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Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective.
... To Linz and Stepan (1996:5) [44] , democracy is consolidated, when it is "the only game in town". Democracy is conceptualized to be consolidated when it is "likely to endure" and expected to "last well into the future" (Schedler, 2001, O'Donnell, 1996:48, Valenzuela, 1992 cited in Khorram-Manesh; 2013:8 [53,47,54,42] . This "thin" conceptualization, however, creates operationalization difficulties as it resides on expectations of the future (Schedler, 2001:67) [53] . ...
... Civil society supplement the role of political parties by offering political education on tolerance, compromise, moderation, respect for dissenting views; arouse political consciousness of the citizenry and stimulate political participation. 4. Groups are independent from the state in their functions and they command respect in their activities as intermediaries between the state and the governed. Valenzuela (1992) [54] identified five broad conditions that promote or drawback the consolidation of democracies. These are: (i) The modalities through which the transitions to democratic governments took place, (ii) The influence of historical memories of alternative regimes, (iii) The moderation of political conflict, (iv) The management of social conflict, and (v) The subordination of the military to the democratic government. ...
... Civil society supplement the role of political parties by offering political education on tolerance, compromise, moderation, respect for dissenting views; arouse political consciousness of the citizenry and stimulate political participation. 4. Groups are independent from the state in their functions and they command respect in their activities as intermediaries between the state and the governed. Valenzuela (1992) [54] identified five broad conditions that promote or drawback the consolidation of democracies. These are: (i) The modalities through which the transitions to democratic governments took place, (ii) The influence of historical memories of alternative regimes, (iii) The moderation of political conflict, (iv) The management of social conflict, and (v) The subordination of the military to the democratic government. ...
Ghana's democracy continues to remain an example for several African countries to emulate. After having gone through three turnovers/peaceful transfers of political power from an incumbent to the opposition since the return to democracy in 1992, several minimalists concluded that Ghana's democracy has consolidated because it passed Huntington' two-test hypothesis. Moving beyond elections and minimalist views on democratic consolidation, this paper uses the National Peace Council (NPC), as a case study on the democratic consolidation strives of Ghana. The goal of this paper is to unpack the various contribution of the NPC to Ghana's democratic consolidation. We show how, since the creation of the NPC, Ghana has been able to consolidate its democracy by remaining peaceful before, during and after elections. We also point out some major limitations to the progress of the NPC and proffer some solutions for policy recommendations.
... Europe and Latin America during the 1970s and 1980s (Rustow, 1970;O'Donnell et al., 1986;Di Palma, 1990;Mainwaring et al., 1992;Linz and Stepan, 1996). With the advent of the post-communist era and the EU's eastern enlargement project in the 1990's, the conceptual paradigm of the transition and consolidation literature has been adopted by various scholars to assess 'Eastern European transitions' (Zielonka, 2001;Zielonka and Pravda, 2001). ...
... As far as Turkish studies are concerned, Ergun Özbudun (2000) became the first scholar to evaluate Turkey's chronic democratization problems from the theoretical vantage point of the transition and consolidation paradigm. By uncritically borrowing O'Donnell's (1992) conceptualization of the democratization process as involving two linear progressive stages and adopting Linz and Stepan's (1996) three dimensional criteria for consolidated democracy, Özbudun argued that Turkey has made the transition to democracy four times (first in 1950, second in 1961, third in 1973, and fourth in 1983), but repeatedly failed to achieve democratic consolidation. Similarly, McLaren (2008) copied the same conceptual framework while trying to assess the reasons why Turkey, unlike Spain and Italy, has failed to achieve democratic consolidation. ...
... This line of thinking inevitably projected multiple meanings and extensive requisites on the very concept of 'democratic consolidation' as it considered and categorized the hybrid grey zone lying between democracy and non-democracy -where persistent authoritarian features incongruently coexist with some form of electoral parliamentary system-simply as 'unconsolidated' democracies (Mainwaring et al., 1992;Linz and Stepan, 1996). Indeed, O'Donnell (1996: 38) himself gradually became critical of this line of thinking in his following articles by pointing out that "some of these polyarchies have been in a state of 'protracted unconsolidation' for some 20 years suggests that there is something extremely odd about this kind of thinking." ...
This study aims to scrutinize Turkey’s uneasy democratization process during the post-Helsinki period (1999-2010). The research design of the thesis takes the form of a single case study as it seeks to critically link Turkey’s democratization problems with the wider theoretical literature on secularism, post-Islamism and democratization. Rather than witnessing the clear-cut victory of liberal democracy over non-democracy as espoused by Fukuyamian eschatology, the advent of the Post-Cold War Era witnessed the proliferation of hybrid grey zone which stood between the continuum of democracy and conventional non-democracy. As a result, many scholars opted to construct ‘hybrid regime typologies’ in order to capture the incongruous yet enduring coexistence of partially democratic and non-democratic features within each political unit. In line with contemporary developments in the democratization literature, this thesis opts to construct a multi-dimensional hybrid regime typology for the case of Turkey. Besides seeking to capture the core regime principles of the Kemalist one-party dictatorship (1923-1946) under the label of ‘laic-ethnocracy’, the theoretical framework of the thesis provides an assessable normative benchmark for delineating Turkey’s democratization trajectory since the initiation of the multi-party era (1946-1950). After demonstrating how Turkey’s successive ‘controlled transitions’ (1946-1997) consistently aimed at perpetuating ethnocratic hegemony and obstructing the democratic transformation of incompatible aspects of the Kemalist laicism, the thesis seeks to scrutinize the impact of the EU candidacy in shaping the pattern and outcome of the recent democratization process in the domestic arena. In this respect, the thesis underlines how the ongoing political ‘transition process’ during the post-Helsinki decade (1999-2009) qualitatively differs from all of the previous transitions which had been guided and forcefully controlled by traditional Kemalist state elites. Yet, the thesis also exposes the limited and partial commitment of the post-Islamist AKP government to forge the democratic transformation of Turkey’s enduring ‘laic-ethnocratic’ regime paradigm namely by assessing its reform performance towards the cultural rights of ethnic and belief-rights of the non-Sunni Muslim minorities (e.g., the sizeable Kurdish ethnic and Muslim-Alevi religious minority). Overall, the thesis characterizes Turkey’s ‘post-Helsinki transition’ process as a case of uneasy democratization. In this context, the term ‘uneasy democratization’ does not only highlight the inconsistencies of main domestic political actors in forging clear-cut democratic transformation of Turkey’s enduring ‘laic-ethnocracy’ regime paradigm, but also to a chronic failure to soothe the deeply-seated cleavages within the socio-political arena.
