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MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN: PROGRESS,
REGRESSION, OR TIIE STATUS QUO?
A dissertation
submitted by
SUSAN JENEANE EDDINGTON
to
FIELDING GRADUATE UNIVERSITY
in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN PSYCHOLOGY
With an Emphasis in
Media Psychology
This dissertation has been accepted for
the faculty of Fielding Graduate University by
Karen Dill-Shackleford, PhD
Chair
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
Media Representations of Black Women in Primetime: Progress, Regression or the Status quo
by
SUSAN JENEANE EDDINGTON
Abstract
This content analysis used a purposive sample of three Black women leading characters seen on
popular television series aired during primetime. This study analyzed the quality of character
portrayals in comparison to historical negative stereotyped portrayals of Black women,
especially whether the characters were sexualized. Cohen’s kappa was used to test for inter-rater
reliability based on a composite of raters’ observations of seven episodes of each of the three
series. The variables stereotypes, sexually erotic behavior, and age of the leading character
resulted in κ of 0. For sexual behavior κ was 0.691. The variables skin tone, character’s attire,
body type, and attractiveness yielded κ of 1, indicating perfect agreement. Character’s
temperament yielded a κ of 0.215 and degree of aggressiveness resulted in a κ of 0.24. Using a
social identity framework, the character portrayals did not reflect the historical negative
stereotypes of Black women as constructed for this study—mammy, tragic mulatta, Jezebel,
Sapphire or welfare queen. The results of this study suggest these representations of Black
women can serve as positive exemplars of the breadth and complexity of Black women’s lives in
a racially hierarchical society where they are historically devalued.
Keywords: Black women, stereotypes, intersectionality, primetime television, media
representations, social identity, racism, media effects, colorism, ageism, social learning
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MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
Copyright by
SUSAN JENEANE EDDINGTON
2020
iii
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
Acknowledgements
I am eternally grateful to the many kind and generous people who have favored me with their
love, encouragement, and unyielding support as I struggled to complete this program. I am
especially thankful to and for my parents. My mother, Norma W. Eddington, took a stand against
gross injustices against women and subsequently became a leader in the women’s movement.
She took me with her thus I was raised a feminist. My father, Dr. Herbert H. Eddington,
confronted racial injustice and inequality by dedicating himself to leadership, political activism,
and public service in his community and in the nation, actively engaged until the day he died.
Working with my dad, I developed my own passion for and understanding of the political
process. Both parents nurtured my dreams and aspirations. They both instilled in me a belief in
the significance of activism and a sense of responsibility to effect positive change in my
community.
My faith has sustained me, but it has been the many angels along my path that have allowed me
to overcome more obstacles and challenges than I could ever have imagined. I appreciate the
love of my family, the prayers of my church family, and the dedicated men and women at
Fielding Graduate University whose commitment to student success is unyielding. I will always
cherish my personal and professional growth as a result of this process. I pray that my work will
have an impact on the lives of others that proves worthy of the investment so many have made in
me.
iv
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
Table of Contents
Chapter One: Introduction…………………………………………………………… 1
Potential Real-World Consequences of Media
Representation…………………….
1
Black Women and Psychological Study…………………………………………… 2
Chapter Two: Literature Review…………………………………………………….. 4
Stereotypes of Black Women……………………………………………………… 4
Contemporary
Stereotypes…………………………………………………………
4
Representations on Reality Programs……………………………………………… 5
Music Videos and Lyrics…………………………………………………………… 5
Colorism…………………………………………………………………………… 7
The Consequences for Victims of Racism…………………………………………. 9
Influencing Attitudes Regarding Race……………………………………………… 9
Understanding and Improving Racially Motivated Prejudice and Discrimination ............. 10
Television Consumption
Habits
.......................................................................................... 10
Theoretical Perspectives ..................................................................................................... 12
Social Learning Theory .............................................................................................. 12
Cultivation Theory… ................................................................................................. 13
Social Identity ............................................................................................................ 13
Attitude Formation… ................................................................................................. 14
Heuristics .................................................................................................................... 14
Stereotypes and Decision-Making… ......................................................................... 15
Statement of the Problem.................................................................................................... 16
The Current Study… .......................................................................................................... 16
Frequency… ....................................................................................................................... 18
Cast and Program Diversity… ............................................................................................
