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Sometimes IT Just Feels Right: The Differential Weighting of Affect-Consistent and Affect-Inconsistent Product Information

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Abstract

An affect-confirmation process is proposed to explain the conditions in which information that is similar in valence (i.e., evaluatively consistent) with a person's mood is weighted more heavily in product judgments. Specifically, the affect that participants experience as a result of a transitory mood state may appear to either confirm or disconfirm their reactions to product information, leading them to give this information more or less weight when evaluating the product as a whole. This affective confirmation typically occurs when hedonic criteria are considered more important in evaluation than utilitarian criteria. Four experiments confirmed implications of this conceptualization. Copyright 2001 by the University of Chicago.
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2001 by JOURNAL CONSUMER RESEARCH, Inc. Vo l. 28 June 2001
All rights reserved. 0093-5301/2002/2801-0001$03.00
Sometimes It Just Feels Right: The Differential
Weighting of Affect-Consistent and Affect-
Inconsistent Product Information
RASHMI ADAVAL*
An affect-confirmation process is proposed to explain the conditions in which in-
formation that is similar in valence (i.e., evaluatively consistent) with a person’s
mood is weighted more heavily in product judgments. Specifically, the affect that
participants experience as a result of a transitory mood state may appear to either
confirm or disconfirm their reactions to product information, leading them to give
this information more or less weight when evaluating the product as a whole. This
affective confirmation typically occurs when hedonic criteria are consideredmore
important in evaluation than utilitarian criteria. Four experiments confirmed impli-
cations of this conceptualization.
The affect that people experience at the time they receive
information about an object can influence the manner
in which they process this information and, therefore, the
judgments that follow. This influence has been detected in
both consumer judgment and elsewhere (for reviews, see
Clore, Schwarz, and Conway [1994]; Cohen and Areni
[1991]). In some cases, affect has been shown to have a
direct effect on people’s judgments. That is, people judge
a product more favorably when they are feeling happy than
when they are not, regardless of the information theyreceive
about it (Gorn, Goldberg, and Basu 1993; Pham 1998).
However, affect can also have an indirect influence on judg-
ments through its impact on the way specific pieces of prod-
uct information are treated. For example, consumers might
give a piece of information more weight when its evaluative
implications are similar in valence to the affect they are
experiencing for other reasons. (That is, happy individuals
may weight favorable pieces of information more heavily
than unfavorable pieces when making a judgment, whereas
unhappy persons may give relatively more emphasis to un-
*Rashmi Adaval is an assistant professor at the Hong Kong University
of Science and Technology, Clear Water Bay, Kowloon, Hong Kong
(mkadaval@ust.hk). Part of the research was performed for a Ph.D. dis-
sertation under the guidance of Kent B. Monroe and was funded by the
J. M. Jones Chair at the University of Illinois. The author wishes to thank
Bob Wyer for his exceptionally insightful comments, Sharon Shavitt for
providing the impetus for this research, and members of her committee
(Gerald L. Clore and Seymour Sudman) for their feedback. Gerald Gorn,
Simona Romani, and Jaideep Sengupta gave comments on previous ver-
sions of the article. Edward R. Hirt provided the films for use as stimulus
materials. All the above contributions, as well as suggestions made by the
editor and reviewers, were invaluable in the research process and are grate-
fully acknowledged.
favorable pieces than to favorable ones.) The present article
provides evidence of this differential weighting and circum-
scribes the conditions in which it occurs. In doing so, it
provides an explanation that differs from other, memory-
based explanations that have been previously proposed
(Bower 1981; Forgas 1995; Isen et al. 1978).
To understand more clearly the phenomena of concern in
this article, imagine a typical shopping situation in which
consumers evaluate a product. Several different types of
product information may be available in this situation, each
of which may have different implications for the evaluation
of the product as a whole. For instance, when consumers
are making on-line evaluations of jeans, they could respond
favorably to a brand name like Levis but unfavorably to the
specific style or color of the jeans. These responses could
include affective reactions. Moreover, some of these reac-
tions might be consistent (in valence) with the extraneous
affect that consumers happen to be experiencing at the time
they receive the product information (e.g., their mood)
whereas other reactions might be inconsistent with it. This
extraneous affect, which could have occurred for reasons
that are unrelated to the product (e.g., bad traffic conditions),
might nevertheless influence the relative weight that the
consumers attach to product information that is evaluatively
consistent or inconsistent with it.
Although affect-induced differences in weighting have
not been documented in the product domain, at least two
studies suggest that this phenomenon occurs in other judg-
ment domains (see Bower, Gilligan, and Monteiro 1981;
Forgas and Bower 1987). Previous explanations of this phe-
nomenon, however, have relied on the assumption that mood
influences the accessibility of mood-consistent evaluative
concepts in memory and that these concepts are used to
2JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
FIGURE 1
ALTERNATIVE PROCESSES MEDIATING THE INFLUENCE OF AFFECT AND PRODUCT INFORMATION ON JUDGMENTS
N
OTE
.—Path Adescribes memory-based processes. Paths Band Cdescribe processes implied by the affect-confirmation hypothesis. Path Ddescribes the direct
use of affect as information in judging the product. Shaded boxes indicate processes in which affect is theoretically involved.
selectively encode and retrieve information (Bower 1981;
Forgas 1995). This assumption has recently been called into
question (Niedenthal, Halberstadt, and Setterlund 1997; Nie-
denthal and Setterlund 1994; see also Wyer,Clore, and Isbell
1999), highlighting the need for alternative explanations. In
the present research, an affect-confirmation process is pro-
posed to account for the phenomenon. Unlike other theories
(e.g., Bower 1981; Forgas 1995), this conceptualization re-
quires no assumptions about the impact of affectivereactions
on the accessibility of previously acquired concepts and
knowledge in memory. The theory therefore applies to con-
ditions in which people base their judgments primarily on
the information they have available to them at the timerather
than previously acquired information that they recall.At the
same time, the conceptualization circumscribes more clearly
than previous formulations the conditions in which people’s
affective reactions are likely to influence the impact of the
information they receive.
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
The different processes that underlie the impact of affect
on judgments are outlined in Figure 1. After reviewing some
of these processes and discussing their underlying assump-
tions, an alternative account of the differential weighting of
affect-related information is proposed.
Memory-Based Theories of Affect and Judgment
Theories of affect and cognition (e.g., Bower 1981; For-
gas 1995; Isen et al. 1978) often assume that the affect
people experience at a particular moment in time increases
the accessibility in memory of concepts and knowledge that
are evaluatively consistent with it (Bower 1981). When a
large amount of information is presented, a portion of the
information that can be easily interpreted in terms of mood-
activated concepts is thought about more extensively and
may be selectively encoded into memory (Bower et al. 1981;
AFFECT CONFIRMATION 3
Forgas and Bower 1987). This selectively encoded infor-
mation is more likely to be recalled later and used as a basis
for judgment. The process outlined above is shown in Figure
1, path A. It suggests that the differential weighting of affect-
consistent and affect-inconsistent information at the time of
judgment is the result of differences in the likelihood that
the information is selectively encoded at the time it is re-
ceived and therefore retrieved from memory later on.
However, this interpretation assumes that mood influences
the accessibility of similarly valenced concepts and knowl-
edge in memory. As Wyer et al. (1999) point out, the as-
sumption that mood influences the accessibility of similarly
valenced concepts and knowledge in memory is question-
able. Niedenthal and her colleagues (Niedenthal and Set-
terlund 1994; Niedenthal et al. 1997) found that although
the mood that people happen to be experiencing increases
the accessibility in memory of concepts that pertain directly
to this mood, it does not influence the accessibility of ev-
aluatively congruent concepts in general. Nor does thinking
about mood-congruent information about a referent remind
persons about other characteristics of the referent (Gilligan
and Bower 1983). Thus, a fundamental assumption under-
lying memory-based theories of the impact of mood on
judgment may not be valid.
Affect-Confirmation Hypothesis
The proposed conceptualization recognizes that people
often do not distinguish between the different sources of
their affect at the time they are called upon to make a judg-
ment (Schwarz and Clore 1983). Consequently, the affect
they experience for reasons that have little to do with a
product they are judging (e.g., a transitory mood state) can
be confused with feelings elicited by the product informa-
tion. When extraneous affect is similar in valence to one’s
affective reactions to this information, it can make these
reactions appear more appropriate or valid and, therefore,
can increase the perception that one’s feelings about the
information have been assessed correctly. As a result, it can
increase the weight or importance that people give to this
information in the course of computing a judgment.
