Juan J. Linz’s research while affiliated with Yale University and other places
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In this essay, the authors propose a three-part ideal-type typology that distinguishes between “ruling monarchy,” “constitutional monarchy,” and what they call “democratic parliamentary monarchy” (or DPM for short). For us, the defining characteristic of a DPM is that only the freely elected parliament forms and terminates the government. In a constitutional monarchy, by contrast, there is a strong element of dual legitimacy in that parliament and the monarch need each other’s support in order to form or terminate a government. In still greater contrast, in ruling monarchies the monarch can often unilaterally form or terminate the government. Moreover, each of these three types comes with its own set of patterns concerning the rule of law, constitutional constraints on the monarch, the status of parliament, and the relative autonomy of the judiciary.
More than twenty-five years have passed since the publication of Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Prospects for Democracy, the four pioneering volumes edited by Guillermo O’Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead that inaugurated third-wave democratization theory. More than fifteen years have passed since the 1996 publication of our own Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe. Looking back, what do we find useable or applicable from works on democratization from this earlier period, and what concepts need to be modified? In particular, what new perspectives are needed in light of the recent upheavals in the Arab world? Here we focus on three topics that have been illuminated by the events of the Arab Spring: 1) the relationship between democracy and religion, especially in the world’s Muslim-majority countries; 2) the character of hybrid regimes that mix authoritarian and democratic elements; and 3) the nature of “sultanism” and its implications for transitions to democracy.
The global democratic resurgence of the past three-and-a-half decades has been accompanied by a boom in the publication of scholarly work on democracy. Studies of democratic breakdowns, crises, transitions, and consolidation came to dominate the field of comparative politics. During this extraordinary period, no one in the academic book-publishing industry did more to advance, support, understand, and critically evaluate this scholarly outpouring than Henry Tom, who passed away unexpectedly on 10 January 2011 at the age of 64. Ready for a more varied set of challenges, he had retired from book publishing only the previous summer, after receiving numerous effusive expressions of appreciation from friends, colleagues, and authors at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association.
Fittingly, it was in 1974—the same year that the "third wave" of democratization began—that Henry Tom began his long and fruitful career at Johns Hopkins University Press (JHUP), first as social-sciences editor and then as executive editor. In the subsequent 36 years, he was responsible for the publication of more than a thousand books. Having earned a Ph.D. in early-modern European history from the University of Chicago, Henry established JHUP as a leader in that field, especially in Italian Renaissance studies. A Renaissance man himself with diverse intellectual interests, he acquired manuscripts that ranged widely across all fields of history, as well as sociology, economics, and religious studies. But it was perhaps in political science that he had his greatest impact.
Beginning with the publication in 1978 of The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes, the four-volume series edited by Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Henry published many of the most influential studies of comparative democratic development. He was not afraid to take on big and complex editorial projects or to publish new scholars and unconventional approaches. When the Journal of Democracy began looking for a publisher in 1991, a critical factor drawing us to Johns Hopkins was Henry and the work he had already done to establish JHUP as a leader in the field of democracy studies.
Over the subsequent twenty years, we worked closely with Henry to publish twenty-five Journal of Democracy books. In this process, Henry was more than just our editor. We benefited enormously from his knowledge of the field, and his advice helped us to determine which Journal articles to include in our books, and how to shape them both for scholarly readers and for classroom use. The structure and the titles of many of these books were heavily influenced by his suggestions.
For the past two decades, the Journal of Democracy editorial board has met every year at the annual convention of the American Political Science Association. And every year during the convention the two of us would meet with Henry to discuss our JHUP book projects for the period ahead. In recent years, we invited Henry to attend our editorial-board meeting as well, and given his deep engagement with scholarship on democracy and his love for the Journal, this was an invitation he was happy to accept. On these occasions he always stimulated our thinking and encouraged and guided our efforts to recruit articles and convene conferences with future edited volumes in mind.
The scholarly partnership between JHUP and the Journal of Democracy was in no small measure a personal collaboration between the two of us as editors and Henry Tom. The Journal, its editorial staff (both past and present), and our diverse readers have been graced by his uncommon wisdom, professionalism, and devotion to scholarship on democracy. He will be sorely missed.
We mourn the death of Henry Tom, our friend and publisher for 35 years. Henry's creativity and his influence at Johns Hopkins University Press made him, in our minds, one of the cofounders of the democratization field. His work shows how an intelligent publisher can help to shape intellectual life. Henry made possible the publication of ambitious theoretical books, often built upon the basis of pioneering, deeply researched case studies which, in the end, allowed these cases to become part of the comparative-democratization corpus. All of our...
Must every state be a nation and every nation a state? Or should we look instead to the example of countries such as India, where one state holds together a congeries of “national” groups and cultures in a single and wisely conceived federal republic?
The coordinators of this issue propose several articles published by two personalities of the comparative political science, Juan J. Linz and Larry Diamond, friends and colleagues of Seymour Martin Lipset, able to precise the work and personality of the former.