20
Quality… ............................................................................................................................ 21
Chapter Three: Methodology ................................................................................................. 25
The Sample ......................................................................................................................... 25
Coding and Coder Training… ............................................................................................ 25
Variables ............................................................................................................................ 26
Chapter Four: Results ............................................................................................................. 28
Historical Black Female Leading Characters .................................................................... 31
Leading Characters Investigated… ................................................................................... 33
The
Hypotheses
.................................................................................................................. 33
Genre .......................................................................................................................... 33
Sexualization… .......................................................................................................... 33
Olivia Pope ..................................................................................................... 34
Cookie Lyon… ............................................................................................... 35
Annalise
Keating…
......................................................................................... 36
Stereotype ....................................................................................................... 37
Colorism ......................................................................................................... 38
vi
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
Chapter Five: Results and
Discussion…
................................................................................. 40
Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research ...................................................... 42
Conclusions ................................................................................................................ 43
References .............................................................................................................................. 45
vi
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1-Results of Inter-rater Reliability Tests ....................................................................... 29
vii
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
List of Appendices
Appendix A-Code Book ......................................................................................................... 65
Appendix B-Coding Sheets .................................................................................................... 69
Appendix C-Skin Tone Chart for Black Women ................................................................... 71
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MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
Media Representations of Black Women: Progress, Regression, or the Status Quo?
Chapter One: Introduction
After a more than 30-year absence, primetime television programs aired on major
networks increasingly feature Black female leading characters. Among the most notable shows
are Scandal (Rhimes, 2012-), How to Get Away with Murder (Nowalk & Rhimes, 2014-) and
Empire (Daniels & Strong, 2015-). The popularity of high-profile programs featuring Black
women on television could be considered a sign of progress however, there remain questions
about the quality of these representations, whether they perpetuate historical negative stereotypes
or have taken a progressive turn towards portraying characters who demonstrate a more realistic
depth and complexity.
Potential Real-World Consequences of Media Representations
Black women in the US are confronted with unique complexities in their lives as they
navigate the crossroads of race and gender, the meeting place for their intersecting social
identities (Atiba, Thomas, & Jackson, 2008; Crenshaw, 1991, p. 1243; Evans & Herr, 1991;
Monihan, Shtrulis, & Givens, 2005; Patton, 2004; West, 1995). Collins (2004) posited all women
exist in a gendered power structure that positions women as subordinate to men based on a
normative set of prescriptive feminine behaviors reinforced by cultural practices and ideologies.
The elements of this dominant femininity are beauty, demeanor, marriage and family
arrangements, sexuality, and race, particularly being White (Collins, 2004).
Cole and Zucker (2007) argue White upper middle-class women who achieve the
dominant femininity “are conspicuously valued within mainstream American culture, resulting in
social devaluation of other women” (p.1). Femininity ideology asserts that women are
responsible for a gatekeeping role in relationships and are shunned for having sex outside of a
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
2
committed relationship (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Highly sexualized media portrayals of Black
women, if internalized, can lead to risky sexual behavior (Tolman, 1999) or negative
psychological outcomes for Black women and adolescents (Collins, 2000; Tolman, Impett,
Tracy, & Michael, 2006). Negative stereotyped portrayals of Black women in mass media that
defy the dominant femininity can lead to individual experiences of discrimination or diminished
opportunities resulting from attitudes and opinions about their social group formed based on
media representations (Givens & Monahan, 2005; Mastro, 2003) and norm-based expectations
with Black women potentially facing social censure (Prentice & Carranza, 2002).
Social identity theory (SIT) offers an additional framework to understand how negative
media representations could affect racist attitudes and social oppression of Black females
(Coover, 2001; Mastro, 2003). Based on such images in programs typically produced by White
males (Lauzen, 2017), Black women are scrutinized and criticized for how they compare to
traditional gender role ideology, an ideology that stems from heteronormative assumptions about
what constitutes appropriate gender-based roles (Collins, 2004). Collins (2004) suggested
dominant femininity is hegemonic, “a normative yardstick for all femininities in which Black
women are relegated to the bottom of the gender hierarchy” (p. 193).
