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The purpose of this study was to determine if using student recorded PechaKucha™ 20 × 20 presentations as an assignment in an online classroom yielded equivalent student learning compared to a similar written assignment. Twenty-one (15 women and 6 men) online graduate students participated in a mixed-method study using online surveys with a quasi-e...
The analysis of data generated by higher educational institutes has the potential of revealing interesting facets of student learning behavior. Classification is a popularly explored area in Educational Data Mining for predicting student performance. Using student behavioral data, this study compares the performance of a broad range of classificati...
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... observed in the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) 1998-1999 data by Connor et al. (2003;p 74-77). The data demonstrated that less than 30% of Black and around 36% of Asian graduates obtained a 'good degree' in comparison to the 53% of white graduates (Bhattacharyya, Ison, & Blair, 2003;Connor et al., 2003). ...
... observed in the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) 1998-1999 data by Connor et al. (2003;p 74-77). The data demonstrated that less than 30% of Black and around 36% of Asian graduates obtained a 'good degree' in comparison to the 53% of white graduates (Bhattacharyya, Ison, & Blair, 2003;Connor et al., 2003). These degree discrepancies highlighted the importance of looking at student experience, reviewing the curricula at university level and encouraging academics to reflect on whether their teaching style meets the needs of a diverse group of students. ...
BAME students are less likely to graduate with a ‘good degree’ than white students, which is known as the ‘degree attainment gap’ or the ‘ethnicity attainment gap’. Analysis of the University of West London data revealed that there is a statistical discrepancy in the rate of good degrees achieved by BAME qualifiers compared with white graduates, a discrepancy that persists after accounting for entry qualifications. This discrepancy for the 2017/18 academic year was 19%. This article provides information on the strategies the university is currently employing to address this matter.
... However, despite, or perhaps because of, these relative disadvantages ME pupils are significantly more likely to remain in full-time education post-16 than their white peers, with those ME students with the poorest GCSE results even more likely to do so: 71% compared with 37% of white pupils (Owen, 2000). In addition, 15.2% of undergraduates are from ME backgrounds, compared with 7.9% of the total population (Connor et al., 2003Connor et al., , 2004). While this may be in part an attempt to avoid discrimination in the workplace, it is also accounted for by the higher educational aspiration of many MEs, since the inherent value of education is held, in general, more highly by ME groups than white people as a whole, both where ME parents have achieved higher education qualifications themselves and where they have not (Connor et al., 2004). ...
... While this may be in part an attempt to avoid discrimination in the workplace, it is also accounted for by the higher educational aspiration of many MEs, since the inherent value of education is held, in general, more highly by ME groups than white people as a whole, both where ME parents have achieved higher education qualifications themselves and where they have not (Connor et al., 2004). However, despite this aspiration, ME groups achieve lower classes of degrees on average than white students, with black, and especially black African, students coming out as the lowest achieving group of all (Connor et al., 2003Connor et al., , 2004). For these reasons in the UK it has long been recognized that there is a need for different ME groups to receive targeted policies and strategies to raise achievement (Owen, 2000; Cabinet Office Strategy Unit, 2003; Department for Education and Skills [DfES], 2005). ...
This paper explores the attitudes to work and experiences seeking employment of professionally qualified refugees enrolled on a course to enhance their employability skills in Leeds, United Kingdom (UK). We analyse the results within the framework of conceptual models describing the transition of refugees into employment (which are essentially linear) and those that categorize refugees according to their resettlement styles based on their social features and the host society's response. Our data reinforce that these people are (initially at least) highly motivated to work, strongly identify with their profession and suffer considerable loss of self‐esteem as they are unable to secure appropriate employment. Attitudes to securing employment were often related to their length of time in the UK. Recent arrivals were more positive about returning to their profession, even if this meant retraining, developing skills and time spent in alternative employment. Many of those here for longer were resigned to retraining, and the worst cases felt despair and feelings of betrayal. Our work showed that many had poor job search strategies and a lack of knowledge of the culture and norms of their chosen profession. We argue that the generic support of statutory employment services or the voluntary sector is inappropriate and that there is a role for professional bodies to be more active in their engagement with these groups of people. The results suggest that conceptual models need to be more nuanced to capture the experiences of these refugees: attitudes to work can cycle from optimism to disillusionment, so a linear model will not capture the full complexity, and we also found evidence of shifting among categories of resettlement styles.
... Th e comprehensive literature review on ethnicity and degree attainment in HE (Higher Education Academy/Equality Challenge Unit, 2008) highlighted lower degree attainment for BME students even after adjusting for the major contributory factors. Th is supports the conclusions of Connor, Tyers, Davis, and Tackey (2003) and Connor, Tyers, Modood, and Hillage (2004) and the 2006 report by Tribal, which found that White students were more likely to achieve higher degree classifi cations while BME graduates had poorer job prospects and higher unemployment and underemployment rates. Tribal also reported disproportionately higher numbers of BME students studying at subdegree level and White students studying at degree level. ...
