappel
Basedau, Matthias und Kappel, Robert 2012. Erdölressourcen als Machtmittel.
In: Stiftung Entwicklung, Hg. Globale Trends 2013. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag. S. 51 -67.
La conférence nationale souveraine du Tchad. Un essai d'histoire immédiate
- Robert Buijtenhuijs
Buijtenhuijs, Robert 1993. La conférence nationale souveraine du Tchad. Un essai d'histoire immédiate. Paris: Karthala.
Le gouvernement de l'entre-guerres
- Le
- Tchad
Le métier des armes au Tchad. Le gouvernement de l'entre-guerres.
Paris: Karthala.
Democrats without Democracy? Attitudes and opinions on society, religion and politics in Chad
- Helga Dickow
Dickow, Helga 2005. Democrats without Democracy? Attitudes and opinions on
society, religion and politics in Chad. Byblos: Centre International des
Sciences de l'Homme.
-2008. Tschad: Diktatur von Frankreichs Gnaden. Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 4, S. 24 -28.
Diktatur von Frankreichs Gnaden Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 4
- Tschad
Tschad: Diktatur von Frankreichs Gnaden. Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 4, S. 24-28.
We were promised development and all we got is misery
- Claudia Frank
- Guesnet
Frank, Claudia und Guesnet, Lena 2009. "We were promised development and
all we got is misery." The Influence of Petroleum on Conflict Dynamics in
Chad. Bonn: BICC.
Tchad. Guerre civile et désagrégation de l'Etat
- Gali Gatta
- Ngothé
Gatta, Gali Ngothé 1985. Tchad. Guerre civile et désagrégation de l'Etat. Paris:
Présence Africaine.
Prisonnier de Hissene Habré. L'expérience d'un survivant des geôles tchadiennes et sa quête de justice
- Souleymane Guengueng
Guengueng, Souleymane 2012. Prisonnier de Hissene Habré. L'expérience d'un
survivant des geôles tchadiennes et sa quête de justice. Paris: L'Harmattan.
Südafrika: Friedlicher Wandel? Möglichkeiten demokratischer Konfliktregelung-Eine empirische Untersuchung
- Theodor Hanf
Hanf, Theodor et al. 1978. Südafrika: Friedlicher Wandel? Möglichkeiten demokratischer Konfliktregelung-Eine empirische Untersuchung. München: Kaiser.
Pétrole et changement social: Rente pétrolière, dé-agriculturation et monétisation des interactions sociales dans le canton Béro au sud du Tchad
- Remadji Hoinathy
Hoinathy, Remadji 2012. Pétrole et changement social: Rente pétrolière, dé-agriculturation et monétisation des interactions sociales dans le canton Béro au
sud du Tchad. Paris: Karthala.
Tchad: la stabilité malgré tout
- Kappès-Grangé
Kappès-Grangé, Anne 2012. Tchad: la stabilité malgré tout, at <http://www.
jeuneafrique.com/Articles/Dossier/JA2672p066/070.xml0/france-soudan-diplo
matie-defensetchad-la-stabilite-malgre-tout.html> (accessed 8 March 2013).
- Le Vine
- Victor
Le Vine, Victor 2004. Politics in Francophone Africa. Boulder: Lynne Riener.
Understanding French policy toward Chad, Sudan? A difficult task
- Roland Marchal
Marchal, Roland 2009. Understanding French policy toward Chad, Sudan? A difficult task, at <http://africanarguments.org/2009/06/04/understanding-frenchpolicy-toward-chadsudan-a-difficult-task-1 / > (accessed 4 May 2013).
Embedded and Defective Democracies. Problems of Regime Change 5
- Wolfgang Merkel
Merkel, Wolfgang 2004. Embedded and Defective Democracies. Problems of Regime Change 5, S. 33 -58.
Autokratien am Scheideweg -Modell zur Erforschung diktatorischer Regime
- Wolfgang Merkel
- Und Gerschewski
Merkel, Wolfgang und Gerschewski, Johannes 2011. Autokratien am Scheideweg -Modell zur Erforschung diktatorischer Regime. Schattenblick 133,
S. 21 -24.
La guerre de N'Djamena, Tchad, 1979 -2006: un survivant raconte
- Oumar Nadji
Nadji, Oumar 2009. La guerre de N'Djamena, Tchad, 1979 -2006: un survivant
raconte. Paris: L'Harmattan.