For example, suppose consumers wish to purchase ice
cream. They may think about the attribute “made from full
creamy milk” in terms of its implications for how good the
ice cream would taste. These thoughts might give rise to
affective reactions. However, people may not clearly distin-
guish these reactions from the affect they are experiencing
for other, unrelated reasons. Consequently, the extraneous
affect can influence their perceptions of how they feel about
the product information. When the affect from the two
sources is similar in valence, consumers may perceive that
they have assessed their feelings about the product infor-
mation correctly. They may therefore weight this informa-
tion more heavily in estimating their liking for the product
and may have greater confidence in this judgment.However,
if the extraneous affect that consumers are experiencing dif-
fers from that elicited by the product information, they may
interpret these conflicting feelings as ambivalence about
their reactions to this information, and so they may give
less weight to the information than they otherwise would.
The processes described above assume that people base
their evaluations of the product information on their affec-
tive reactions to it. However, this is not always the case.
That is, some evaluations may be based on affect but others
may not (Zanna and Rempel 1988; see also Pham 1998).
Mano and Oliver (1993) distinguish between two general
criteria that consumers use (see also Batra and Ahtola 1990).
Utilitarian criteria concern the product’s ability to perform
a useful function, whereas hedonic criteria focus on the
feelings that consumers expect to experience when the prod-
uct is used. When persons are not explicitly told what criteria
they should apply in evaluating a product, the criteria they
use may depend on their personal values, goals, or needs
(Babin, Darden, and Griffin 1994). For example, a person
who wants to eat ice cream may evaluate it on the basis of
affective or hedonic criteria (i.e., its taste and the enjoyment
it will give). However, a hospital dietician may evaluate the
product on the basis of utilitarian criteria (e.g., its value to
postsurgery patients on high calorie diets).
Pham (1998) notes that the affect consumers experience
only influences their judgments of a product when they con-
sider hedonic criteria to be a relevant basis for evaluating
it. Similarly, affect-confirmation processes are also unlikely
to occur unless consumers base their evaluations on affective
criteria. Thus, the dietician in the previous example might
evaluate the attribute “made from full creamy milk” favor-
ably because of its high caloric content. On the other hand,
she might consider its implications for hedonic criteria (e.g.,
taste) to be irrelevant and might actively try to avoid using
them. To this extent, extraneous affect might not influence
the weight she attaches to the information in evaluating the
product.
The processes assumed by this conceptualization are con-
veyed in paths Band Cof the flow diagram shown in Figure
1. Suppose people receiving information about a product
consider utilitarian criteria to be most relevant in evaluating
it (path B). Then they should construe the implications of
this information without considering their affectivereactions
to it and integrate these implications to arrive at an overall
evaluation. If, however, people consider the hedonic (affec-
tive) criteria to be most relevant, they may assess their af-
fective reactions to each piece of information. In doing so,
they may consider their reactions to a given piece of in-
formation to be relatively more reliable if these reactions
are similar to the feelings they happen to be experiencing
for other reasons. Consequently, they may assign relatively
greater weight to this piece of information when they com-
pute an overall evaluation. These processes are captured by
the following hypotheses.
H1: Participants who base their judgments on hedonic
criteria will give greater weight to attribute infor-
mation when this information is evaluatively con-
sistent with their mood than when it is inconsistent
4JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
with their mood. This differential weighting will not
be evident when participants base their judgments
on utilitarian criteria.
A second hypothesis formalizes an assumption thatunderlies
Hypothesis 1:
H2: Participants will have more confidence in their judg-
ments when the affective reactions to a product’s
attributes and the affect they are experiencing for
other reasons are similar in valence than when they
differ.
Alternative Conceptualizations
The affect-confirmation hypothesis does not preclude
other possible influences of affect on information processing
and judgment. However, these influences theoretically occur
independently of the impact of affect on the weighting of
information that is evaluatively consistent or inconsistent
with it. The distinction between these formulations is worth
noting briefly.
Affect as Information. People often base their judg-
ments of an object on the affective reactions they are ex-
periencing at the time of judgment (Schwarz and Clore
1983). Although these affective reactions may have been
caused by external events, they might be interpreted as feel-
ings about the object being evaluated. As a result, persons
might evaluate an object more favorably when they are
happy than when they are not, and this could be true re-
gardless of whether the specific information about the object
is favorable or unfavorable. The use of affect as information
is quite well established (for reviews, see Clore et al. [1994];
Schwarz and Clore [1996]). There may nevertheless be con-
tingencies in the conditions in which this occurs. Forgas
(1995) suggests that affect is used as a heuristic basis for
judgments when people are unable or unmotivated to think
carefully about other information available (see also Shiv
and Fedorikhin 1999). Pham (1998), for example, found that
people used their feelings as a direct basis for judging a
product when they were told to make a judgment to which
affective reactions were relevant. When participants’ judg-
ments required a consideration of utilitarian criteria, how-
ever, the affect they experienced had no impact on their
judgments.
Pham’s (1998) findings are consistent with the assumption
that people’s affective reactions enter into information pro-
cessing only if the judgment to be made is one to which
these reactions are relevant. However, Pham’s research was
concerned with the direct influence of affect as a basis for
judgment (reflected in Fig. 1, path D). If this were the only
process by which affect influences judgments, it would im-
ply that a piece of information has the same impact under
positive and negative affect conditions. The affect-confir-
mation hypothesis, however, suggests that a favorable piece
of information will have more influence and unfavorable
information will have less influence when consumers feel
happy than when they do not. In principle, both types of
influences could occur. That is, the use of affect as infor-
mation is presumably independent of the influence of affect
on the way specific pieces of information are evaluated and,
therefore, the weight attached to this information (Fig. 1,
path C).
Martin et al. (1997) propose a somewhat different version
of the affect-as-information hypothesis. They find that persons
evaluate an object more favorably if it performs the function
for which it is intended. The affect being experienced is used
as input in determining whether this is true. (Thus, they eval-
uate a funny film more favorably if they are happy and a sad
film more favorably when they are unhappy.) If one assumes
that products are typically expected to perform well and make
people feel good, then Martin et al.’s (1997) conception pre-
dicts that people will evaluate all products more favorably if
they are happy than if they are not—a prediction similar to
that of Pham (1998). Both these processes are presumably
independent of those investigated in the present article and
do not make any predictions about the weighting of individual
pieces of information.
Motivational Influences. Motivation can influence in-
formation processing in at least three ways. First, Chaiken
(1987) hypothesizes that when people are asked to make a
judgment, they first apply the criterion that comes to mind
most easily and is simplest to apply. They then assess their
confidence that the judgment based on this criterion is valid,
and if this estimate is above some minimal threshold, they
apply it without engaging in further processing. If their con-
fidence is below this threshold value, however, they identify
and apply additional criteria that may require more extensive
processing. According to the affect-confirmation hypothesis,
people’s confidence in their judgments is more likely to be
above threshold when the affect elicited by a piece of prod-
uct information is consistent with their mood. Consequently,
they may be more inclined to weight this information heavily
in making a judgment without considering carefully other
information available. To this extent, predictions of the af-
fect-confirmation hypothesis are compatible with Chaiken’s
conceptualization. However, Chaiken (1987) does not pre-
dict any contingencies in the occurrence of this effect,
whereas the affect-confirmation hypothesis does.
A second possibility is that the affect being experienced
may itself influence the motivation to process information
in general (Bless et al. 1990; Bodenhausen 1993). In this
case, it could influence the extent to which affect enters into
all the three paths shown in Figure 1 (namely, paths A, C,
and D). Finally, Isen (1984) and others (Singer and Salovey
1988) suggest that happy people want to maintain their feel-
ings, whereas unhappy people are motivated to change their
feelings. These motives could lead both happy and unhappy
participants to think more extensively about positive aspects
of the information they receive than about negative aspects.
This type of motivated thinking could produce a generally
greater influence of favorable information than unfavorable
information. In contrast, the affect-confirmation hypothesis
AFFECT CONFIRMATION 5
suggests that only individuals who experience positive affect
will weight favorable information more heavily. Note, how-
ever, that the effects implied by affect confirmation and the
effects of motivation are not incompatible. That is, the in-
fluence of affect-confirmation processes could occur over
and above the motivational effects suggested by both Isen
(1984) and Bless et al. (1990).
An Assessment of Weighting: Methodological
Considerations
Although Hypothesis 1 can be tested directly by assessing
the impact of the attribute information, it is not an unam-
biguous test of the hypothesis. Anderson (1981) and others
(e.g., Birnbaum 1974) have pointed out that the influence
of a given type of information (i.e., the difference in judg-
ments when the information is favorable and judgments
when it is unfavorable) is governed by perceptions of the
extremity of its evaluative implications as well as the weight
that is attached to these implications. (That is, individuals
might perceive the implications of favorable attribute in-
formation to be more extremely favorable, and the impli-
cations of unfavorable information to be more extremely
unfavorable, independently of the weight they attached to
the information when computing the judgment.) To this ex-
tent, an inference of the weight attached to attribute infor-
mation from the magnitude of its influence on judgments
would be equivocal. For example, suppose a product de-
scribed by a favorable attribute and a product described by
an unfavorable attribute are evaluated 5 and 5, respec-
tively, when the attribute information was evaluatively con-
sistent with participants’ mood, but are evaluated 3 and
3, respectively, when the attribute information was in-
consistent with participants’ mood. This could indicate that
participants attached more weight to the attribute informa-
tion when it was consistent with their mood than when it
was not. However, it could also indicate that participants
interpreted the attribute as having more extreme evaluative
implications in the first case than in the second.