By the end of 2013, all programs leading to the registered nurse qualification in the United Kingdom will be at the bachelor’s degree level. There is concern that all-degree nursing education might threaten the diversity of the future nursing workforce in the United Kingdom.
This article reports on a qualitative pilot study exploring the critical issues for access, recruitment and retention of Black and minority ethnic (BME) students in U.K. nursing degree programs from the students’ perspective. The study utilized action research, and this article reports on the first two stages of the action research cycle, problem identification and identification of actions. The data were collected through focus groups and interviews with BME students and then analyzed with iterative thematic analysis.
The objective was to inform an action framework for U.K. universities devising access, recruitment, admission, and retention practice for BME students when U.K. nurse training becomes all degree.
... Two major projects were undertaken: the English Survey of Applied Psychology (BPS, 2004) and the BPS/DCP Widening Access Project (Turpin & Fensom, 2004). At the same time, a series of research and policy studies looking more generally at widening access to education, the impact of ethnicity on educational success and career choices and employment were published (Connor, Tyers, Davis, & Tackey, 2003; Connor, Tyers, Modood, & Hillage, 2004; Higher Education Funding Council for England, 2004a, b; Shiner & Modood, 2002). Indeed, in the same year, the Learning and Teaching Support Network Psychology Network also published its own Widening and Increasing Participation Report (Zinkiewicz & Trapp, 2004), focusing mainly on undergraduate education. ...
The diversity of the clinical psychology workforce is an important contributing factor in ensuring that clients are able to access services that can reflect their own particular culture and personal identities, and also to allow the possibility of choice surrounding diversity across therapists and psychologists. Unfortunately the make up of clinical psychology trainees frequently does not reflect the population demographics of the communities within which training courses are located or serve. This mismatch has been recognised for many years both within clinical psychology and other healthcare professions. Despite various attempts at promoting diversity and equality within the profession, there is a widespread recognition that insufficient progress has been made, and the British Psychological Society (BPS) and the Division of Clinical Psychology (DCP) in particular, promoted a series of projects looking at selection and widening access across professional psychology training courses, culminating in a Professional Practice Board (PPB) Report that was published in 2004. In addition, through initiatives supported by the Group of Trainers in Clinical Psychology, various research and other practical projects were established. The purpose of this paper is to review the PPB Report and associated projects and to informally assess their impact. Finally, there is recognition that not only should the workforce be representative but psychologists and therapists ought to be culturally aware and trained to work with difference despite their own particular identities as individuals and therapists. Accordingly, we will also review initiatives to promote cultural awareness and sensitivity within clinical psychology training.
... Indian parents achieved a higher level of education despite a greater proportion of white parents receiving foundation-level education. These fi ndings appear to refl ect national patterns where a greater proportion of British Indians achieve above-average education levels (Department for Education and Skills, 2006) and have greater participation rates in higher education than whites in the UK (Connor, 2003). These differences may refl ect gender and social norms in the country of origin or, alternatively, may be a consequence of interrupted schooling caused by migration to Britain. ...
Caregiver burden in mental illness is believed to differ between ethnic groups, but few studies have examined this in schizophrenia in the UK.
To measure burden in British North Indian Sikh and white British parents with a son or daughter with established schizophrenia managed in outpatient care.
A cross-cultural cohort study measuring family factors, patient psychopathology and levels of burden and distress.
Overall levels of burden were low with no significant differences between the groups. Burden subscale scores showed Indian parents were more affected by psychotic behaviours than white parents. The groups also differed on several sociodemographic variables.
In stabilized community patients, the overall extent of burden experienced by both Indian and white parents is low and comparable. However, Indian parents were more burdened by psychotic behaviours. This may be a result of co-residence as Indian patients are more likely to live with their families. Social and economic factors in the country of residence and levels of acculturation may also influence levels of burden and the illness behaviours found most bothersome by parents.
... Studies have generally shown that some of the observed pay disadvantage to non-whites can be explained by differences in human capital endowments and socio-economic characteristics (Blackaby et al., 1998(Blackaby et al., , 2006. For example, although educational attainment within the non-white group varies considerably (Battacharyya et al., 2003;Connor et al., 2003), on average minority ethnic groups tend to have lower quality qualifications than whites, although the educational achievement of minorities has been increasing. ...
We investigate occupational attainment as well as estimating earnings differentials for non-white migrants and non-white natives, including occupational effects. We control for the occupational selection of immigrants and compare across native and immigrant groups. Relative to white natives, we find no evidence of an ethnic pay disadvantage for white and South Asian professional workers. Although occupational segregation and other human capital and socio-economic factors provide a partial explanation for the raw earnings differential, evidence of ethnic-based disadvantage in most occupations persists. Copyright (c) 2008 Royal Statistical Society.
... Education values and occupational aspirations The high level of participation in HE reflects the fact that educational attainment is held in very high regard among BI and BC, irrespective of socio-economic position. For instance, while 25% of accepted applicants from England to full-time degree courses in 2000 were Whites from lower socio-economic groups, it is 44% for Indian, 37% for Chinese and 40% for all ethnic minorities (Connor et al. 2003). BI and BC children are drawn not only from comprehensive schools, but a significant proportion have also secured places at the small number of grammar and independent schools which select children on the basis of prior academic attainment (Connor et al. 2003). ...