... Action theorists and transitologists advance arguments that hinge on eighteenth-and nineteenth-century rationalism, empiricism and utilitarianism. Considering a different theoretical level, they posit that the transition to democracy is dependent on the strategic interaction of political actors and largely a random process (O'Donnell et al. 1986;Przeworski 1992). Following a split within the authoritarian regime, the mode of transition was given causal weight to account for different regime outcomes. ...
... Given the idiosyncratic process of transition during the third wave of democratisation in Latin America and Southern Europe, this shift to micro-level processes was substantiated in models that emphasised the tremendous role of actors at the expense of structural determinants. In Przeworski's (1992) terms, coalition formation between segments of the old ruling elites ("reformers") and new emerging forces ("moderates") was the most promising (random) development for transitions to democracy. What this theoretical framework has heavily emphasised was that power-sharing agreements ("pactos") among different segments of the elites were necessary as the second-best strategy to solve the crises of the old authoritarian regimes. ...
... According to Vanhanen's index, a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for a country to be regarded as democratic is that the combined vote for or the legislative seat share of opposition parties is at least 30% (Vanhanen 2005). In a similar vein, Przeworski (1992) argues that no country in which a party wins 60% of the vote twice is a democracy. For the sake of simplicity, I follow Geddes (2003) and evaluate the strength of opposition relative to the opposition parties' legislative seat share. ...
This chapter interrogates: To what extent has EU eastward democracy promotion under the ENP been effective and consistent? In doing so, it proceeds in several steps. First, the chapter outlines the main features of the EU democracy promotion discourse under the ENP. Second, it seeks cues of conditionality and socialisation in the ways the ENP is conceived and deployed. Third, the chapter evaluates the extent to which conditionality of and socialisation with the EU influence regime dynamics in Eastern neighbourhood. Finally, it considers the implementation of the democracy-related objectives of the European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans (ENPAP) as assessed by the European Commission in its regular progress reports, as well as the adoption of international democratic instruments promoted by the EU.
... Political institutions also play other major roles in democratization, not as contingent effects, but as stable platforms from which contending groups could predict policy outcomes. Several studies concur that proportional representation (PR) and parliamentarianism provide the best institutional prospects for democratic stability by offering "losers" enhanced blocking powers and chances for entry into office (O'Donnell andSchmitter, 1986: 35 Linz andValenzuela, 1994: 21). In one of the most forceful expressions of this view, Przeworski, (1991, p.58) concludes that such designs "reduces the stakes of political battles" by making unilateral and maximalist policies less likely. ...
This paper examines issues in principles and practices of democratic consolidation in Zimbabwe. The political system in Zimbabwe theoretically upheld a multiparty system and has held periodic elections since 1980 but undermined reforms that could have put democracy and politics on a progressive trajectory. This is not peculiar to Zimbabwe alone but is a general political culture on the continent. Gleaning on evidence from diverse sources, the paper finds that the separation of powers in Zimbabwe existed on paper but in practice, the ruling party makes all the decisions. Part of the implication of this is that the House of Assembly became a rubber stamp for executive decisions, while cabinet members just pandered to the executive. This culminated in a deadlock over constitutional reform between 1999 and 2000. The deadlock further degenerated into authoritarianism as then-President Robert Mugabe hung to power and undermined a series of organised protests. The inability to de-militarize Zimbabwean political mobilisation techniques and the management of state institutions brings the nature of the inherited structures bequeathed to the people by the retreating colonial settler state into a sharp focus. The crux and summary of the argument are that both government and politics in Zimbabwe were centred on Robert Mugabe, a single political father figure, who refused to relinquish power to the people and got enmeshed in the web of autocratic rule. Therefore, the paper theorises that Robert Mugabe succeeded in allotting power to himself and his party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) while undermining the task of consolidating democracy in the country. This paper concludes that Mugabe remained a traditional autocrat and a strongman who ignored protests and disaffections that would have helped in deepening democracy and strengthening the dynamics of the politics of Zimbabwe. The paper recommended that democratic guidelines, protocols and terms of presidency need to be drawn to prevent a recurrence of Mugabe's years in the post-Mugabe era. Introduction Countries, the world over, appear to have transited from authoritarian regimes to democratic rule. This political transition (which is a positive development) is usually confronted by challenges of sustaining and consolidating democratic governance. Worldwide, the immediate aftermath of the transition is the challenge of how strengthening and stabilising the tenets of democracy. In other words, the challenges of deepening and consolidating democracy have been a major concern to political actors and scholars of developing nations. Early scholarly discussions in the 20 th century largely examined democratisation processes and how democratically elected governments should be constituted. However, in the 21 st century, the narrative appears to have changed as attention has shifted to a critical assessment of the prospects of post-democratic transitions and political institutions. The argument that has arisen from investigations is this: Are there possibilities of reverting to a new round of authoritarian regimes arising from the inability of states to stabilise and consolidate democracy?
... The uneasy relationship between party system institutionalization, democracy, and liberalism On the one hand, previous research provides grounds to expect a positive association between party system institutionalization and democracy. The former is supposed to reduce the scope of populist leaders, and to promote accountability (Birch, 2003;Schleiter and Voznaya, 2018), governability (Diamond and Linz, 1989;Mainwaring et al., 1992;Innes, 2002;Zielinski et al., 2005;Thames and Robbins, 2007), programmatic representation (Mainwaring and Torcal, 2006), and legitimacy (Mainwaring and Scully, 1995;Diamond, 1997: xxiii). On a more general level, low institutionalization can prevent both parties as well as voters from engaging in strategically driven coordination (Mainwaring and Zoco, 2007), intensifying problems of collective action in relation to preference aggregation. ...