Black Women and Psychological Study
Not only are Black women affected by general societal relationships, psychological
science has been accused of not considering how race and gender, when considered together,
form a distinct construct, instead considering race to typically refer to Black men and gender to
typically refer to White women, ignoring the fact that for some, race and gender are intertwined
and cannot be considered separately (Goff & Kahn, 2013; Goff, Thomas, & Jackson, 2008). Goff
and Kahn (2013) contend that adoption of an intersectional approach to psychological research
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
3
would lead to a more nuanced view of how people experience race and gender discrimination or
how they are vulnerable to such discrimination (pp. 365-366). It is this potential to shed insight
into the singular experience of Black women—how they are portrayed in media and possible
real-world consequences of such portrayals—that make this study significant.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
4
Chapter Two: Literature Review
Stereotypes of Black Women
The earliest portrayals of Black females on screen—the dark-skinned, asexual mammy
who showed a lack of attention to her own family, instead devoted to the well-being of her White
family owners/employers and the bi-racial, light-skinned, highly sexual female mulatta (Bogle,
2001)—were first seen on screen in the blatantly racist drama, The Birth of a Nation (Griffith &
Dixon, 1915), a story that argued for White supremacy and glorified the birth of the Ku Klux
Klan. Pineda-Volk (2007) suggested this film is unsurpassed in its sociological impact on race
relations and its influence on how Black characters would be portrayed in the future. Black
female characters on screen continue to embody these negative stereotypes as well as the exotic,
sexually promiscuous Jezebel, taken from the Biblical character; and the perpetually angry
emasculating Black woman, Sapphire, introduced on the Amos ‘n Andy show (Barton, Correll,
Gosden, & Ross, 1951-1953) of the 1920s (Bogle, 2001). The manipulative or self-centered
Sapphire, Jezebel and female mulatta stereotypes stand in stark contrast to the overly
accommodating mammy stereotype as a portrait of Black womanhood. This quartet of negative
stereotypes reflects the persistent representations of Black females on screen, even into the 21st
century.
Contemporary Stereotypes. In an autoethnographic essay on race and reality television,
Boylorn (2008) suggested that stereotypes of Black women have been updated with various
combinations of the historical negative stereotypical traits assigned to the characters. “It is not
uncommon to see a mammy-bodied Black woman in scantily clad clothing and Jezebel values, or
a sexy Sapphire who is bossy and emasculating while also being sexually available and
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
5
promiscuous” (p. 419). Boylorn (2008) notes that the Black females seen on reality television
programs are likely to depict the angry black woman stereotype regardless of genre, including
those seen on dating shows, talk shows, and court shows (p. 431). Other frequently seen
stereotypes include the welfare queen, a woman who has a house full of children and does not
work to support them, instead relying on government assistance for support while teaching her
children those values (Sklar, 1995); and the freak, also known as the chicken head or hood rat, a
woman with no inhibitions and given to risky sexual behavior (Stephens & Phillips, 2003).
Representations on Reality Programs. Tyree (2011) conducted a content analysis of 10
reality television programs aired in 2005 and 2008 to “investigate whether producers cast
participants who fit into traditional and new African American stereotypes” (p. 394). The
analysis showed all 10 of the programs had at least one participant who demonstrated the traits of
a negative stereotype (Tyree, 2011, p.394). Negative stereotypical portrayals on reality television
can be particularly harmful because the programming is alleged to be unscripted filming that
provides an insider’s insight exposing the most intimate details of the daily lives of real people.
This genre is promoted as programming that offers a microscopic view of the life experiences of
cast members in their natural setting (Nabi, Biely, Morgan, & Stitt, 2003) which can lead
viewers with little direct social contact with Black women to attribute such behavior to Black
women as a social group instead of considering it representative of an individual or mere
entertainment.
Music Videos and Lyrics
Mainstream media, including television, music, and videogames, play an influential role
in gender socialization for youth (Dill & Thill, 2007; Martino, et al., 2006; Zhang, Miller, &
Harrison, 2008). Content analyses of contemporary music by Black artists found Black women
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
6
were sexualized in both the lyrics and music videos (Edwards, 1993; Collins, 2004; Jones, 1994).
Music videos have grown in popularity and are now a key ingredient in efforts to achieve
commercial success when a new song is launched (Bakula, 2014). African American teenagers
are more likely than White teenagers to report watching music videos because they want to
emulate the people in the videos and learn the latest fashions and dance moves (Brown,
Campbell, & Fischer, 1986).