... In democracies, political parties have the primary role for integrating diverse interests and social forces in the governing institutions, hence they are crucial for legitimizing the regime (Diamond, L.J. et al. 1989;Pridham, G. 1990;Toka, G. 1995;Elster, J. et al. 1998;Kitschelt, H. et al. 1999). Highly volatile elections and abrupt shifts in the party system often reflect political instability, economic and social tensions within the society. ...
... In a more radical departure from the dominant views at the time, some posited that politics itself was a determinant of democracy that operated independently of other factors (Rustow 1970;Linz 1978; O'Donnell and Schmitter 1986). Moreover, as this list of additional factors grew, many argued that multiple causal factors -including economic ones -affected democracy independently and that these factors could be combined in an additive causal model (Dahl 1971: Ch 1;Huntington 1991: Ch. 2;Diamond, Linz, and Lipset 1995). ...
... The uneasy relationship between party system institutionalization, democracy, and liberalism On the one hand, previous research provides grounds to expect a positive association between party system institutionalization and democracy. The former is supposed to reduce the scope of populist leaders, and to promote accountability (Birch, 2003;Schleiter and Voznaya, 2018), governability (Diamond and Linz, 1989;Mainwaring et al., 1992;Innes, 2002;Zielinski et al., 2005;Thames and Robbins, 2007), programmatic representation (Mainwaring and Torcal, 2006), and legitimacy (Mainwaring and Scully, 1995;Diamond, 1997: xxiii). On a more general level, low institutionalization can prevent both parties as well as voters from engaging in strategically driven coordination (Mainwaring and Zoco, 2007), intensifying problems of collective action in relation to preference aggregation. ...
... Liberal democracy theorists agree on the following key properties of democracy: competition among political agents, especially political parties; political participation of citizens; and guaranteeing civil and political rights such as freedoms of association, expression, and the press (Diamond et al., 1989;Sørensen, 1993). Among the seven features of a polyarchy stated in Dahl (1991), three that stand out as most significant in this study are: (i) citizens possess civil and political rights; (ii) there is easy access to information not monopolized by the state or a single group; and (iii) there is an enforceable right to form and join political organizations including political parties and interest groups. ...
... This is a field of study endowed with persuasive theorists and accomplished area experts (e.g. Dahl 1971, Diamond et al 1988, Linz et al 1996, O'Donnell et al 1986, Schedler 2013). They provide us with abundant lessons from both detailed country case-studies and comparative analyses. ...
... In these two regions the focus was upon only two areas -democratisation and marketisation -because these transitions took place within long-established states or their former imperial metropolis. In most cases national integration had been largely achieved (for an earlier discussion on how this applies to central-eastern Europe see Terry, 1993;Schmitter and Karl, 1994;Bunce, 1995;Karl and Schmitter, 1995;and Munck, 1997). ...
... Within this framework civil society is held to be an inherently democratic and democratising sphere wherein private actors and institutions can flourish. In recent years the idea of civil society has undergone something of a renaissance and its efflorescence is often considered to be the most likely route out of Africa's development 'problems' (Diamond, Linz & Lipset, 1988; Hyden & Bratton, 1992; Hyden, Okoth-Ogendo & Olowu, 1999; Harbeson, Rothchild & Chazan, 1994; Landell-Mills, 1992). The idea of civil society claims several antecedents (see McIlwaine, 1998; Mohan, 2002 ) which are most commonly recognised as belonging to either the liberal or the post-Marxist schools of thought. ...
... Help secure state guests at the level of heads of state and representatives of foreign governments currently in Indonesia. 12. Help cope with the consequences of natural disasters and evacuation, and provide I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Meanwhile, in the field of internal reform, it is still being carried out, following the demands of national reform (Diamond, 1997 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I concerning the Indonesian National Armed Forces in Article 5, which reads: "The TNI plays a role as a tool of the state in the field of defense, which in carrying out its duties is based on state policies and political decisions." Then, the function of the military is explained in Article 6 paragraph (1), which reads: "The TNI as a means of national defense functions as a. deterrence against all forms of military threats and armed threats from outside and within the country against sovereignty (Giddens, 1979), territorial integrity, and national safety, b. to take action against every form of threat as referred to in paragraph (1) letter a, and c. to restore the state's security condition, which is disrupted due to security disturbances. ...
... Resistance is not only a protest actions; The struggle of institutions and civilian actors from the system is one of the basic elements that determine the future of democracy. Civil society is one of the most dynamic and pluralist resistance to authoritarianization. Associations, foundations, citizen initiatives, trade unions and protest movements both make rights violations visible and produce alternative public spaces against the monopolizing discourses of power (Diamond, 1999). In order for civil society to be effective, it is important to act in cooperation with independent media and digital networks. ...
... Entre otros:Remmer (1991),Kitschelt (1992),Collier & Mahoney (1997),Bermeo (1997),Bratton & van de Walle (1997),Carothers (2002) y McFaul (2002. ...