An institutionalized party system is often regarded as a precondition for a well-functioning democracy. Recent recesses in democracy and, in particular, in the liberal dimension of democracy in relatively established party systems, however, warrant a fresh look into how party system institutionalization shapes liberal democracy. We use a dataset that covers 58 European party systems over more than a century to assess how party system institutionalization in the governmental arena – closure – is related to more robust liberal democracy. Our results show that stable coalition combinations are conducive to higher levels of liberalism, while infrequent government changes and the exclusion of new parties from the governmental arena have a detrimental role.
... El marco teórico del presente análisis se basa en el trabajo de Cassani y Tomini (2018) en el que los autores proveen lineamientos para el uso del concepto de autocratización, en detrimento de otros que refieren a los procesos de cambios de régimen contrarios a la democratización. En este sentido, conceptos formulados durante la tercera ola de democratización, tales como el derrocamiento (Huntington, 1993) y la muerte de la democracia (O'Donnell, 1992) han demostrado ser insuficientes para explicar los cambios de régimen desde la democracia. Asimismo, conceptos más cercanos en el tiempo, tales como desdemocratización (Tilly, 2003) o deconsolidación democrática (Fukuyama, 2015) poseen deficiencias explicativas, en tanto analizan los cambios de régimen solo tomando la democracia, en sus varias acepciones, como punto de referencia. ...
La gestión gubernamental de la pandemia de COVID-19 ha propiciado la puesta en marcha de poderes extraordinarios bajo estados de emergencia. Hasta el momento, los estudios provenientes de la ciencia política han hecho referencia a esta problemática, haciendo foco en las respuestas a la pandemia según los diferentes regímenes políticos, y señalando cuáles han sido más o menos eficientes. En cambio, el análisis sobre los efectos de la pandemia sobre el tipo de régimen no ha sido un tema de investigación abordado con el mismo interés. Este trabajo se propone describir cómo la pandemia ha impactado en el régimen político, a través del análisis del caso de Camboya. Allí se evidencia un régimen que profundiza su carácter autocrático de forma progresiva y constante, incluso en tiempos de pandemia. El presente trabajo, por lo tanto, tiene tres objetivos: analizar las ventajas y limitaciones del concepto «autocratización»; explicar los cambios de régimen en Camboya desde la Autoridad Provisional de las Naciones Unidas en Camboya, y determinar en qué medida la pandemia ha sido un pretexto para continuar con el proceso de autocratización
... In this model, the democratic transition proceeds in stages or preconditions for moving from one stage to another (Rustow, 1970). The stages or the path to democracy have been emphasized in many transitology studies (Diamond et al., 1988(Diamond et al., -1990Collier, 1999;Diamond, 1999;Eikert & Kubik, 1999;Esposito & Voll, 1996;Higley & Burton, 1989;Linz & Stepan, 1996;Mainwaring et al., 1993;Schmitter & Karl, 1994;Snyder, 1998). ...
Drawing on the cases of Iraq and Sudan, it can be argued that the mobilization of economic, cultural, and organizational resources along with the concentration of state resources have led to the radicalization of Islamist parties' positions and political discourse. The concentration of resources was an incentive to reward loyalists, support hard‐line discourse, and target opponents by excluding them from political competition. This situation has helped develop a secular and national protest movement that does not believe in the change through elections and political–legal tools, but rather through protest and, in some cases, violent confrontations. However, this secular trans‐sectarian national movement still lacks the ability to mobilize alternative political, economic, and leadership resources to present a coherent and counter a vision for the ruling Islamist parties.
... Paralelamente, os processos de transição democrática de tipo pactada e negociada (Mainwaring et al., 1992;Collier, 1999) permitiram a continuidade de certas políticas e a difusão regional de processos políticos. Nisto é exemplificativa a continuidade de políticas sociais entre o regime autoritário-reestruturado e o regime neodesenvolvimentista, especialmente nos programas de emergência e inclusão social e nos programas de transferência de renda. ...
The study of social policies in Latin America has analyzed the institutional continuity-discontinuity process along the political-economic changes between models of international insertion. In this article, we examine the applicability of historical institutionalist analysis as a tool to understand the social sector policy sequence format in the Brazilian and Uruguayan cases between its beginnings and the 2010s. Keywords: social policies; Latin America; policy sequence; Brazil; Uruguay
... Na década de 1990, o conceito de consolidação democrática foi amplamente mobilizado na literatura sobre democracias, em particular (embora não exclusivamente) na revista Journal of Democracy (DIAMOND, 1994(DIAMOND, , 1999STEPAN, 1996aSTEPAN, , 1996bMAINWARING;O'DONNELL;VALENZUELA, 1992;O'DONNELL, 1996;SCHEDLER, 1998 Em outras palavras, o conceito de consolidação democrática assume como premissa a possibilidade que em determinado momento o processo de democratização se tornaria irreversível, ou "o único jogo disponível", nas palavras de Juan Linz e Alfred Stepan (1996b). 12 O que, entretanto, poderia inspirar tamanho otimismo sobre a evolução política dos regimes democráticos? ...
... Nesse sentido, a literatura que analisou as transições políticas levadas a cabo na América Latina ao longo do final dos anos 1980 e 1990 compartilha uma preocupação normativa pelo estabelecimento e pela consolidação do controle civil sobre os militares em novas democracias (Aguero 1992(Aguero , 1995Mainwaring, O'Donnell, and Valenzuela 1992). Mais especificamente, alguns dos objetivos de se submeter os militares à supremacia civil são: proteger os direitos humanos de todos os membros da sociedade, alinhar os objetivos políticos de lideranças civis e militares, legitimar o uso da força por grupos associados ao estado e reduzir os poderes discricionários dos militares (Born 2006, 155). ...