A content analysis of the top popular music in 2005 found one-third of all popular songs
made references to sexual intercourse (Primack, Gold, Schwarz, & Dalton, 2008). In two-thirds
of those songs, references were made to degrading sex. Degrading sex includes three primary
characteristics when the characters portray heteronormative roles: 1. The male character(s) has
an insatiable sexual appetite, 2. The female character(s) is objectified, and 3. The sexual value of
the female character(s) is solely based on physical attributes. Rap and hip-hop music originated
as outlets for angry and frustrated young Black men to express their ideas of resistance and
change (Basu & Lemelle, 2006; Travis, 2013). Of the various music genres, rap songs (64.2%)
were most likely to include references to degrading sex although hip-hop and rhythm and blues
(R&B) also referred to degrading sex (p.597). In rap music, mentions of degrading sex were
compounded by references to other risky behavior, for example, substance use, violence or
weapon carrying (Primack et al., 2008, p. 597). Because rap and hip-hop are the most favored
genres for adolescents—preferred by 80% of Black adolescents, 60% of Whites, and 70% of
Hispanics—how gender relationships are portrayed in the music and the accompanying music
videos can influence attitude formation and subsequent behavior of frequent viewers (Brooks &
Hebert, 2006; Gerbner, 1969) leading to unhealthy relationships and unrealistic expectations in
real world social settings.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
7
Colorism
A less frequently discussed but equally important theme when reviewing media
representations of Black women is colorism. Author Alice Walker coined the term “colorism”
and defined it as “prejudicial or preferential treatment of same-race people based solely on their
color” (Walker, 1983, p. 291). Burke (2008) defines colorism as “the allocation of privilege and
disadvantage according to the lightness or darkness of one’s skin” (p. 17) where light skin is
preferred, and dark skin is devalued. The significance of skin tone and colorism are rooted in
slavery when one’s value, intelligence and skills were judged based on the color of one’s skin—
the lighter one’s skin tone the more favorably one was considered, even by other Blacks (Coard,
Breland, & Raskin, 2006; Maddox & Gray, 2002). Favored slaves worked in the house and were
light skinned with European features—often fathered by the slave owner, with accompanying
benefits e.g. education and skills training—while dark skinned slaves were relegated to the harsh
work of the fields and denied education or any opportunity for personal growth or enhancement
(Hall, 2003).
Resulting attitudes of favoritism for light skin, “good” hair, and Eurocentric features
continue into the 21st century as a form of internalized racism. Numerous studies that employed
cross-race observation of skin tone data have shown substantively significant effects of skin tone
with a bias towards lighter skin tones. This bias includes attractiveness (Maddox & Gray, 2002),
life chances and opportunities (Wilder, 2010) and occupational status and income (Goldsmith,
Hamilton & Darity, 2006; Hill, 2002).
In a widely regarded study of colorism, Maddox and Gray (2002) used a sample of 40
African American students and 42 White students to examine the causal role of skin tone in how
Blacks were represented and perceived. They found that for both Black and White participants
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
8
there was a significant tendency to ascribe negative stereotypes to Blacks with darker skin
compared to Blacks with lighter skin (Maddox & Gray, 2002). Furthermore, darker skinned
Blacks were less likely to be considered intelligent (p. 257). Hannon (2015) conducted a
sociological study of colorism to investigate White interviewers’ perceptions of minority
respondents’ skin tone and intelligence. Using ordinal logistic regression analyses, Hannon
(2015) found “African American and Latino respondents with the lightest skin are several times
more likely to be seen by whites as intelligent compared with those with the darkest skin” (p.
13). Based on findings, Hannon (2015) concluded “white prejudicial attitudes related to skin tone
could create substantially unequal access to economic, social, and cultural resources” (p. 18).
Hill (2002) and Hunter (1998) both noted that in the post-civil rights era, Black women
are more affected by colorism than Black men, particularly when it comes to self-esteem, beauty
and selecting a mate. Wilder (2010) conducted nine focus groups with 58 Black women between
the ages of 18 through 25, to deconstruct the contemporary language and attitudes regarding skin
color. Of particular significance, Wilder noted, was the fact that colorism is usually considered a
binary consideration—light skin versus dark skin, “good” hair versus “bad” hair—when actually
it is a three-tiered system that includes people with brown skin—light skin (considered red) is
negative, dark skin is derogatory, while brown skin is more neutral (Wilder, 2010). Wilder
(2010) noted that at the beginning of the study, participants expressed confidence that skin color
did not matter in the 21st century, however, as the conversation continued, they realized that
colorism plays a significant role in their lives and how they are perceived, beyond the commonly
considered issues of race, class, and gender (p. 202).
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
9
The Consequences for Victims of Racism
Race and ethnic relations have been the catalyst for social and political upheaval
throughout the history of the United States—from the civil war in the 19th century, to the Black
Lives Matter movement of the 21st century. Blacks in America, as victims of systemic racism,
live with emotional pain and anguish rooted in a responsiveness to ongoing discrimination in a
racially hierarchical society that sustains White supremacy (Aymer, 2016; Hoffman, Granger,
Vallejos, & Moats, 2016; Prager, 2017). Racism elicits outcomes for both Blacks and Whites.
Evidence has shown that experiencing racism or being exposed to it can lead to negative physical
and mental health consequences (Brondolo et al., 2008; Butts, 2002, p. 338; Carter, 2007; Clark,
Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999). Media representations that perpetuate negative stereotypes
of Black women, being rooted in the argument for White supremacy, reinforce the
appropriateness of such oppression.