... For instance, while 25% of accepted applicants from England to full-time degree courses in 2000 were Whites from lower socio-economic groups, it is 44% for Indian, 37% for Chinese and 40% for all ethnic minorities (Connor et al. 2003). BI and BC children are drawn not only from comprehensive schools, but a significant proportion have also secured places at the small number of grammar and independent schools which select children on the basis of prior academic attainment (Connor et al. 2003). Many parents will work hard to give their children the best educational chances possible. ...
... However, that research focussed on the cohort who graduated in 1999, followed up four years later, and it is possible that institutional affiliation may now have some impact. Ethnic minorities, including BI and BC, are more likely to study at post-92 institutions (Shiner & Modood 2002, Connor et al. 2003) so there is a greater likelihood that they would need support into entrepreneurship. ...
... Connor et al (1999) found that Black and Asian applicants, and students from lower income backgrounds, were more likely than other students to report that they were living at home for financial reasons. The finding on Asian students is supported by other studies (see Callender and Kemp, 2000; Connor et al., 2003; Finch et al, 2006), although it is not clear from these studies whether they are doing so for financial reasons ...
This study investigates the impact of financial considerations on sixteen to twenty year-old students’ decisions about participation in higher education. It focuses on intentions to live at home whilst studying at university and the extent to which bursaries influence institutional choice. The results are based on questionnaire and interview data drawn from a large sample of school and college students from two large urban areas in the Midlands.
... However, despite, or perhaps because of, these relative disadvantages ME pupils are significantly more likely to remain in full-time education post-16 than their white peers, with those ME students with the poorest GCSE results even more likely to do so: 71% compared with 37% of white pupils (Owen, 2000). In addition, 15.2% of undergraduates are from ME backgrounds, compared with 7.9% of the total population (Connor et al., 2003Connor et al., , 2004). While this may be in part an attempt to avoid discrimination in the workplace, it is also accounted for by the higher educational aspiration of many MEs, since the inherent value of education is held, in general, more highly by ME groups than white people as a whole, both where ME parents have achieved higher education qualifications themselves and where they have not (Connor et al., 2004). ...
... While this may be in part an attempt to avoid discrimination in the workplace, it is also accounted for by the higher educational aspiration of many MEs, since the inherent value of education is held, in general, more highly by ME groups than white people as a whole, both where ME parents have achieved higher education qualifications themselves and where they have not (Connor et al., 2004). However, despite this aspiration, ME groups achieve lower classes of degrees on average than white students, with black, and especially black African, students coming out as the lowest achieving group of all (Connor et al., 2003Connor et al., , 2004). For these reasons in the UK it has long been recognized that there is a need for different ME groups to receive targeted policies and strategies to raise achievement (Owen, 2000; Cabinet Office Strategy Unit, 2003; Department for Education and Skills [DfES], 2005). ...
Refugee1 young people are an educationally diverse group. However, unlike groups such as Gypsy/Roma and Travellers, in the UK they do not attract targeted educational funding. In addition, neither the UK integration or refugee educational strategies nor the Higher Education Funding Council for England's strategic plan refer to higher education as a progression route for young refugees, as distinct from other minority ethnic young people. Our research with young refugees has shown that many have specific issues affecting their educational achievements, including interrupted education, experience of trauma, concerns about status and English language difficulties. Our findings also show that that despite these multiple disadvantages many view higher education as a route out of poverty and discrimination and are highly aspirational and motivated. We argue that homogenizing the support needs of young refugees along with those of other minority ethnic students is both inappropriate and insufficient and the continued failure to focus on them as a specific widening participation group will perpetuate their continued absence from the UK higher education system.
... Medical related degrees, although they are under-represented in the arts and in education.Studies of the UK minorities' educational qualifications have shown that choices of university also varied by ethnic origin(Connor et al, 2003, Table 4.1, p.61). Compared with 33 per cent ...
The paper devises a new method of calculating whether individuals are over educated using a parametric model. This new method is applied to men and women from different ethnic groups using data drawn from 4 pooled cross-sections of the UK Labour Force Survey. Calibrated against existing mean-mode methods, the new approach leads to lower levels of over education, more so for men than women. The model is then extended to include non-qualification elements of human capital such as employment experience and job related skills. Model specifications are further varied by educational qualification measures, the presence of children and gender, as well as allowing for full gender segregation by estimating a single equation (pooled men and women) and separate equations (men and women separately). The results show that the while the overall extent of over education has similarities with earlier studies (eg. over-education is more prevalent amongst women than men), the differences between ethnic groups, as well as between minority ethnic groups and White employees, are far less than that found in some earlier studies. Black African men and women had the greatest amount of over education, followed by Chinese women. Bangladeshi women had the lowest rates among women. It is probably possible to explain almost all of the gap in over education rates between white and minority women and men by a combination of factors; differences in working part time, being temporarily over educated and by differences in the quality of educational qualifications.