To eliminate this confound, an indirect procedure was
used to detect differential weighting. Numerous studies both
in the area of consumer judgment (e.g., Bettman, Capon,
and Lutz 1975; Meyer 1981; Troutman and Shanteau 1976)
and elsewhere (for a review of evidence, see Anderson
[1981]; Birnbaum [1974]) have shown that the greater the
weight that participants attach to one piece of information
in making a judgment, the less influence the information
accompanying it will have. Therefore, the relative weight
attached to one piece of information can be indirectly in-
ferred from the weight attached to the other. This procedure
eliminates confounds produced by the extremity of the ev-
aluative implications of the information itself (see Wyer and
Carlston 1979).
Participants in three of the four experiments to be reported
were given only two pieces of information about each of the
product categories they evaluated. Each product was de-
scribed by a favorable or an unfavorable brand name and by
a favorable or an unfavorable specific attribute. Under con-
ditions in which participants attach relatively moreimportance
to affective criteria than to utilitarian criteria, they shouldgive
relatively more weight to mood-consistent attributes than
mood-inconsistent ones. (That is, happy persons should attach
greater weight to the favorable attribute information, whereas
unhappy participants should give greater weight to unfavor-
able attribute information.) To this extent, the effect of the
information accompanying it (i.e., brand name) should be less
in the former conditions than the latter. Under conditions in
which participants attach relatively more importance to util-
itarian criteria, however, this difference should not be evident.
Experiment 1 assessed this prediction by varying the cat-
egory of products that participants judged. Experiment 2
replicated the findings by experimentally manipulating par-
ticipants’ evaluation criteria. Additional experiments sup-
ported the assumption that participants weight affect-con-
firming information more in judgments but that the influence
of extraneous affect on the weight attached to information
decreases when the source of this affect is called to one’s
attention.
EXPERIMENT 1
According to Hypothesis 1, information that is evalua-
tively consistent with a person’s mood state will be given
relatively greater weight in judgments if affective reactions
are typically used to evaluate the products. However, this
will not be the case if the products are evaluated primarily
on the basis of utilitarian considerations. To test this hy-
pothesis and to determine if this phenomenon generalized
to the large number of products available in the marketplace,
experiment 1 considered different product categories that
varied in the criteria people used to evaluate them.
Assessment of Judgmental Criteria—Preliminary
Data
Four product categories (jeans, running shoes, sweatshirts,
and backpacks) were selected on the basis of focus group
discussions involving undergraduates. The importance of
hedonic and utilitarian criteria in evaluating the types of
products under consideration was determined on the basis
of additional data from a different group of 80 male and 95
female college participants. These participants were asked
to consider a product in one of the four product categories
selected and to indicate the extent to which they were likely
to think about a number of different features when pur-
chasing it. One feature, “how the product feels when it is
used,” exemplified affective, feelings-related criteria, and a
second, “construction quality,” exemplified utilitarian cri-
teria. These features were embedded in a number of others
in the questionnaire in order to disguise the specific variables
that were of interest. Judgments were reported along a scale
from 0 (not at all) to 10 (a lot).
Both affective and utilitarian criteria were generally con-
sidered important regardless of the product category in-
volved (in all cases, ). However, the relative im-M16.7
6JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
portance attached to these criteria varied over categories and
in some cases differed between males and females. Specif-
ically, both males and females considered affective criteria
more important than utilitarian criteria in judging jeans
(mean and 1.0 for males and females, re-difference p1.3
spectively). This was also true in the case of running shoes
( and 1.3, for males and females, respectively).Mp0.6
diff
In contrast, although females attached more importance to
affective criteria than to utilitarian criteria in judging sweat-
shirts ( ), males attached relatively less impor-Mp0.5
diff
tance to affective criteria ( ). Finally, both malesMp1.0
diff
and females attached less importance to affective criteria
than to utilitarian criteria in judging backpacks (Mp
diff
vs. 2.1 for males and females, respectively). These1.4
conclusions were confirmed by an analysis of these differ-
ence scores, which yielded an overall effect of product cat-
egory, and an in-
2
F(1, 167) p13.84, p!.01, hp0.20,
teraction of product category and participant sex,
2
F(3, 167) p2.33, p!.08, hp0.04.
Predictions
Based on these data, specific predictions were made for
each product category. That is, both males and females
should weight mood-consistent information more heavily
than mood-inconsistent information when they evaluated
jeans and running shoes. Females but not males should
weight mood-consistent information more heavily than
mood-inconsistent information when they evaluated sweat-
shirts. Finally, neither males nor females should weight
mood-consistent information more heavily when they eval-
uated backpacks.
Method
Overview, Subjects, and Design. Participantswho had
been induced to feel either happy or sad by watching a movie
were asked to estimate how much they liked each of four
products. The products, selected on the basis of pretesting,
varied in terms of the type of criteria (hedonic vs. utilitarian)
that were used to evaluate them. The description of each
product considered by a given subject represented a different
combination of brand favorableness, attributefavorableness,
and product category. The particular combination to which
participants were exposed was varied in a latin-squaredesign
in a manner described later. Eighty-four male and 76 female
undergraduate business majors participated in the study for
extra course credit.
Selection of Brand and Attribute Information. This
information was selected on the basis of a pretest in which
16 male and 15 female undergraduate business majors as-
sessed the favorableness of different brand names and at-
tributes along a scale from 5 (very undesirable) to 5
(very desirable). The desirable and undesirable brands were
as follows: for jeans, Levis versus Rustler (3.54 vs. 3.11,
respectively); for running shoes, Reebok versus Trax (3.90
vs. 1.26); for sweatshirts, Champion versus NuBlends
(4.00 vs. 0.45); and for backpacks, Jansport versus Strike
Force (4.03 vs. 0.32). Although the undesirable brands in
the latter two product categories were not clearly unfavor-
able, they were substantially less favorable than the corre-
sponding desirable brands.
The favorable attributes selected for jeans, running shoes,
sweatshirts and backpacks, respectively, were “preshrunk”
(mean ), “soft and flexible sole” (desirability p3.50 Mp
), “80 percent cotton–20 percent polyester” (3.53 Mp
), and “large number of pockets” ( ). Unde-4.23 Mp3.26
sirable attributes were defined as the absence of the attribute
considered desirable or a lower amount of this attribute.
Thus, the undesirable attributes associated with the four
product categories were not preshrunk, hard, inflexible sole,
20 percent cotton–80 percent polyester, and one pocket,
respectively.
Presentation of Stimulus Information. Each partici-
pant evaluated one product from each of the four categories.
To ensure against a confounding of the type of information
presented and presentation order, eight different question-
naire forms were constructed. In four forms, jeans were
evaluated first, followed by sweatshirts, backpacks, and run-
ning shoes. In the remaining four forms, the order of the
product categories was reversed. The four product descrip-
tions in each form represented a different combination of
brand favorableness and attribute favorableness. These de-
scriptions varied over forms and product categories in a
latin-square design so that pooled over forms (a) all com-
binations of brand favorableness and attribute favorableness
were represented within each product category, and (b)the
mean serial position of each product category, as well as
the mean serial position of each combination of brand fa-
vorableness and attribute favorableness, was the same. An
approximately equal number of male and female participants
in each mood-induction condition completed each form.
Procedure. Participants were told that the departments
of business administration and psychology had jointly spon-
sored the study. They were informed that the two departments
wished to collect information about a number of different
aspects of students’ lives, and so they would be asked to
provide information on a variety of topics (e.g., the classes
they were taking, the forms of entertainment they enjoyed,
product purchases they made, life experiences they had while
they were students, how they felt on a daily basis, etc.). They
were also told that different groups of students were being
asked different sets of questions and that not everyone was
asked questions on all topics because of time constraints.
They were then given the mood-induction task. The
mood-induction procedure was similar to that employed by
Martin et al. (1993). Participants were told that the first task
was being conducted to determine student preferences for
different genres of film. On this pretense, they were asked
to watch either (a) two amusing film clips from Pretty
Woman and Mrs. Doubtfire or (b) two sad film clips taken
from Ordinary People and Sophie’s Choice. Each clip was
seven minutes long. Both sets of films were preceded by
AFFECT CONFIRMATION 7
another clip from the film Bullit, which was included to
mask the emotional tone of the other films. To justify the
rationale for showing these clips, participants were askedto
react to each film by answering questions about them on a
Pilot Movie Ratings questionnaire. The questions asked
were general and dealt with issues such as knowledge of
the movie’s title, the quality of acting, enjoyment of films
of that genre, and whether it was possible to tell the plot of
the movie from the brief clip. After they had evaluated the
three films, they were told to move on to the next task.