O artigo analisa a accountability sobre as operações de garantia da lei e da ordem. A partir de entrevistas com tomadores de decisão e atores da sociedade civil, que foram codificadas e analisadas através do software Nvivo, a pesquisa conclui que o controle civil está concentrado antes do início das operações militares.
... Mais, l'hybridité expérimentée participe de la trajectoire de consolidation démocratique (Valenzuela, 1992 ;O'Donnell, 1996 ;Ducatenzeiler, 2001) du pays. En effet, si l'hégémonie politique est un trait prépondérant de cette trajectoire d'affermissement de l'ordre démocratique (Sindjoun, 1996), ordre envisagé ici en tant que « vision du monde » qui habite les plans d'action du politique, les travaux qui le soulèvent semblent minimiser le fait que le changement est une dynamique complexe. ...
Le changement au Cameroun est l’expression d’une hybridité (Tchingankong Yanou, 2019), car il met en scène un composite de pratiques relevant pour les uns de l’ordre pluraliste actuel et pour les autres de l’ordre monolithique suranné. Le premier est effectif parce que la « culture démocratique est faite norme, valeur, croyance et comportement dans [le] contexte sociopolitique » (Sindjoun, 2000 : 522) actuel. Les traceurs empiriques dans ces comportements humains de l’assimilation de cette culture sont la modération, la tolérance, la civilité, l’efficacité, le savoir et la participation (Diamond, 1993 : 1). Le second l’est aussi car l’ordre hégémonique de l’ère monolithique (Bayart, 1979) demeure. Le marqueur factuel de cette résilience est le monopole institutionnel du sens des mutations sociopolitiques et économiques.
Mais, l’hybridité expérimentée participe de la trajectoire de consolidation démocratique (Valenzuela, 1992 ; O’Donnell, 1996 ; Ducatenzeiler, 2001) du pays. En effet, si l’hégémonie politique est un trait prépondérant de cette trajectoire d’affermissement de l’ordre démocratique (Sindjoun, 1996), ordre envisagé ici en tant que « vision du monde » qui habite les plans d’action du politique, les travaux qui le soulèvent semblent minimiser le fait que le changement est une dynamique complexe. C’est un processus marqué par de multiples influences (Balandier, 1986) qui imposent aux acteurs un temps d’apprentissage (Hall, 1993), ce qui le rend inévitablement incrémental (Lindblom, 1959). Dans cette complexité de la dynamique du changement, l’inclusion du jeu de force en tant que structurant certain de l’ordre politique est aussi à considérer pour en définitive mieux découvrir sa matérialité.
... The process of democratization, understood as the process of continuously improving democracy, can therefore manifest itself through advancements in competitive elections, general citizenship, and respecting civil rights. This definition shows that democracy is a movement towards implementing institutions and procedures (elections), but also towards achieving greater effectiveness (civil rights, economic and political rights) (Przeworski, 1991;Mainwaring, 1992). ...
This book explores the challenges of democratization and reconciliation in the context of European integration in the post-Yugoslav region. Despite its academic and policy relevance, students and academics studying the region do not have a single source of reading material where they can learn about the challenges facing the region. This book aims to serve an array of college students and become a go-to source in studying the region. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, the book provides readers with a comprehensive account of the various challenges inhibiting democratization and reconciliation. The chapters are written by authors from different disciplines, thus allowing readers to analyze the region from different perspectives.
... What is referred to as 'completing democracy' by Schedler (1998:98) emphasises that, "while libera l democracies face the 'negative' challenge of preventing democratic erosion and regression to semi-democratic rule, 'electoral democracies' face the symmetrical positive' challenge of 'democratic completion', the attainment of democratic rule. This is a progressive transition, usually referred to as second from a democratic government to a democratic regime (O'Donnell, 1992). Significantly, it is this progressive transition that is widely acknowledged as democratic consolidation, since the whole essence of avoiding 'democratic breakdown' and 'democratic erosion' aims at the successful and successive transition of an electoral democracy to a liberal democracy. ...
The relationship between social Mobilisation and Critical Citizenry in Democratisation from the Nigerian standpoint
... Nas duas últimas décadas tem ressurgido na literatura sobre a América Latina, a necessidade de identificar e contextualizar o processo de redemocratização levado a cabo a partir da década de 1990 e depois da proliferação de regimes autoritários nas três décadas anteriores (O'Donnell, 1973;Mainwaring et al., 1992;Linz & Stepan, 1996). Paralelamente ao debate acerca da consolidação das instituições democráticas através de estudos comparativos (Kitschelt et al., 2010), cresceu também a importância da identificação do movimento de redemocratização que crescera em força na década de 1980 e que levou ao derrube das ditaduras militares na década seguinte. ...
The article explains the relationship between the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) and the Workers' Party (PT) in Brazil. It is argued that the strategy of the MST within the PT’s political party struggle was built in a pragmatic way, being a significant partner in the victory of Lula da Silva in the presidential elections of 2002. In the Brazilian context the relation between parties and social movements has been quoted as one of dependence. However, by analyzing the relationship of the MST with the governments of Lula da Silva, it can be concluded that the latter managed its relationship with the PT through a pragmatic-ideological insertion.
... 95 Bratton and van de Walle 1997, 198. 94 For example, see Kitschelt et al. 1999;Linz and Stepan 1978;McFaul 2002;Mainwaring, O'Donnell, and Valenzuela 1992;O'Donnell and Schmitter 1986;Przeworski 1991. 95 ...
How does political polarization occur under repressive conditions? Drawing on psychological theories of social identity, the author posits that the nature of repression drives polarization. Repression alters group identities, changing the perceived distance between groups and ultimately shaping the level of affective and preference polarization between them through differentiation processes. The author tests the proposed causal relationship using mixed-method data and analysis.The results of a laboratory experiment reveal that exposure to a targeted repression prime results in greater in-group identification and polarization between groups, whereas exposure to a widespread prime results in decreased levels of these same measurements. The effect of the primes appears to be mediated through group identification. Case-study evidence of polarization between political opposition groups that were differently repressed in Egypt and Tunisia reinforces these results. The findings have implications for understanding how polarization, as conditioned by repression, may alter the likelihood of the cooperative behavior among opposition actors necessary for the success of democratic politics.