Influencing Attitudes Regarding Race
Scientists have long studied how and when attitudes of racial and ethnic animosity are
formed and how such attitudes can be changed. Improving intergroup relations and mitigating
prejudice and discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities becomes increasingly important
in response to demographic changes that will ultimately change the face of the nation. When
combined, racial and ethnic minorities are expected to be the majority population by 2044, with
projections that one of every five Americans will be foreign born by 2060 (Colby & Ortman,
2014). Despite the increased presence of racial and ethnic minorities in the country, people in the
US increasingly live in segregated neighborhoods (Hwang & Sampson, 2014, para. 3), thus
limiting opportunities for informal social interaction and a normalization of intergroup relations.
Because of this social distance, people do not have first-hand knowledge that would allow them
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
10
to develop informed attitudes or opinions about those they consider a social other, thus they are
apt to rely more heavily on media representations for such information.
Understanding and Improving Racially Motivated Prejudice and Discrimination
Research in developmental psychology has shown that explicit race bias has been
observed in adults and children as young as 5 years old (Aboud, 1988; Levy & Killen, 2008;
Rutland & Killen, 2015). Social psychologists have developed a tremendous body of research
exploring intergroup contact theory (Allport, 1954/1979) as a viable approach to reduce racism
and prejudice. As a proposed intervention, Allport (1979) contended that under certain
conditions, increased contact between groups could lead to decreased prejudice and
discrimination. Recent findings suggest optimal conditions facilitate the effect but are not
necessary to achieve the result of reduced anxiety and empathy (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006;
Pettigrew, Tropp, Wagner, & Christ, 2011, p. 271). For many, without direct interpersonal
experience with social others, media exposure influences the construction and maintenance of
racial cognitions and emotion, and expectations about members of an outgroup (Fujioka, 1999;
Mastro, 2009). Thus, media representations can play a defining role and contribute to increased
understanding and acceptance of those who are of a different social category or contribute to
misunderstanding and racial and ethnic strife (National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders
[Kerner Commission], 1968; Paluck, 2009; Ramasubramanian, 2007, 2011).
Television Consumption Habits
It is important to study media representations of all social groups because of the role
television plays in influencing attitudes and opinions, particularly about social others. In the 21st
century, television programming continues its dominance as the favorite source for news,
information, and entertainment for most people in the US (Nielsen, 2016, p. 6). A Nielsen study
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
11
of Americans’ media consumption habits reported adults spend more than 10 hours daily
consuming content on their many devices, with 92% of that time spent watching television
(Nielsen, 2017). Whether watching live television or watching through digital or television
connected devices, people spend a significant amount of their leisure time watching television
programs (Nielsen, 2016, p. 6).
Social scientists and other researchers study television viewing habits and patterns as they
seek to understand the effects of the constant engagement with this near ubiquitous medium
found in 96% of US homes (Nielsen, 2016). Gerbner et al., (2002) contended, “the social
function of television lies in the continual repetition of stories (myths, ‘facts,’ lessons, and so on)
that serve to define the world and legitimize a particular social order” (p. 44). Mastro (2015)
suggested that media is one of many known factors that contribute to an individual's position
regarding race and ethnic relations but added, “for many, conceptualizations of race and
ethnicity, as well as interracial/interethnic dynamics are defined (at least in part) by the
characterizations presented in the mass media-including both news and entertainment offerings”
(p.1). Research in this area has shown that the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of audience
members who view the limited and often stereotypical characterizations of race and ethnicity as
portrayed in the media, are influenced by those representations (Behm-Orawitz & Ortiz, 2013;
hooks, 1992; Domke, 2001; Fujioka, 1999; Mastro, & Tropp, 2004; Monihan, Shtrulis, &
Givens, 2005; Punyanant-Carter, N., 2008). If media portrayals are generally negative
depictions, they will “bias our expectations, perceptions and intentions toward other group
members” (Dill-Shackleford & Burgess, 2012, p. 563). Under these circumstances it becomes an
extraordinary burden for Black women to be viewed and characterized based on their individual
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
12
worth instead of being seen through a frame that expects the individual to possess behavior or
personality traits evident in the negative stereotypical representations as seen in media.
Theoretical Perspectives: Social Learning Theory, Social Cognitive Theory, Cultivation
Theory, and Social Identity Theory
Social Learning Theory. Social learning theory (Bandura, 1977) posits that humans use
social models for learning, particularly children who learn through observation, retention,
motivation, and reproduction, modeling the behavior of others. However, Bandura (1977) argued
that learning is bidirectional—although an individual is influenced by his or her environment,
also environment is influenced by behavior. Social cognitive theory examined the psychosocial
mechanisms that allow symbolic communication to affect human thought, affect, and action
(Bandura, 2001). Social cognitive theory posits communication systems use two pathways—
direct and socially mediated. In the direct pathway communication systems promote changes by
“informing, enabling, motivating, and guiding participants” (Bandura, 2001, p. 265). In socially
mediated pathways “media influences link participants to social networks and community
settings that provide natural incentives and continued personalized guidance, for desired change”
(Bandura, 2001, p. 265) leading to the possibility of vicarious influence. Although humans can
be influenced by media, social cognitive theory contends humans are not passive recipients of
information, but are instead agentic, as they learn and increase their knowledge operating
symbolically, using information gained from personal and vicarious experiences (p. 267).