Participants were told that the next task they would perform
was concerned with product preferences. They were then
given one of the eight versions of the questionnaire described
earlier. In each case, they were asked to read the product
description and then to evaluate the product along threescales,
ranging from 5to5, pertaining to attractiveness (very
unattractive/very attractive), goodness (extremely bad/ex-
tremely good), and desirability (very undesirable/very desir-
able). Responses along the three scales were subsequently
averaged to provide a single estimate of liking for each prod-
uct (Cronbach’s alpha was greater than .91 for each combi-
nation of brand and attribute favorableness).
Participants at the end of the experiment were given a
manipulation check questionnaire. They were asked to report
the extent to which they experienced eight specific emotions
(happy, angry, pleasant, sad, delighted, glad, unpleasant,and
distressed) while engaging in the mood-inducing activity.
These ratings were made along scales from 0 (not at all) to
10 (extremely) and taken from Penner et al. (1994). Re-
sponses to these scales were averaged, after appropriate re-
verse scoring, to provide a single index of participants’ mood
at the time it was induced (Cronbach’s alpha was .97). In
addition, they were asked to indicate their feelings “at this
moment” along the two scales, one from 5 (extremely
unhappy) to 5 (extremely happy) and the other from 5
(extremely bad) to 5 (extremely good). These responses
were averaged to provide a single index of participants’
mood at the time they were asked to report it (current mood).
After they completed this task, they were thanked for their
participation and debriefed.
Results
Manipulation Check. Participants recalled being in a
happier mood while watching movies that were intended to
induce positive affect than while watching movies intended
to induce negative affect (6.81 vs. 2.41), F(1, 136) p
In addition, participants’ esti-
2
468.08, p!.00, hp.775.
mates of their mood at the end of the experiment were also
more positive in the former condition than the latter (1.94
vs. 1.36), Thus, the
2
F(1, 158) p3.78, p!.05, hp.023.
effect of the mood induction persisted throughout the
experiment.
1
1
The effectiveness of this technique and the procedure used in experiment
2 was pretested. Participants reported being happier at the time of the mood
induction if the induction was positive than if it were negative (8.20 vs.
2.74), and, at the end of the experi-
2
F(1, 24) p84.42, p!.01, hp.78,
ment (2.88 vs. 0.18), This difference
2
F(1, 24) p18.77, p!.01, hp.44.
Overall Analyses. The influence of mood on the weight
attached to product attribute information was inferred from
the difference between the effect of brand name when the
attribute information was evaluatively consistent with par-
ticipants’ mood and its effect when the attributeinformation
was inconsistent with their mood. If attribute information is
given more weight in the former condition than the latter,
this effect of brand name should be less in the former
conditions.
To obtain an overall indication of the effect of mood on
the weight of the attribute information, data were pooled
over the four product categories and analyzed as a function
of induced mood, attribute favorableness, and brand favor-
ableness, treating the latter two variables as a repeated mea-
sure variable. Results of this analysis revealed no significant
main or interactive effects involving mood ( ). Thus,p1.10
participants’ overall evaluations were no more favorable
when they were feeling happy ( ) versus when theyMp0.7
were not ( ). Products were evaluated more favor-Mp0.6
ably when the brand name associated with them was fa-
vorable ( ) than when it was not ( ),Mp2.0 Mp0.6
However, this dif-
2
F(1, 158) p273.70, p!.01, hp0.64.
ference was virtually identical regardless of whether the
attribute information was evaluatively congruent with par-
ticipants’ mood (1.9 vs. 0.5, for favorable and unfavorable
brands, respectively) or incongruent with it (2.0 vs. –0.7,
respectively),
2
F!1.
Test of Predictions. Although the overall effect of
mood on the impact of product information was not reliable,
the effect was predicted to depend on the product category
involved. To evaluate these predictions, evaluations of prod-
ucts in each category were analyzed separately as a function
of induced mood, gender, brand favorableness, and attribute
favorableness. In these analyses, brand favorableness and
attribute favorableness were between-subject variables.
Table 1 shows the mean evaluations of products in each
category as a function of gender, brand favorableness, at-
tribute favorableness, and mood. However, more relevant to
the predictions of concern is a comparison of the effects of
brand name under conditions in which the attribute infor-
mation was evaluatively consistent with participants’ mood
(i.e., either when participants were happy and the attribute
did not depend on the particular induction technique employed ( ).p1.10
Moreover, additional pretests on two different groups of subjects revealed
no differences in arousal as a result of the two techniques. Participants
who reported how stimulated, excited, calm, and relaxed they were on 0
(not at all) to 10 (very much) scales showed similar levels of arousal
regardless of whether the movie they watched was happy ( ) orMp4.77
sad ( ), or, whether they wrote about a happy or unhappyMp4.59 F!1
event (2.62 vs. 3.12), F!1.
2
This difference is evaluated statistically by the three-way interaction of
mood, brand favorableness, and attribute favorableness. The same inter-
action could alternatively be interpreted as indicating the effect of attribute
information when brand name and mood are evaluatively consistent versus
inconsistent. The emphasis placed on the impact of mood-attribute con-
sistency rather than mood-brand consistency was motivated by the need
to compare the data in experiment 1 with those obtained in experiment 2,
where characteristics of the attribute information that might have an impact
on its weight were experimentally manipulated.
8JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
TABLE 1
EFFECTS OF BRAND AND ATTRIBUTE IN POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE MOODS: EXPERIMENT 1
Conditions
Males Females
Favorable brand Unfavorable brand Favorable brand Unfavorable brand
Jeans:
Positive mood:
Favorable attribute 2.8 1.1 2.9 .2
Unfavorable
attribute 2.0 2.3 2.3 2.2
Negative mood:
Favorable attribute 3.5 .7 3.5 .3
Unfavorable
attribute 1.8 1.0 1.6 1.0
Running shoes:
Positive mood:
Favorable attribute 2.7 .9 3.7 .5
Unfavorable
attribute .2 2.6 .4 1.9
Negative mood:
Favorable attribute 3.0 1.0 1.6 1.5
Unfavorable
attribute 2.0 3.2 1.5 2.5
Sweatshirts:
Positive mood:
Favorable attribute 4.1 .8 2.9 .3
Unfavorable
attribute 1.6 1.8 2.4 1.6
Negative mood:
Favorable attribute 3.2 .9 3.0 .0
Unfavorable
attribute 2.2 1.2 .8 .0
Backpacks:
Positive mood:
Favorable attribute 2.2 1.3 3.1 2.1
Unfavorable
attribute 1.2 .5 .1 1.0
Negative mood:
Favorable attribute 2.4 1.0 2.4 1.3
Unfavorable
attribute 1.3 1.5 1.3 1.3
information was favorable or when participants were un-
happy and the attribute information was unfavorable) with
conditions in which it was inconsistent. These data, shown
in Table 2, are discussed for each product category
separately.
Jeans. Both males and females considered hedonic cri-
teria more important than utilitarian criteria in evaluating
jeans. Therefore, both groups of participants should weight
mood-consistent attribute information more heavily when
evaluating products in this category. Results summarized in
Table 2 confirm this prediction. That is, the effect of brand
name was less when mood and attribute information were
evaluatively consistent ( ) than when they were
Mp3.0
diff
inconsistent ( ) and this was true for both malesMp4.2
diff
and females.
3
This interpretation is confirmed by an inter-
action of mood-attribute consistency and brand favorable-
ness,
4
that is not
2
F(1, 144) p3.01, p!.05, hp0.02,
dir
contingent on participants’ sex, F!1.
3
The data shown in Table 2 can be computed from the means shown in
Table 1. For example, the two mood-congruent conditions occur when (a)
participants are in a positive mood and the attribute information is favor-
able, and (b) participants are in a negative mood and the attribute infor-
mation is unfavorable. Males’ judgment of jeans in these two conditions
were 2.8 and 1.8, respectively, when the brand was favorable ( ),Mp2.3
and were 1.1 and 1.0, respectively, when the brand was unfavorable
( ). Therefore, as shown in Table 2, the mean effect of brandMp1.0
name when the mood and attribute information were evaluatively congruent
is the difference between these two judgments or The2.3 (1.0) p3.3.
effect of brand when participants’ mood and the attribute information were
evaluatively incongruent was determined analogously.