... El discurso de la ciudadanía en relación con la democracia ha sido un escenario en el que no se han desarrollado propuestas contundentes para pensar la democracia en América Latina. Si bien los procesos de democratización de la región (Mainwaring, O'Donnell y Valenzuela, 1992), el análisis institucional de las democracias jóvenes (Morgenstern y Benito, 2002), así como la calidad de la democracia en la región (Mainwaring, O'Donnell, Valenzuela y Welna, 2003), son escenarios desde los que se ha pensado la democratización en la región desde la ciencia política, el análisis de las relaciones entre la ciudadanía y la democracia merece una atención primor-dial. Este es un escenario fundamental si queremos un completo abordaje de los procesos de democratización en el continente, ya que, como se ha señalado, la democratización de las sociedades requiere necesariamente la expansión de los derechos sociales de los ciudadanos (Ferrajoli, 2014). ...
Este texto presenta una conceptualización del matrimonio igualitario como el último eslabón de la secularización del matrimonio en tanto institución social, el cual a su vez responde al proceso de secularización de la sociedad. A partir de esto se muestra cómo se ha desplegado en América Latina la concepción tradicional del matrimonio, de modo que se genera un escenario de rechazo frente al matrimonio igualitario. Al final se expone de qué manera se justifica su reivindicación en clave de derechos con el objetivo de construir sociedades más democráticas.
... En este proceso es importante construir medios y prácticas que eliminen poderes de facto y comportamientos autoritarios, además de asegurar la persistencia de las instituciones democráticas (Mainwaring et al., 1992). En el fondo, se busca que los actores (partidos y organizaciones) sometan sus intereses racionalmente a los institucionales y que los actores principales respeten reglas y procedimientos (Przeworski, 1995). ...
Esta tesis explica las variables e hipótesis relacionadas con la alternancia política en las gubernaturas de los estados mexicanos en el periodo 1989-2006 utilizando una metodología mixta. Después de criticar la asociación conceptual con la teoría de la transición, y de enfatizar la particular configuración del régimen político mexicano, identifica proposiciones clave de la literatura (marginación, desarrollo humano, oposición legislativa, oposición municipal, remoción de gobernador, alianza partidista, participación ciudadana y candidaturas externas), las somete a la comparación de casos positivos y descarta su validez para las 17 entidades donde el PRI perdió la gubernatura. Al comparar mediante conjuntos difusos 64 elecciones de gobernador –con casos positivos y negativos-, revela la importancia de la variable “candidatura opositora externa” en la mitad de los casos positivos de alternancia. También devela la ausencia de “candidatura opositora externa, alianza partidista y remoción de gobernador” como una configuración específica de variables en elecciones donde se registra un dominio ininterrumpido del PRI.
Mediante la comparación de tres casos para analizarlos en detalle, indaga si las variables “relación entre dirigencias partidistas” y “liderazgo del gobernador priista en funciones” –ligadas a lo que la literatura identifica como división del PRI local- incidieron en la alternancia o continuidad del PRI en Guerrero, San Luis Potosí y estado de México. La evidencia encontrada no permite sostener la incidencia de estas variables.
Finalmente, se ofrece una explicación para esas tres entidades basada en la historia política local, en variables coyunturales y en el perfil del candidato de oposición. Se revelan “configuraciones” semejantes opositoras en los casos positivos de alternancia (crecimiento electoral previo a la elección de gobernador; selección de candidaturas con menor conflictividad y fuerte disciplina partidista; ausencia de rupturas en la principal oposición y ausencia de candidatos ex-priistas; encuestas electorales favorables; y un perfil medianamente externo de quienes fueron candidatos opositores) y evidencias claramente contrastantes en el caso sin alternancia (crecimiento electoral del PRI frente al de oposición en las elecciones inmediatas anteriores; la oposición panista tuvo candidatura divisiva; el candidato panista no poseía un perfil externo y las encuestas electorales mostraron una creciente debilidad a lo largo de la campaña).
Se concluye que la alternancia política en las gubernaturas se explica por variables coyunturales, las cuales adquieren sentido en la historia contemporánea de cada caso.
... However, the patterns of party development, which have resulted in oligarchic parties with highly centralizing pretension but deeply weakened linkages with constituents, point out that Indonesia's status as the third largest democracy means much less than it sounds. Political parties have taken credit for their roles in democratizing formerly authoritarian polities, particularly as " mediators " in both installing and consolidating democracy (Huntington 1968;Dahl 1971;Sartori 1976;Mainwaring, O'Donnell, and Valenzuela 1992;Linz 1994;Randall & Svasand 2001;Diamond and Gunther 2001;Carothers 2006). They stand between the state and civil society, play a crucial role in elections, and influence the agenda-setting by organizing, articulating, and aggregating societal demands and interests. ...
... Finally, these civil organizations formed the basis of a thorough reappreciation of the importance of civil society in the challenge of consolidating democracy in post-authoritarian and post-civil war Latin America. The brutal experience of military dictatorship, repressive violence and civil war had convinced the majority of social and political agents across Latin America of the vital importance of citizenship for the successful consolidation of democratic governance, the rule of law, and greater equity and social justice (Agüero & Stark, 1998;Alcántara & Crespo, 1995;Mainwaring et al., 1992). Civil society was 'discovered' as a key concept and arena for pro-active social and institutional change. ...
... Por otro lado, Przeworski (1992) también indica que los países desarrollados muestran condiciones de estabilidad económica, con una mayor unión, inversión, crecimiento económico, gasto de la riqueza y una mejor distribución del ingreso. Por lo tanto, las democracias desarrolladas tienden a tasas de crecimiento mayores que los regímenes autoritarios. ...