Bandura (2001) argues “personal factors in the form of cognitive, affective, and biological
events, behavioral patterns, and environmental events all operate as interacting determinants that
influence each other bidirectionally” where people are producers, as well as products of social
systems (p. 266).
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
13
Cultivation Theory. Cultivation theory (Gerbner, 1969; Gerbner et al., 2002) rests on
two foundational premises—that television presents a consistent but inaccurate and distorted
portrayal of life, and secondly, that these distorted representations cultivate the worldview of
those who are frequent viewers. Whether the narrative is news reporting, allegedly a factual
account, or a fictional story created primarily for entertainment, audience perceptions regarding
race are influenced by their media consumption habits (Dill & Burgess, 2012, p. 1-2; Scharrer &
Ramasubramanian, 2015).
There are two types of judgments used to test for cultivation effect—first-order
judgments and second-order judgments. First-order judgments pertain to set-size or probability
and tend to be constructed through memory (Manis, Shedler, Jonides, & Nelson, 1993; Shrum,
1995) whereas second-order judgments generally pertain to attitude and belief and tend to be
constructed through an online process (Hastie & Park, 1986). Online judgments are formed
spontaneously when the information is encountered, however, there could be instances when an
ordinarily online judgment would ignite a studied response thus calling upon long-term memory.
Memory-based judgments require a recollection of information from long-term memory (Shrum,
2004, p. 330). Online judgments are the most common and are used for spur of the moment
decisions and opinions on a routine basis, while memory-based judgments are rare, requiring
deeper concentration because the response is unexpected (Hastie & Park, 1986). Despite
potential differences in when and how television exerts its influences, Shrum (2004) concluded
“the same factors (motivation and ability to process information) affect the extent to which
television information is used regardless of the type of judgment” (p. 327).
Social Identity. Social identity theory was developed as a theory of intergroup conflict
and intergroup social comparison where the factors considered are group membership, how one
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
14
feels about being a member of that group, and the consequences in society of being a member of
that group (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Social identity is context driven and affected by the value
society has placed on one’s social group with racial and ethnic minorities being members of
social groups that have been traditionally undervalued in the US (Jones, 1997). An example of
the impact of the devaluation of Black women is their low socio-economic status, with their
average hourly earnings less than that of all other social categories except Hispanic women
(Patten, 2016). This economic discrimination affects the economic well-being of Black women
and contributes to cycles of poverty for their families.
Attitude Formation
Heuristics. People simplify making difficult, seldom made, or low-risk judgments by
applying heuristics (Shrum, 2004, p. 332). Heuristics are cognitive shortcuts that rely on how
easily information is retrieved or is accessible. Accessibility is affected by three factors—how
frequently a construct is activated, how recently the construct was activated, and the vividness of
that activation, all of which increase the likelihood that a construct will be used in the process of
making a judgment (Higgins, Bargh, & Lombardi, 1985; Higgins & King, 1981; Wyer &
Radvansky, 1999). It is heuristic processing of television messages that makes those who
frequently watch television more likely to rely on those messages when constructing real world
judgments due to the frequency, recency, and vividness of the television messages (Morgan &
Shanahan, 2010, p. 344). Shrum and Bischak (2001) concluded viewers fail to ignore memories
from television when asked to comment on social phenomena in the real world that are
frequently shown on television. If, as has been shown historically, media representations of
Black women reflect the traditional stereotypes of mammy, Jezebel, Sapphire, tragic mulatta, or
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
15
welfare queen, many Black women are categorically judged as a group based on these negative
stereotypes with an ensuing negative impact on their social reality.
Stereotypes and Decision-Making. When making a quick judgment to interpret an
individual’s behavior, people activate stereotypes or trait constructs stored in their memory
(Higgins et al., 1985). Stereotypical television portrayals have been found to increase the
accessibility and subsequent use of stereotypes to judge behavior based on the televised
exemplars (Behm-Orawitz & Ortiz, 2013; Hansen & Hansen, 1988).