4
Here and elsewhere, predicted main effects and interactions were eval-
uated on the basis of a directional F-test (F
dir
). In all cases, these tests,
which involve a comparison of the mean of half the cells of the design
AFFECT CONFIRMATION 9
TABLE 2
EFFECTS OF BRAND WHEN MOOD AND ATTRIBUTES ARE CONSISTENT VERSUS INCONSISTENT: EXPERIMENT 1
Conditions
Males Females Overall
Favorable
brand Unfavorable
brand Difference
(M
diff
)Favorable
brand Unfavorable
brand Difference
(M
diff
)Favorable
brand Unfavorable
brand Difference
(M
diff
)
Jeans:
Mood and attribute:
Congruent 2.3 1.0 3.3 2.3 .4 2.7 2.3 .7 3.0
Incongruent 2.7 1.5 4.2 2.9 1.2 4.1 2.8 1.4 4.2
Running shoes:
Mood and attribute:
Congruent .3 2.0 2.4 1.1 1.0 2.1 .7 1.5 2.2
Incongruent 1.4 1.8 3.2 .6 .2 .8 1.0 1.0 2.0
Sweatshirts:
Mood and attribute:
Congruent 3.1 .2 3.3 1.8 .1 1.8 2.5 .0 2.5
Incongruent 2.4 .4 2.9 3.1 .8 3.9 2.8 .6 3.4
Backpacks:
Mood and attribute:
Congruent 2.3 .1 2.4 2.2 .4 1.8 2.2 .2 2.0
Incongruent 1.8 .3 1.5 1.2 .2 1.0 1.5 .2 1.3
Running Shoes. Both males and females also reported
attaching more importance to hedonic criteria in evaluating
running shoes. To this extent, greater weight should be at-
tached to information that is mood-consistent for both
groups of participants. Contrary to expectations, however,
this effect was evident only among males. Specifically, the
effect of brand name on males’ judgments was less when
attribute information was consistent with their mood
( ) than when it was inconsistent ( ).Mp2.4 Mp3.2
diff diff
In contrast, the effect of brand on females’ judgments was
greater in the former condition ( ) than the latterMp2.1
diff
( ). Although the interaction of mood-attributeMp0.8
diff
consistency and brand favorableness was not significant in
analyses for male and female participants separately (ineach
case ), the three-way interaction of these variablesp1.10
and participants’ sex was reliable, F(1, 144) p2.93, p!
dir
2
.05, hp0.02.
Sweatshirts. Only females attached relatively more im-
portance to feeling-related criteria in evaluating sweatshirts.
Consequently, the effect of mood-attribute consistency on
the weight attached to the information presented should be
evident for females but not for males. Data in Table2 support
this prediction. That is, the effect of brand name on females’
judgments was significantly less when the attribute infor-
mation was consistent with mood ( ) than whenMp1.7
diff
it was not ( ),Mp3.9 F(1, 144) p5.14, p!.05,
diff dir
This suggests that the attribute information re-
2
hp0.07.
ceived more weight in the former conditions. In contrast,
the effect of brand name on males’ judgments was nonsig-
nificantly greater when the attribute information was eval-
uatively consistent with participants’ mood than when it was
not ( ). The different effects of mood-attribute con-p1.10
with the mean of the other half, are equivalent to a one-tailed t-test, where
(for a further discussion, see Keppel 1991, pp. 122–123).
2
Fpt
sistency on males’ and females’ judgments are confirmed
by an interaction of mood-attribute consistency, brand fa-
vorableness, and participants’ sex, F(1, 144) p4.88,
dir
2
p!.05, hp0.03.
Backpacks. Consistent with expectations, neither males
nor females evaluated backpacks on the basis of affective
considerations. To this extent, the effects of mood-attribute
consistency on the weight attached to information aboutthis
product should be negligible for both groups of participants.
This was in fact the case. If anything, the impact of brand
on judgments was nonsignificantly greater when the attribute
information was consistent with participants’ mood
( ) than when it was inconsistent ( ),Mp2.1 Mp1.3
diff diff
and this was true for both males and females. The interaction
of mood-attribute consistency and brand favorableness was
not significant, and
2
F(1, 144) p2.06, p1.05, hp0.01,
dir
was not contingent on participants’ sex, F!1.
Supplementary Data
The only deviation from predictions based on Hypothesis
1 occurred in the case of running shoes. However, this de-
viation might be spurious. To evaluate this possibility, ad-
ditional data were collected for that product category. Fifty-
two male and 53 female participants were induced to feel
either happy or sad by writing about a pleasant or unpleasant
life experience in a procedure similar to that used by
Schwarz and Clore (1983) and described in detail later (see
experiment 2). Then, they were asked to indicate their liking
for a pair of running shoes based on a description repre-
senting one of the four combinations of brand favorableness
and attribute favorableness. (These judgments were made
along the same scales used in the experiment 1.)
Mood was again successfully manipulated. That is, par-
ticipants reported experiencing more positive feelings when
10 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
they wrote about a happy life event ( ) than whenMp8.4
they wrote about a sad one ( ),Mp2.2 F(1, 86) p
Further, as expected, the dif-
2
565.14, p!.01, hp0.87.
ference between product evaluations when the brand was
favorable and evaluations when the brand was unfavorable
was appreciably less in those conditions in which the at-
tribute information and participants’ mood were evaluatively
consistent ( ) than when they were not (Mp0.5 Mp
diff diff
), Moreover, the
2
2.1 F(1, 89) p3.50, p!.05, hp0.04.
dir
effect of mood-attribute congruence was greater for females
( vs. 3.3, respectively) than for males (Mp0.7 Mp
diff diff
vs. 0.9, respectively). Although this gender difference0.3
was not reliable ( ), it is directionally consistent withp1.10
the difference in emphasis that males and females placed
on hedonic criteria for judgment, as indicated by the pretest
data reported earlier. Thus, it seems reasonable to conclude
that the effects of mood-attribute consistency on judgments
of running shoes, like its effects on judgments of products
in other categories, are compatible with implications of the
affect-confirmation hypothesis.
EXPERIMENT 2
Experiment 1 provided preliminary support for Hypoth-
esis 1. That is, the effect of mood on the weight attached
to product information appeared to depend on the extent to
which affect-relevant criteria were spontaneously used as a
basis for judgments. It is conceivable, however, that differ-
ences in the criteria over the four product categories con-
sidered in this experiment are confounded with other factors
that might in some way influence the differential weighting
of information. Therefore, it seemed desirable to confirm
the implications of the first study under conditions in which
the likelihood that participants would attend to the affective
implications of the attribute information was experimentally
manipulated.
Participants in experiment 2 received information about
a pair of jeans that was described by its brand name (Levis
vs. Rustler) and a specific attribute (preshrunk vs. not pre-
shrunk). However, some participants were explicitly told to
base their evaluations on hedonic criteria (e.g., how it would
feel to wear the jeans), whereas others were told to base
their judgments on utilitarian criteria (e.g., quality of con-
struction). Moreover, the attribute information was described
in some cases as having implications for comfort and in
other cases as having implications for durability. It seemed
likely that both of these factors might influence the impact
of mood-induced affect on the weight attached to the at-
tribute information in evaluating the products.
The experiment also provided data bearing on Hypothesis
2. Specifically, participants who base their product evalu-
ations on hedonic criteria should have more confidence in
these evaluations when the mood-induced affect they are
experiencing confirms the evaluative implications of the in-
formation they receive. Data collected in experiment 2 con-
firmed this assumption as well.
Method
Participants were 325 male and female students from an
introductory marketing class. They were randomly assigned
to cells of a completely randomized between-subject design
consisting of mood (positive/negative), brand favorableness
(Levis/Rustler), attribute favorableness (preshrunk/not pre-
shrunk), processing goal (affective/utilitarian), and attribute
focus (affective/utilitarian).
Stimulus Materials. Jeans was the product category
selected for use in this study since both males and females
evaluated them on the basis of primarily hedonic criteria.
As in experiment 1, participants received information con-
sisting of a favorable or unfavorable brand name (“Levis:
ranked first out of 10 different brands of jeans” vs. “Rustler:
ranked ninth out of 10 different brands of jeans”) and either
a favorable or an unfavorable attribute (“preshrunk” vs. “not
preshrunk”). In presenting the attribute information, how-
ever, a phrase was added that focused attention on either
the hedonic implications of the attribute dimension (“pre-
shrunk jeans feel soft against the skin”) or its utilitarian
implications (“preshrunk jeans have tighter stitches and bet-
ter durability”).
Procedure. Participants were given the same cover
story as in experiment 1 concerning the purpose of the re-
search being conducted. With this preamble,they were given
a different mood-induction task. This procedure, used by
Schwarz and Clore (1983), required participants to collab-
orate in the development of a life-event inventory that would
ostensibly be used to assess the types of experiences that
students go through while in school. Participants were then
asked to describe a recent event that “made you feel really
happy (unhappy) and continues to make you feel happy
(unhappy) whenever you think about it.” They were given
20 minutes to complete the task. To ensure that they paid
attention to the emotional aspects of the event, participants
were asked to focus on how the event made them feel and
to write about it in the form of a letter to a very close friend.