Die Rolle der Francophonie in den Franko-Afrikanischen Beziehungen
- Olivier René Pierrot
- Moritz
Pierrot, Olivier René Moritz 2006. Die Rolle der Francophonie in den Franko-Afrikanischen Beziehungen. Berlin: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag.
Demokratisierung und Transitionsforschung
- Oliver Schlumberger
- Roy Und Karadag
Schlumberger, Oliver und Karadag, Roy 2006. Demokratisierung und Transitionsforschung. In: Barrios, Harald und Stefes, Christoph, Hg. Einführung in
die Comparative Politics. München: Oldenbourg. S. 226 -249.
Tchad: le Mouvement patriotique du salut, il est partout!
- Justine Spiegel
Spiegel, Justine 2012. Tchad: le Mouvement patriotique du salut, il est partout!,
at <http://www.jeuneafrique.com/Articles/Dossier/JA2672p072-073.xml1/tchadelections-soutien-idriss-deby-itnotchad-le-mouvement-patriotique-du-salutil-est-partout.html> (accessed 4 May 2013).
Koloniale Herrschaft. Zur soziologischen Theorie der Staatsentstehung am Beispiel des
- Trutz Trotha
- Von
Trotha, Trutz von 1994. Koloniale Herrschaft. Zur soziologischen Theorie der
Staatsentstehung am Beispiel des "Schutzgebiets Togo". Tübingen: Mohr.
Notizen zum Problem der Macht in Afrika (und anderswo) In: Willer, Heidi, Förster, Till und Ortner-Buchberger, Hg. Macht der Identität-Identität der Macht Politische Prozesse und kultureller Wandel in Afrika
- Staat Gewalt
- Basislegitimität
Gewalt, Staat und Basislegitimität. Notizen zum Problem der Macht in
Afrika (und anderswo). In: Willer, Heidi, Förster, Till und Ortner-Buchberger,
Hg. Macht der Identität-Identität der Macht Politische Prozesse und kultureller Wandel in Afrika. Münster: Lit-Verlag. S. 1-16.
La Françafrique: le plus long scandale de la République
- François-Xavier Verschave
Verschave, François-Xavier 1998. La Françafrique: le plus long scandale de la
République. Paris: Stock.
-1999. Noir silence: qui arrêtera la Françafrique? Paris: Les Arènes.
Chronique d'une déchirure
- Mahamat Yacoub
- Gali Saleh Und Gatta
- Ngothé
Yacoub, Mahamat Saleh und Gatta, Gali Ngothé 2005. Tchad. Frolinat. Chronique d'une déchirure. N'Djamena: Al-Mouna.
Tchad. Le procès d'Idriss Déby. Témoignage à charge
- Ngarlejy Yoronagar
Yoronagar, Ngarlejy 2003. Tchad. Le procès d'Idriss Déby. Témoignage à charge.
Paris: L'Harmattan.
Fighting for oil when there is no oil yet. The case of the Chad-Sudan border
- Andrea Behrends
Behrends, Andrea 2008. Fighting for oil when there is no oil yet. The case of the
Chad-Sudan border. Focaal 52, S. 39 -56.
Frankreich in Afrika. Eine (Neo)Kolonialmacht in der Europäischen Union zu Anfang des 21
- Bernhard Schmid
Schmid, Bernhard 2011. Frankreich in Afrika. Eine (Neo)Kolonialmacht in der
Europäischen Union zu Anfang des 21. Jahrhunderts. Münster: UNRAST-Verlag.
Tübingen: Mohr. -1995. Gewalt, Staat und Basislegitimität. Notizen zum Problem der Macht in Afrika (und anderswo)
- Trutz Trotha
- Von
Trotha, Trutz von 1994. Koloniale Herrschaft. Zur soziologischen Theorie der
Staatsentstehung am Beispiel des "Schutzgebiets Togo". Tübingen: Mohr.
-1995. Gewalt, Staat und Basislegitimität. Notizen zum Problem der Macht in
Afrika (und anderswo). In: Willer, Heidi, Förster, Till und Ortner-Buchberger,
Hg. Macht der Identität -Identität der Macht Politische Prozesse und kultureller Wandel in Afrika. Münster: Lit-Verlag. S. 1 -16.