To further understand the significance of stereotypes in group dynamics, stereotypes have
been dissected into two types: descriptive beliefs and prescriptive beliefs, both used for social
control (Eagly & Karau, 2002; Fiske, Bersoff, Borgida, Deaux, & Heilman, 1991; Fiske, 1993;
Heilman, 2001; Rudman, 1998; Rudman & Glick, 2001). Descriptive stereotypes reflect the
perceivers belief about the preferences, competencies, or other characteristics of members of a
social group, while prescriptive stereotypes reflect the perceiver’s belief about the behavior
norms for a social group (Fiske, 1993; Rudman, 1998). Fiske (1993) posited: “The descriptive
aspect of stereotypes acts as an anchor, and the prescriptive aspect of stereotypes acts as a fence.
In short, stereotypes control people, which is one reason they are so aversive” (p. 263). Further,
Fiske (1993) contended, stereotypes maintain power by reinforcing a group or an individual’s
power over another by limiting the options of the stereotyped group (p. 263).
When considering how mass media affects, reflects, shapes, and influences social reality,
Feagin (2013) argued the social structure in the US is based on historical racial oppression where
Whites are at the top of the racial hierarchy which grants them tremendous material and non-
material advantages in society, while Blacks and others suffer political, economic, and other
social subjugation, a systemic racism. Feagin (2013) contends the White racial frame is the
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
16
dominant ideology that supports Whites’ racial superiority and others’ racial inferiority. Sub-
frames of the White racial frame are pro-Whites, anti-Blacks and anti-Others, racialized
stereotypes, images, emotions, language accents, and inclinations to discriminate against Blacks
and Others (Feagin, 2013). Within this framework, negative stereotyped portrayals of Black
women, reinforced through entertainment media, serve to perpetuate their continued oppression
and marginalization.
Statement of the Problem
There is a substantive body of research that continues to review and analyze
programming to determine how various social groups are portrayed on television (e.g., Behm-
Orawitz & Ortiz, 2013; Busselle & Crandall, 2002; Fujioka, 1999; Greenberg, Mastro, & Brand,
2002; Shah & Yamagami, 2015; Signorielli, 2009; Tukachinsky, Mastro, & Yarchi, 2015;
National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders [Kerner Report], 1968). In 1967 President
Lyndon Johnson appointed the first commission in the US to study how Blacks are portrayed by
the media after a season of racial unrest erupted in cities throughout the country. The Report of
the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, informally known as the Kerner report,
concluded that in general, media in the US failed to accurately portray the lives of Blacks in the
nation and failed to accurately report on the causes and outcomes of the civil disorders that had
erupted in several cities in the nation. A decade later, the US Commission on Civil Rights
commissioned the first report on the dearth of racial minorities on television, Window Dressing
on the Set: Women and Minorities on Television (US Commission on Civil Rights [US CoCR],
1977). In its opening statement, the report noted the influential role of television in people’s
lives: “Television plays the dominant role in the mass communication of ideas in the United
States today” (US CoCR, 1977, p. 1). The commission argued television was more than a vehicle
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
17
for entertainment with the significance of its role stemming from its ability to “confer status on
those individuals and groups it selects for placement in the public eye, telling the viewer who
and what is important to know about, think about and have feelings about” (US CoCR, 1977, p.
1). The commission data documented the extent to which minorities and women, particularly
minority women, were underrepresented in the ranks of local stations’ workforces (US CoCR,
1977, p. 3). They were nearly totally excluded from decision making and professional positions
at those stations (US CoCR, 1977, p. 3). Further, the commission reported that minorities and
women were underrepresented on network dramatic programs and when they appeared, they
were portrayed in token roles or in a stereotypical fashion (US CoCR, 1977, p. 3). This study
was conducted 40 years ago, yet, there are still comparatively few minorities or women found in
decision-making roles in major media organizations (Lauzen, 2016).
The Current Study
The purpose of this study was to update the literature on portrayals of Black women on
primetime television in the US The Boxed In report (Lauzen, 2015-2016) found Black women
are now seen more frequently on primetime television, but it did not measure the quality of the
character portrayals. This study extends previous research that examined media representations
of all minorities on primetime television from 2000-2008 (Signorielli, 2009).