After completing this task, participants as part of an osten-
sibly unrelated study were given information about a pair
of jeans representing one of the eight combinations of brand
favorableness, attribute favorableness, and attribute focus
described above. Participants under utilitarian goal condi-
tions were asked to evaluate the jeans on the basis of how
well constructed they were. In contrast, participants under
hedonic goal conditions were asked to evaluate the jeans on
the basis of how it would feel to wear them.
Participants reported their evaluations along two scales
from 5 (dislike extremely/extremely bad product) to 5
(like extremely/extremely good product). After doing so,
they reported how confident they felt about their judgment
of the product and how certain they were that their evalu-
ation was correct, along scales from 0 (not at all confident/
certain) to 10 (extremely confident/certain). Responsesalong
each pair of scales were averaged to provide a single index
of both the favorableness of participants’ evaluation of the
AFFECT CONFIRMATION 11
TABLE 3
EFFECTS OF PROCESSING GOALS, ATTRIBUTE FOCUS, AND MOOD-ATTRIBUTE CONSISTENCY ON THE IMPACT OF BRAND
FAVORABLENESS ON PRODUCT EVALUATIONS AND CONFIDENCE: EXPERIMENT 2
Conditions Affect-focused
attributes Utilitarian-focused
attributes Mean
A. Effect of brand favorableness:
a
Feeling processing goal:
Mood and attribute evalua-
tively consistent 2.39 2.14 2.26
Mood and attribute evalua-
tively inconsistent 2.50 2.63 2.56
Utilitarian processing goal:
Mood and attribute evalua-
tively consistent 3.05 2.61 2.83
Mood and attribute evalua-
tively inconsistent 1.94 1.82 1.88
B. Reported confidence:
Feeling processing goal:
Mood and attribute evalua-
tively consistent 5.75 5.82 5.78
Mood and attribute evalua-
tively inconsistent 5.05 5.69 5.37
Utilitarian processing goal:
Mood and attribute evalua-
tively consistent 5.50 4.99 5.25
Mood and attribute evalua-
tively inconsistent 4.76 5.23 5.00
a
Effect of brand favorableness is estimated from the difference in product evaluations when the brand is favorable and evaluations when the brand is
unfavorable.
product and their confidence that this evaluation was correct.
Following the product evaluation task, participants com-
pleted the manipulation check questionnaire described in
experiment 1.
Results
Manipulation Check. Participants reported feeling
happier after writing about a positive life experience than
after writing about a negative one (6.96 vs. 4.04),
In addition, par-
2
F(1, 296) p323.03, p!.01, hp.522.
ticipants’ estimates of their mood at the end of the exper-
iment was significantly more favorable in the former con-
dition ( ) than in the latter ( ),Mp0.70 Mp0.08
Thus, as in exper-
2
F(1, 309) p10.87, p!.01, hp.023.
iment 1, participants’ mood persisted throughout the
experiment.
Product Evaluations. The differential weighting of at-
tribute information implied by the affect-confirmation hy-
pothesis seemed likely to depend on both (a) the extent to
which the attribute information actually elicited affect and
(b) whether participants’ processing goal was one to which
affective reactions were relevant. The results shed light on
this issue.
The overall impact of mood on judgments was not sig-
nificant ( ). That is, participants evaluated productsp1.10
no more favorably when they were happy ( ) thanMp1.03
when they were not ( ). Nevertheless, mood influ-Mp1.32
enced the weight that participants attached to the attribute
information. As in experiment 1, this weight was inferred
from the impact of the brand information that accompanied
the attribute descriptions in the two conditions in which the
attribute information and participants’ mood were evalua-
tively consistent and the two conditions in which they were
inconsistent. This impact or weight attached to brand name
is shown in the top section of Table 3 as a function of
participants’ processing goal, attribute focus, and attribute-
mood consistency.
The implications of these data are quite clear. When par-
ticipants were told to base their judgments on feelings, the
effect of brand on these judgments was less when their mood
was evaluatively consistent with the implications of the at-
tribute information than when it was not (2.26 vs. 2.56).
When they were told to base their judgments on utilitarian
criteria, however, the effect of brand name wassubstantially
greater in the former case than in the latter (2.83 vs. 1.88).
These results are confirmed by an interaction of mood, brand
favorableness, attribute favorableness, and processing goal,
2
F(1, 280) p2.86, p!.05, hp.01.
dir
Thus, these data suggest that participants who were told
to base their judgments on their feelings attached greater
weight to attribute information when their mood-induced
affect was consistent with the evaluative implications of the
attribute information. On the other hand, participants who
were told to use utilitarian criteria attached less weight to
the attribute information in similar conditions. Although this
latter reversal was unexpected, it is somewhat interesting.
That is, it suggests that although mood-induced affect con-
12 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
firmed participants’ affective reactions to the information
and increased their confidence in the use of this information
as a basis for affect-based judgments, it decreased theircon-
viction that they should use the information to make non-
affect-based judgments. Additional data provide further in-
sight into this possibility.
Confidence. Averaged over judgmental processing goal
and attribute focus, participants reported generally more
confidence in their judgments when their mood was eval-
uatively consistent with the attribute information (Mp
) than when it was not ( ). This difference is5.51 Mp5.18
confirmed by an interaction of mood and attribute favora-
bleness, However,
2
F(1, 291) p3.49, p!.05, hp.01.
dir
the data pertaining to this effect, summarized in the bottom
half of Table 3, suggest a contingency in this difference.
That is, when participants were told to use utilitarian criteria
and the attribute description also emphasized these criteria,
they reported less confidence when their mood was eval-
uatively consistent with the attribute information than when
it was not (4.99 vs. 5.23). In the other three conditions (i.e.,
when participants were told to use hedonic criteria, the at-
tribute description emphasized hedonic implications, or
both), participants reported greater confidence in their judg-
ments when their mood was evaluatively consistent withthe
attribute information, as expected (averaged over three con-
ditions, 5.69 vs. 5.17, respectively). A comparison of the
effect of mood-attribute consistency on confidence in the
first set of conditions with its effect in the last condition
was marginally significant, F(1, 291) p2.72, p!.10,
2
hp.01.
This contingency is consistent with Hypothesis 2. How-
ever, the evidence that mood-attribute consistency increased
participants’ confidence in their judgments when the attrib-
ute descriptions focused on affect but they were told to use
utilitarian criteria is noteworthy in light of the fact that par-
ticipants decreased the weight they attached to the attribute
information in this condition. When the attribute information
that participants received in this condition elicited affect that
was consistent with their mood, they were apparently more
certain that this information should not be used as a basis
for judgments. Consequently, they weighted thisinformation
less heavily than they would otherwise while reporting
greater confidence in their judgments.
Summary
Experiment 2 confirmed several assumptions of the affect-
confirmation hypothesis. First, mood-attribute consistency
increased the weight attached to attribute information when
participants were told to use hedonic criteria as a basis for
evaluating the products but not when they were told to em-
phasize utilitarian criteria. Second, mood-attribute consis-
tency also increased participants’ confidence in their judg-
ments when hedonic criteria were emphasized. Theincrease
in confidence with mood-attribute consistency was also ev-
ident when participants were told to base their judgments
on utilitarian criteria provided the attributes were described
in a way that focused attention on feelings. In this case,
however, participants rejected the affect-eliciting attribute
information as a basis for judgment, giving it less weight
than they normally would.
EXPERIMENT 3
Although the results of experiments 1 and 2 support the
affect-confirmation hypothesis and underlying assumptions,
differential weighting was detected by assessing the impact
of the additional information presented (i.e., brand name)
when affect and attribute information were consistent. It
seemed desirable to demonstrate this phenomenon using a
different and more direct paradigm. Experiment 3 provided
this demonstration using a procedure similar to that em-
ployed by Sanbonmatsu et al. (1999). This procedure infers
the weight that participants attach to an attribute from the
likelihood that they would list this attribute dimension later
on as one they consider to be generally important in judging
products of that type. In experiment 3, participants in dif-
ferent affective states judged a product that was favorable
along two attribute dimensions and unfavorable along two
others. After making these judgments, they listed those at-
tribute dimensions that they personally considered to be
generally relevant in assessing products from that category.
Participants experiencing positive affect were expected to
be more likely to list dimensions along which the product
had been described favorably and less likely to list dimen-
sions along which the product had been described unfavor-
ably, than participants who experienced negative affect.
Method
Overview and Design. Forty students from an intro-
ductory marketing class participated in the experiment for
extra course credit. They were randomly assigned to one of
two affect conditions (positive vs. negative) and presented
with information about a pair of jeans. The information
presented was favorable along two attribute dimensions and
unfavorable along two others. Participants were asked to
indicate how much they liked the product described. They
were then asked to list those attributes that they personally
felt were important in evaluating jeans.