Diríjase a la página web de la editorial www.tirant.com/mex [+] En Mi cuenta vaya a Mis promociones https://www.tirant.com/mex/mispromociones [+] Introduzca su mail y contraseña, si todavía no está registrado debe registrarse [+] Una vez en Mis promociones inserte el código oculto en esta página para activar la promo-ción Código Promocional Rasque para visualizar La utilización del LIBRO ELECTRÓNICO y la visualización del mismo en NUBE DE LECTURA excluyen los usos bibliotecarios y públicos que puedan poner el archivo electrónico a disposición de una comunidad de lec-tores. Se permite tan solo un uso individual y privado. No se admitirá la devolución de este libro si el código promocional ha sido manipulado
... Diante desse cenário, iniciou-se uma discussão teórica sobre a democracia nos países latino-americanos, voltada para seus contextos específicos. O debate iniciou-se com a análise das teorias de transição e consolidação democrática de autores como O'Donnell, Schmitter (1986); Mainwaring, O'Donnell, Valenzuela (1992), questionando a concepção minimalista de democracia que a restringia ao espaço institucional-formal, ou seja, aos pressupostos da "democracia representativa". a perspectiva que emerge dessa crítica defende que a democracia não se limita às instituições, mas é um processo cuja construção se desenrolava no interior da sociedade por meio do conjunto de práticas cotidianas, e estas devem estar abertas às transformações. ...
O presente trabalho trata do processo de democratização no Brasil a partir das novas
formas de participação que se desenvolveram, principalmente, na década de 90, verificando
em que medida os conselhos de políticas públicas ampliam a arena decisória e favorecem um
maior protagonismo popular na gestão das políticas sociais. A análise volta-se para a política
socioassistencial, discutindo suas características, mudanças e articulação em relação à
participação. Desta forma, o estudo envolve dois eixos: o primeiro, busca articular os
elementos conceituais, políticos e sociais que teriam dado sustentação e materialidade aos
conselhos; e o segundo, concentra-se na relação Estado/sociedade e em que medida os
conselhos interferem nessa relação alterando os resultados das deliberações, ou seja, alterando
o conteúdo das políticas sociais. A pesquisa é composta por estudo teórico sobre o processo
de democratização e reforma do Estado no Brasil, discutindo as noções de participação,
cidadania, sociedade civil e descentralização, e análise empírica, onde verificamos essas
questões no contexto do município de Araraquara e do conselho municipal de assistência
social. A análise busca entender em que medida a inserção dos novos mecanismos
participativos altera a gestão das políticas públicas e influencia a arena decisória local. Ao
estudar o conselho municipal de assistência social, buscamos verificar como esse espaço é
ocupado pela sociedade civil e qual a influência do conselho sobre a gestão da política
municipal. O período estudado foi de 2001-2008, compreendendo três gestões do conselho e
duas gestões do PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores) no Poder Executivo.
In Latin America, political science was historically constituted from the confluence of different disciplines: philosophy, history, law, and sociology. However, it remained subsumed until very recently, and only began to clearly differentiate itself after the third wave of democratization in the 1980s. This article traces the main moments of Latin American political science in the light of the evolution of its institutional situation, particularly in university and academic structures, but also concerning the shifts in its centers of interest, the intellectual orientations that have prevailed within it, and the debates that have crossed it.
Political parties play very critical roles in democratization of any nation. Central to the successes and failures of electoral politics is the cardinal and strategic functions of this all important and an integral organ of democratization which is core to its development. The dawn of the Nigerian fourth republic has witnessed renewed and sustained activities of political parties which is the most complex and critical institutions of democracy but undoubtedly has either shaped or stagnated the deepening and consolidation of democracy. With heavy reliance on secondary data supported by analytical approach, the paper x-rayed the role of political parties in the democratic consolidation of Nigeria's Fourth Republic. The climax of the analysis is the identified challenges plaguing democratic consolidation since the commencement of the fourth republic i.e.: Lack of institutionalization and personalization of political parties; Godfatherism; Absence of internal democracy within the political parties and incessant party/political violence. The party system in Nigeria is still weak and vulnerable with no visible signs of adding value to the democratic consolidation. It is recommended that issues of organizational capacity, effective leadership, internal democracy, discipline, institutionalization and personalization, ideological platforms of mobilization and linkage to civil society and the masses should be addressed.
The article examines the problems of political institutionalization of conflicts based on the use of illiberal approaches (authoritarian and hybrid). The study is based on the concept of «illiberal peacebuilding», which is actively developed in political science and is currently used to analyze the processes of conflict resolution at the national and subnational levels. The study made it possible to determine the possibilities and limitations of these models, the specifics of the methods used and the achieved results of institutionalization. The author highlights the political and regime characteristics of the political institutionalization of conflicts, which directly depend on the prospects for using a particular model. In particular, it has been established that a set of rules and norms for the interaction of key policy actors is one of the foundations of a political regime. At the same time, conflicts are considered as one of the important factors in their change. The dependence of the direction of political institutionalization of conflicts (using their potential, limiting conflicts, etc.) on the perception of the conflicts themselves in the context of the stability of the political system has been substantiated. The liberal model assumes extensive use of the potential of institutions operating in the field of public policy. The authoritarian model is focused on suppressing open manifestations of conflict, while the hybrid model is focused on combining the norms and practices inherent in the liberal and authoritarian models.
Objective
This article addresses the following questions: (1) What is the extent of Ghanaians' support for democracy? (2) What are the influences of education, the pursuit of political news, and the discussion of politics on citizens' support of democracy?
Methods
This study combines the sixth and seventh rounds the Afrobarometer surveys on Ghana. The total sample for this study is 4,800 adult Ghanaians. Binary logistic regression analysis was employed for the multivariate analysis.
Results
About 81 percent of the respondents prefer democracy to any other form of government, including a military rule. Also, the study also found that education attainment, the pursuit of political news information, and the discussion of politics is significantly linked to citizens' support of democracy.
Conclusion
The study shows that increasing access to education and political information are vital mechanisms for strengthening democratic consolidation.