Stimulus Materials. Product information was pre-
sented in a table that summarized how other consumers had
rated the jeans along four attribute-dimensions (comfort,
style, fabric quality, and availability of sizes). The average
ratings by consumers were presented in two columns. One
column indicated how the jeans scored on each attribute
along a 1 (very undesirable) to 9 (very desirable) scale, and
the second indicated how the jeans performed relative to
other brands on each of these attributes. In one set of ques-
tionnaires, comfort and fabric quality were rated favorably
(rating of eight and seven; better than 95 percent and 80
percent of the other brands), while style and availability of
sizes were rated unfavorably (a rating of two and three;
better than only 25 percent and 40 percent of other brands).
AFFECT CONFIRMATION 13
In a second set of questionnaires, these numbers were re-
versed. That is, style and availability of sizes were rated
favorably and comfort and fabric quality were rated unfa-
vorably. The order of presenting the favorable and unfa-
vorable attributes was therefore counterbalanced.
Procedure. The mood-induction procedure employed
was similar to that used in experiment 1. Participants who
had watched either happy or sad films were given product
information that ostensibly came from a research report pre-
pared by “Consumer Forum.” This fictitious organization
had surveyed approximately 200 consumers and asked them
to try on and evaluate the jeans. Participants were told that
the researchers were interested in how they felt about the
jeans based on the information provided. Withthis preamble,
participants were shown the product information and eval-
uated the jeans using three scales that ranged from 5to
5 and pertained to liking (dislike extremely/like ex-
tremely), goodness (very bad/very good), and desirability
(very undesirable/ver y desirable). Following this evaluation,
they were told, “Please list those attributes that you per-
sonally feel are important in evaluating jeans. These attrib-
utes may or may not include the attributes that were listed
in the table you saw recently. We would like to know what
attributes you feel are important when you evaluate jeans.
List as many as you like.” Participants were given as much
time as they wanted to list out the attributes and could look
at the table seen earlier if they wished to do so. After par-
ticipants had finished the product evaluation task, they were
given the mood manipulation check questionnairedescribed
earlier and on completion of that questionnaire they were
dismissed.
Results
Manipulation Check. Participants reported experienc-
ing more positive affect when they had watched happy films
( ) than when they had watched sad films (Mp7.6 Mp
), and also re-
2
4.4 F(1, 38) p101.07, p!.01, hp.728,
ported being in a relatively more positive mood at the time
they completed the manipulation check (2.4 vs. 0.5),
2
F(1, 38) p85.14, p!.01, hp.691.
Thought Listings. The total number of attribute di-
mensions listed was determined for each participant. The
proportion of these dimensions that pertained to (a) attrib-
utes that were described favorably in the information pre-
sented earlier, (b) attributes that were described unfavorably,
and (c) the ratio of these proportions were then computed.
As expected, participants experiencing positive affect
listed a greater proportion of dimensions pertaining to pre-
viously presented, favorable attributes ( ) than par-Mp.40
ticipants experiencing negative affect ( ), and aMp.34
lower proportion of dimensions pertaining to previously pre-
sented, unfavorable attributes (.26 vs. .36, respectively).
This difference is confirmed by an interaction of mood and
listed attribute valence,
2
F(1, 36) p4.65, p!.05, hp
dir
.114.
Similarly, the ratio of the proportion of listed dimensions
pertaining to previously presented favorable attributes and
the proportion of listed dimensions pertaining to previously
presented unfavorable attributes was greater for participants
who were experiencing positive affect ( ) than forMp1.43
those experiencing negative affect ( ),Mp0.96
Moreover, this ratio
2
F(1, 30) p7.55, p!.05, hp.201.
dir
was correlated .359 ( ) with participants’self-reportedp!.05
mood state. These results provide independent confirmation
of the assumption that participants placed more emphasis
on aspects of the product information that were evaluatively
consistent with the feelings they were experiencing at the
time they received this information.
EXPERIMENT 4
The affect-confirmation hypothesis implicitly assumes that
participants are typically not motivated to make a deliberative
assessment of the different sources of affect they are expe-
riencing at the time of judgment. Thus, they do not distinguish
between the feelings elicited by a mood state and the affective
reactions to product information. Consequently, when the af-
fect they are experiencing from different sources has similar
evaluative implications, they are more confident of their re-
actions to the attribute information than when it is inconsis-
tent. If this assumption is correct, calling participants’ atten-
tion to the fact that the affect they are experiencing is partly
due to product-unrelated factors should decrease its influence
on their confidence in their reactions to the attribute infor-
mation and the weight attached to this information.
Making product-irrelevant sources of affect salient could
have other influences as well. For example, it could lead
participants to misattribute the affect that is actually elicited
by the product information to these extraneous sources instead
(for evidence of these misattribution tendencies, see Schwarz
and Clore [1983]). If this is so, and if participants typically
base their product evaluations on their affective reactions,this
would reduce the impact of the attribute information on their
judgments independently of other considerations.
These possibilities were examined in experiment 4. Par-
ticipants who had been induced to feel happy or sad by
watching a movie evaluated a pair of jeans described by a
favorable or unfavorable brand name and a favorable or
unfavorable attribute. In no-attribution conditions, these
judgments were made immediately after watching the
movie. In attribution conditions, however, the manipulation-
check questionnaire that was normally completed at the end
of the experiment was administered before product evalu-
ations were made. This questionnaire was expected to draw
participants’ attention to the extraneous source of the feel-
ings they were experiencing at the time they performed the
product-evaluation task. Therefore, it was expected to de-
crease both the impact of the attribute information on their
product evaluations and the weight they attached to this
information under conditions in which its implications were
evaluatively consistent with their mood.
14 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
Method
Participants were 66 undergraduate business students who
participated to fulfill a course requirement. After receiving
the same cover story provided in earlier studies, they saw
either the happy or the sad films used in experiment 1 and
completed the movie-rating questionnaires that pertained to
these films. Then participants in attribution conditions were
administered the mood-manipulation check questionnaire
used in earlier studies, whereas participants inno-attribution
conditions performed the product-evaluation task before
completing this measure.
The product-evaluation task was similar to that used in
experiment 2 except that no indication was given of the
criteria to use as a basis for judgments and the attribute
descriptions did not specify the implications of these de-
scriptions for comfort or construction quality. After reading
the product description, participants reported their evalua-
tions of the product along the scales employed in experiment
1, and their responses along these scales were later averaged
to provide a single estimate of their liking for the product.
Results
Manipulation Check. Participants reported having
more positive affective reactions to the happy films (Mp
) than to the sad ones ( ),7.88 Mp2.73 F(1, 62) p
Although the difference was
2
235.54, p!.01, hp0.79.
somewhat greater under no-attribution conditions (7.91 vs.
2.26) than under attribution conditions (7.71 vs. 3.20), this
contingency was only marginally reliable, F(1, 62) p
Participants also estimated their
2
3.20, p!.10, hp0.05.
mood, at the time they completed the manipulation check
questionnaire, to be more positive when they had watched
happy movies ( ) than when they had watched sadMp2.66
ones ( ), This was
2
Mp0.57 F(1, 62) p19.94, hp.24.
true regardless of whether these estimates were made im-
mediately after the movies (2.70 vs. 0.09) or not until after
the products were evaluated (2.61 vs. 1.06). Thus, as in
earlier studies, the effect of the mood induction persisted
throughout the experiment.
Product Evaluations. Participants presumably based
their evaluations of jeans on primarily hedonic criteria and
thus on their affective reactions to the product. Therefore,
reminding participants of an alternative source of the affect
they were experiencing should lead them to attribute their
feelings to this source rather than to the product information
and, therefore, should decrease the effects of this infor-
mation on product judgments. This was in fact the case.
That is, under no-attribution conditions, participants re-
ported greater liking for the product when the attribute in-
formation was favorable ( ) than when it was notMp1.38
( ). When the extraneous source of their affect wasMp0.18
called to their attention, however, this difference was non-
significantly reversed (0.33 vs. 0.79). The interaction of at-
tribute favorableness and attribution of feelings was reliable,
2
F(1, 50) p4.70, p!.05, hp.09.
Second, reminding participants of the true source of their
affect should decrease the influence of this affect on the
weight they attach to the attribute information and, therefore,
should increase the impact of the brand information that
accompanies it. This possibility was evaluated under the two
conditions in which the participants’ mood was consistent
with the implications of the attribute information and, there-
fore, potentially confirmed these implications (i.e., condi-
tions in which the participants’ mood and the attribute in-
formation were either both positive or both negative). As
expected, the effect of brand on liking judgments in these
conditions was greater when the source of the product-ir-
relevant affect that participants were experiencing was called
to their attention (2.21 vs. 1.18 when brand was favorable
vs. unfavorable, respectively) than when it was not (1.67
vs. 0.03, respectively). Although the difference in the effect
of brand under these two conditions only approached sig-
nificance, it is consistent withF(1, 27) p2.27, p!.07,
dir
expectations.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
The present research provides the first evidence in the
area of consumer judgment to establish that affect can in-
fluence the relative weight that individuals give to different
pieces of product information in making a judgment. This
influence occurs even when the product information is avail-
able at the time of judgment and when minimal demands
are placed on recipients’ ability to keep the information in
mind.
The affect-confirmation hypothesis used to account for
these findings provides new insights into the cognitive mech-
anisms that underlie the impact of affect on judgments. In
doing so, it constrains the conditions in which affect is likely
to have an impact. That is, differential weighting of affect-
consistent information occurs only when people base their
product evaluations on hedonic criteria. Experiments 1 and
2 provided converging evidence of this contingency. In the
first experiment, no a priori indication was given concerning
the criteria participants should use. In this case, the criteria
that participants spontaneously applied depended on both
the type of product they were asked to judge and their per-
sonal needs and values, and their differential weighting of
mood-consistent product information varied accordingly.
Although differences in weighting over product categories
might be attributed to other factors that were confounded
with the criteria that participants applied in making evalu-
ations, experiment 2 demonstrated similar effects by ex-
perimentally inducing demands to employ hedonic or util-
itarian criteria.
Three assumptions underlying the affect-confirmation
process were also confirmed. Experiment 2 indicated that
when participants were told to base their judgments on feel-
ings, they not only gave more weight to attribute information
that was evaluatively consistent with their mood but reported
greater confidence in the judgments they made. Experiment
3 suggested that people thought more extensively about
product attributes that were evaluatively consistent with their
AFFECT CONFIRMATION 15
mood. Finally, experiment 4 indicated that calling partici-
pants’ attention to product-irrelevant sources of their affect
decreased the impact of mood-attribute consistency on the
weight they attached to the attribute information. In com-
bination, these findings provide compelling evidence for the
assumptions underlying the theory being proposed.
Theoretical Issues and Assumptions
Support for the affect-confirmation processes identified
in the present research does not preclude other influences
that affect might have on product judgments. For example,
memory processes (see Fig. 1, path A) might conceivably
be evident when a large amount of information is presented
and must be retrieved from memory in order to make a
judgment (Forgas 1995; but see Wyer et al. 1999). However,
memory processes seem unlikely to have played a significant
role in the present experiments, in which only two pieces
of information were presented and this information was
available at the time judgments were made. In contrast, af-
fect-confirmation processes could occur independently of
the amount of information presented and its availability at
the time of judgment. To this extent, the affect-confirmation
hypothesis has more general applicability than memory-
based theories of differential weighting.
Second, the extraneous affect that people experience can
sometimes have a direct informational impact on judgments
independently of the information presented (see Fig. 1, path
D). The occurrence of this effect is marked by more fa-
vorable evaluations by happy people than unhappy ones.
This direct effect of affect was not apparent in the present
research. This may be somewhat surprising. As speculated
earlier, however, affect may only be used as a heuristicwhen
a relatively large amount of product information is available
and its implications are difficult to assimilate (for a discus-
sion of the use of affect as a heuristic, see Forgas [1995];
Schwarz and Clore [1996]). In the present research, only a
small amount of information was presented whose impli-
cations were fairly easy to integrate. Consequently, the use
of affect as a heuristic basis for judgment may not have
occurred.
Two assumptions should nevertheless be noted in eval-
uating the generality of the findings reported. First, an im-
plicit assumption underlying the affect-confirmation hy-
pothesis is that individuals consider the implications of each
piece of information independently (see Wyer and Carlston
[1979]; Wyer and Srull [1989], for discussions of this con-
tingency). Second, the indirect procedures for evaluating
differential weighting assume that people subjectively av-
erage the implications of the information rather than sum-
ming them (cf. Anderson 1981). Although summative pro-
cesses might sometimes occur (see Fishbein and Ajzen
1975), these assumptions appear justified in many studies
of information integration both in the consumer domain
(Bettman et al. 1975; Troutmanand Shanteau 1976; see also
Adaval 1996) and elsewhere (Anderson 1981).
The applicability of the affect-confirmation hypothesis
should also be considered in the context of findings reported
by Ditto and Lopez (1992). They found that when people
have an a priori preference for a particular outcome, they
devote more thought to information that is inconsistent with
this preference in an attempt to refute its implications. This
suggests that when consumers already have an affect-based
disposition to like (or dislike) a particular product before
receiving information about it, they may devote more
thought to information that is inconsistent with this dispo-
sition in an effort to discredit it. This discrediting of incon-
sistent information would presumably lead them to attach
relatively greater weight to the confirming information, as
the affect-confirmation hypothesis also predicts. The pro-
cesses postulated by Ditto and Lopez (1992), however, pre-
sumably occur only when people have a strong predispo-
sition to evaluate the product favorably or unfavorably and,
therefore, are motivated to refute the implications of infor-
mation that calls this predisposition into question. In the
present studies, this was clearly not the case. When these
conditions exist, however, they could add to the effects of
affect confirmation.
Implications for Consumer Information Processing
and Decisions
To the extent that the research reported is generalizable
to consumer purchasing situations outside the laboratory, it
has several interesting implications. For example, suppose
consumers see a package of Ha¨agen-Dazs chocolate-marsh-
mallow ice cream that is priced somewhat high. Moreover,
suppose they consider “Ha¨agen-Dazs” and “chocolate” to
be favorable but the “high price” and “marshmallows” to
be unfavorable. If the consumers have a hedonic goal when
they evaluate the product, they should weight “chocolate”
and the brand name “Ha¨agen-Dazs” more heavily in their
purchase decision when they are feeling happy than when
they are not. At the same time, other product attributes (e.g.,
marshmallows) should be weighted less heavily and have
less influence on their decision than they would otherwise.
Although increased thought and counterarguing could
change the weight assigned to different attributes, this is
more likely to occur when there is a delay between the on-
line-evaluation and purchase decisions. This is because ad-
ditional cognitive activity might result in the change of the
criteria that underlie the actual purchase decision. Millarand
Tesser (1989) note that attitudes only predict behavior when
the criteria that underlie the behavioral decision match the
criteria on which the original attitude was based. This means
that the impact of affect on the weight attached to product
information may influence decisions to purchase the product
only when the decision is also affectively driven. It may be
possible of course to influence the criteria that persons bring
to bear on a product evaluation by presenting in-store ad-
vertising material that gets people to focus on feelings versus
functionality.
In some situations the notion that favorable product in-
formation will have greater influence, and unfavorable in-
formation will have less influence, when consumers are
16 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
happy than when they are not may have undesirable con-
sequences. For example, cigarette advertisements contain
warnings as well as positive descriptions of the products.
The affect-confirmation hypothesis suggests that consumers
will weight the warnings less heavily when they are feeling
happy than when they are not. It is important to note, how-
ever, that these possible influences of affect on the weight
attached to product information are more likely to occur
when consumers base their judgments and decisions on af-
fective rather than utilitarian criteria.
In a related vein, many product advertisements attempt
to induce positive affect in recipients for reasons that are
objectively unrelated to the characteristics of the product
being advertised (e.g., through the use of unrelated albeit
beautiful visuals, music, humor, celebrities,etc.). This strat-
egy is often assumed to increase the influence of product
features that also elicit positive affect. However, the present
research suggests that this will occur only when recipients
consider affective criteria to be a primary basis for judg-
ments. If the product being advertised is evaluated on the
basis of utilitarian considerations (e.g., a cough syrup), affect
that is elicited either by the product features or by the context
in which it is described should have no impact.
[Received August 1999. Revised November 2000. David
Glen Mick served as editor, and John Deighton served as
associate editor for this article.]
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Lexical decision and word-naming experiments were conducted to examine influences of emotions in visual word recognition. Emotional states of happiness and sadness were induced with classical music. In the first two experiments, happy and sad participants (and neutral-emotion participants in Experiment 2) made lexical decisions about letter-strings, some of which were words with meanings strongly associated with the emotions happiness, love, sadness, and anger. Emotional state of the perceiver was associated with facilitation of response to words categorically related to that emotion (i.e. happy and sad words). However, such facilitation was not observed for words that were related by valence, but not category, to the induced emotions (i.e. love and anger words). Evidence for categorical influences of emotional state in word recognition was also observed in a third experiment that employed a word-naming task. Together the results support a categorical emotions model of the influences of emotion in information processing (Niedenthal, Setterlund, & Jones, 1994). Moreover, the result of the word-naming experiment suggests that the effects of emotion are evident at very early stages in cognitive processing.
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