The paper explores the connections between Political Science and democracy facing the current global crisis of democracy. At a time when it is required that Political Science take the lead in the research about the crisis of democracy, focusing on its causes and consequences, the paper developed three main and interrelated arguments. First, since that democracy was crucial for the birth, autonomy, and evolution of Political Science in Western countries, the paper argues that this favoured the development of a normative research agenda committed with democracy and its promotion. Secondly, it is argued that this research agenda largely downplayed the risk of a weakening of democracy or even the possibility of a democratic retreat in the Western democracies. Thirdly, the paper argues that the deepening of the crisis of democracy in several Western countries, until recently classified as consolidated democracies, may threaten the Political Science discipline profile developed in the West over several decades. Consequently, this fact also helps to understand the difficulty in conceiving a political science neutral and normatively uncommitted with democracy.
RESUMEN El presente artículo da cuenta de los acontecimientos del año 2019 centrándose en la grave crisis política que se desató entre el gobierno y el congreso, y su salida institucional. El artículo explica cómo esta crisis escaló en el 2019 de la mano de las escandalosas revelaciones de corrupción que implican gravemente a la mayor parte de la clase política del país. Esta crisis llegó a un punto de inflexión cuando el Presidente Martín Vizcarra disolvió el congreso en setiembre contando con un apoyo mayoritario de la población. Sin embargo, la constitucionalidad no se rompió, el gobierno y el país exhibieron una sorprendente continuidad institucional y se celebraron elecciones para reemplazar a los congresistas disueltos sin mayores sobresaltos. Por un lado, el artículo argumenta que la salida institucional a la crisis política está relacionada al progresivo desprestigio de la clase política perua-na debido a las crecientes revelaciones de corrupción que redujeron un potencial conflicto social con la disolución del congreso. Por otro lado, la debilidad y flexi-bilidad del sistema peruano permitió la aparición de un político independiente, pero afortunadamente, esta vez, con un liderazgo institucionalista en lugar de uno autoritario para ocupar el liderazgo del gobierno. El artículo concluye que este es un resultado contingente y por lo tanto no resuelve problemas estructurales que siguen siendo una fuente de inestabilidad para la democracia en el Perú.
Accounts of the first five years of Slovakia's independence tend to find an explanation for her transformation from a front-runner to join NATO and the European Union into the black sheep of Central Europe in two words: Vladimir Meciar. This thesis is an attempt to assess that claim. After two introductory chapters, one exploring the terrain of Slovak politics, and the other assessing the utility of applying theories of democratization and political culture, the thesis examines Meciar's role in explaining Slovak development. Employing theories of leadership and decision-making, the role of the former Slovak prime minister is examined in detail. Meciar's position vis-a-vis his own party, HZDS, and the input of other political actors into the decision-making process is evaluated. A central chapter of the thesis explores the formation and functioning of the 1994-8 governing coalition. Utilising comparative coalition theory, the chapter gauges the part played by the two smaller parties, ZRS and SNS, in the 1994-8 government. In order to ascertain the degree of responsibility for Slovakia's political development that deserves to be placed on Meciar's shoulders, the thesis incorporates a consideration of the part played by the institutional framework of politics and Slovak public opinion.
Este artigo, adotando métodos descritivos, históricos e analíticos de investigação e utilizando a Nigéria pós-autoritária como pano de fundo da investigação, examina os contornos e terrenos dos processos de democratização na África, sob condições de corrupção generalizada. Observa-se que as instituições democráticas na Nigéria, desde a cessação da ordem autoritária em 1999, têm tido um desempenho abismal na verificação dos casos de corrupção, contrariamente às expectativas da comunidade de doadores, com base nas experiências das democracias avançadas, de que a democracia e os seus apetrechos, uma vez lançados, poderiam reduzir a incidência da corrupção. Ele observa e argumenta que esta situação não está desligada de um Estado não autônomo e prebendal, que oferece oportunidades quase ilimitadas para que a corrupção oficial prospere.
¿Por qué el FMLN y el gobierno salvadoreño lograron negociar un acuerdo de paz en menos de dos años mientras que las FARC y el gobierno colombiano no han podido consolidar un cese del fuego en cuarenta y seis? En este ensayo, demuestro que el carácter “extremista” o “moderado” de los beligerantes es parte esencial de la respuesta. La aversión a la incertidumbre incita a moderados como el FMLN a negociar pactos que establecen instituciones propias a las democracias liberales, que permiten una gestión pacífica de conflictos. Entre tanto, la insensibilidad a la incertidumbre, la incapacidad a cambiar la estrategia armada, y la definición de supervivencia como acceso permanente al poder, explica por qué extremistas como las FARC se resisten a desarmar. El análisis de las relaciones de fuerza entre estos tipos de actores (antes de iniciar una negociación de paz) es fundamental para todo experto que busca identificar posibles obstáculos a la sostenibilidad de la paz y a la gobernanza en el postconflicto.
Twenty-five years have passed since Haiti’s first free and fair elections. In that time, democratization has been slow and there have been many setbacks. This article offers some observations regarding Haiti’s democratization journey by examining how the government introduced a massive industrial park that required the displacement of a large number of farmers. In a departure from historical practice, when faced with opposition, the government deployed its security forces sparingly. Also, the levels of transparency and civil society engagement were not terrible. Although it is insufficient and superficial, movement is in the right direction. In contrast, local government officials may have lost status and legitimacy during the process, which could hinder future democratization. Finally, the footprint of outsiders in this project was massive, confirming how profoundly Haiti’s democratization is transnationalized. This makes tracking its democratic development extremely challenging and yet necessary given the country is not alone in this predicament.
There is scarcely any textbook on political science that would not refer to Samuel Huntington’s hypothesis about the third wave of democratization. Among the major case studies of democratization is the post-World War II Japan, which Huntington placed into the second wave. In 1945, Japan under MacArthur managed to change from militaristic authoritarian regime into a peace-loving country cherishing individual freedoms and democratic ideals. This chapter elaborates on previous studies by focusing on two prerequisites of such transformation, retention of the imperial system, and reliance on existing bureaucratic machinery. It concludes that the primary goal of the occupation was not democratization per se, but conservation of order. Only when order was secured by fulfilling the two prerequisites could MacArthur engage in his menu of democratization reforms.
Theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of political transformations in the CEE post-communist countries have been analyzed. The author argues that democratic transits do not guarantee transition to democracy and its consolidation. They are just polymorphic conversion processes from one political state to another, where the final destination is not always a democracy. They are influenced by general international factors, which allows us to consider the democratic transits, which may not consolidate into democracy, as integral components of the modern global democratic wave. Their real democratic value is not a definite variable. Political realities indicate that some of the transits proceed to illiberal democracy and hybrid regimes with different (non-) democratic features or often with versions of a new authoritarianism. In electoral democracies, only the external, formal sides of the democracy and democratic procedures are imitated, especially elections, which does not give grounds to relate these regimes to the democratic ones.
Keywords: Post-communist countries of CEE, theoretical and methodological approaches, political transformation
Niniejsza książka poświęcona jest wybranym wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym aspektom politycznym państw tworzące Grupę Wyszehradzką. Autorzy poddali analizie: historyczne uwarunkowania procesu przemian ustrojowych, określili pozycję organów władzy w konstytucyjnych systemach, przedstawili dynamiczne zmiany w rodzimych systemach partyjnych oraz ustosunkowali się do sposób prowadzenia polityki zagranicznej przez Czechy, Polskę, Słowację i Węgry.
The book is an attempt to systematize the understanding of processes, which have been occurring in the past decades in four Central European states – Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary. The monograph has been divided into four chapters, encompassing selected issues related to the functioning of political systems of Visegrad Group states from the onset of political, economical and social transformations, which transpired after 1989. Authors analyzed both internal and external factors of politics in Czechia, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary.
The Chilean political transition that took place in 1932 is commonly viewed as positive for civil-military relations. This article argues that the very means used to restore stable civilian rule in Chile in the 1930s also contributed to the slow decay of civil-military relations, especially with the army. The conceptual lesson for the contemporary period is that civilian control entails much more than avoiding coups or rebellion in the short term. Civil-military institutions and civilian leadership matter for democracy. Although civilian strategies proved highly effective in the short term, the failure to strengthen civil-military institutions ultimately carried with it a high cost in the longer term. Compounded over years, civilian inattention can lead to estrangement, which in turn can gradually erode civilian supremacy and, by extension, democracy itself.
Autora de diversos artículos académicos sobre la política, democratización y política de reforma económica en Venezuela. William C. Smith: profesor de Ciencias Políticas en la Graduate School of International Studies de la Universidad de Miami e investigador del North-South Center. Ha publicado numerosos artículos sobre política argentina y brasileña y economía latinoamericana. Nota: esta es una versión resumida del ensayo aparecido en J. McCoy, W. Smith, A. Serbín y A. Stambouli (eds.): Venezuelan Democracy Under Pressure, North-South Center/Transaction Press, New Brunswick, 1995. Resumen: Los retos que enfrenta la política contemporánea de Venezuela no son aquéllos de la transición o la consolidación democráticas, sino más bien los inherentes a cómo renovar las instituciones democráticas debilitadas y la legitimidad menguante en una democracia ya existente. Si bien esos retos son similares a los que enfrentan las democracias establecidas en un contexto de crisis, la explicación de la crisis venezolana debe buscarse en cambios sociales y económicos que son comunes a otras sociedades latinoamericanas. De manera particular, el desmoronamiento de un modelo de relaciones políticas, económicas y sociales «Estado-céntrico» ha generado crisis de gobernabilidad y legitimidad en este país durante los años 90. Los retos que enfrenta Venezuela no son los de la transición o la consolidación, si no más bien los de la descomposición o desconsolidación de un régimen democrático establecido 1. Las crisis 1 La política venezolana contemporánea presenta una problemática diferente a las que predominan en los debates en torno a la democratización. La investigación académica de la última década se centró en primer lugar en la crisis del régimen autoritario y la subsiguiente transición a gobiernos civiles con el restablecimiento de los procedimientos
Democracy is often fragile, especially in states recovering from civil conflict. To protect emerging democracies, many scholars and practitioners recommend political powersharing institutions, which aim to safeguard minority group interests. Yet there is little empirical research on whether powersharing promotes democratic survival, and some concern that it limits electoral accountability. To fill this gap, we differentiate between inclusive, dispersive, and constraining powersharing institutions and analyze their effects on democratic survival from 1975 to 2015 using a global dataset. We find sharp distinctions across types of powersharing and political context. Inclusive powersharing, such as ethnic quotas, promotes democratic survival only in post-conflict settings. In contrast, dispersive institutions such as federalism tend to destabilize post-conflict democracies. Only constraining powersharing consistently facilitates democratic survival regardless of recent conflict. Institution-builders and international organizations should therefore prioritize institutions that constrain leaders, including independent judiciaries, civilian control of the armed forces, and constitutional protections of individual and group rights.
This paper compares the escalation of civil war in South Ossetia and Kosovo and shows how different modes of transition deeply influenced the timing and type of conflict in these two cases. It argues that regimes resulting from a transition from above – when the elite in power leads the process of regime change and imposes its political agenda on other social actors – are more likely to ensure political stability in the short term, since governments are more cohesive internally, enjoy the support of the military, and can rely on a loyal bureaucracy. In contrast, regimes that emerge from transitions from below are more likely to experience civil war with an ethnic minority in the short term because of an intrinsic weakness of the elite in power. Under these circumstances, the newcomers need to win the loyalty of the military and of the bureaucracy, and separatist groups can take advantage of the incumbents’ weaknesses and try to build resources to militarily challenge the state.
This chapter makes an incursion into seven theoretical frames in order to derive three distinct hypotheses, which capture the causal role of EU democracy promotion, international (non-EU) influences and domestic contexts for the dynamics of political regimes in the common neighbourhood between the EU and Russia. It also builds up an analytical model and makes a cursory presentation of the method.
This chapter reviews the way in which the literature concerned with democratisation and the transition to democracy varied with regard to the relative importance assigned to domestic and external factors. It indicates that much of the scholarship considers democratisation being driven primarily by domestic factors and that the causal potential of international factors started to be engaged more systematically in the last two decades. This review is used to situate and introduce the research agenda of the book.
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