Using a purposive sample, we measured the quality of three Black women leading
characters seen on recent and currently aired primetime television series. The series selected
were Scandal (Rhimes, 2012-), How to Get Away with Murder (Nowalk & Rhimes, 2014-), and
Empire (Daniels & Strong, 2015-). Each program was listed among the 50 most watched
television series on prime-time television in the 2017-2018 season. Quality of representations
was conceptualized to consider whether the character portrayals of Black women were based on
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
18
negative stereotypes, (e.g., the mammy, Jezebel, Sapphire, tragic mulatta or welfare queen
trope), if the characters were sexualized, and how they compared with dominant femininity and
traditional gender roles. To measure inter-rater reliability between the two coders, variables used
in this analysis were expected to meet Cohen’s kappa coefficient standards of reliability based on
a composite of raters’ observations of seven episodes of each of the three series. The variables
stereotypes, sexually erotic behavior, and age of the leading character resulted in κ of 0. For
sexual behavior κ was 0.691. The variables skin tone, character’s attire, body type, and
attractiveness yielded κ of 1, indicating perfect agreement. Character’s temperament yielded a κ
of 0.215 and degree of aggressiveness resulted in a κ of 0.24.
Frequency
There have been few content analyses to specifically examine portrayals of the Black
female character on primetime television, however, in a longitudinal study, Tukachinsky et al.,
conducted a content analysis of the 345 most watched television shows in 12 separate seasons,
from 1987–2009, to examine the association between the prevalence and quality of all ethnic
minority characters on television and Whites’ corresponding attitudes towards various ethnic
groups (Tukachinsky et al., 2015, p. 18). The authors found a continued fluctuation in both the
quantity and the quality of roles portrayed by Blacks, from a high of 21.6% in the period 1987-
1989, and 16.8% in the period 1991-1993 (Tukachinsky et al., 2015, p. 24). That number fell
drastically to 9.6% and remained in the range of 10%-14% throughout the period of the study,
while Blacks were approximately 13.6% of the US population
(https://www.census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/facts_for_features_special_editions/cb11ff
_01.html). In a 2016-2017 study of women’s representation and employment in media, Lauzen
(2017) found female characters had 39% of speaking roles on broadcast, cable, and streaming
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
19
programs, a 3% increase from the 2015-2016 report. At 41%, broadcast network programs had
the highest percentage of major female characters, streaming media had 39%, and cable
programs had 28% (Lauzen, 2017, p. 2). Seventy-one percent (71%) of all female characters
were White, a 6% decline from 2014-2015. During the same timeframe, Black female characters
increased from 15% of female characters to 17% in 2015-2016. These results indicate an
overrepresentation of Black women compared to their representation in the overall population,
an estimated 13.3 % (United States Census Bureau [US Census Bureau], 2018). The heightened
presence of Black female characters in leading or supporting roles, coupled with historically
negative stereotypes associated with the roles assigned to Black female characters seen in
primetime, can influence or reinforce audience expectations and assumptions about Black
women’s values, demeanor, and behavior. Although overall, Blacks as a group have recently
been seen more closely in proportion to their percentage of the population, Black women, like all
women, have historically been underrepresented in primetime programming. It is therefore
historic to have three popular primetime series with Black female leading characters airing at the
same time on network television.
The three programs selected for this study, Scandal (Rhimes, 2012-2018), How to Get
Away with Murder (Nowalk & Rhimes, 2014-), and Empire, (Daniels & Strong, 2015-), all
reached a broad general market audience and were listed amongst the top 15 programs in the
2016-2017 season watched by people 18-49 years old, excluding sports programming
(Schneider, 2017). Because of their popularity with a general market audience, social learning
theory (Bandura, 1977) and cultivation theory (Gerbner, Gross, Signorielli, Morgan, & Jackson-
Beeck, 1979) suggest the character portrayals could affect how Black women are perceived by
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
20
social others who do not have sufficient first-hand experience to develop an informed opinion of
an individual.
Cast and Program Diversity
Beyond the frequency of minorities on television, Signorielli (2009) examined the
diversity of programming for further insight on how minority characters were portrayed on
television. Genres examined were situation comedy, crime or action, drama, reality, award, or
news magazine (Signorielli, 2009, p. 326). As previously mentioned, in the latter 1980s and
early 1990s, Blacks were overrepresented on primetime television, but their appearances were
primarily in one genre, situation comedies, and the programs featured predominantly minority
casts (Greenberg, Mastro, & Brand, 2002). Like the Tukachinsky et al. (2015) study,
Signorielli’s (2009) measurements of characters on primetime programming in the first decade of
the 21st century found Blacks were no longer overrepresented, they were at parity with their
presence in the population. Hispanic, Latino, and Asian characters were again underrepresented,
as in the past. Contrary to their presence in the overall population and in reverse of population
trends, there was an increase in White characters, “from 71% in 2001 to 83% in 2008. There was
a decrease in Black characters, from 17% in 2001 to a low of 12% in 2008 with minor change in
other ethnic groups who were consistently underrepresented” (Signorielli, 2009, p. 327).
Signorielli (2009) noted that because Black characters were largely clustered in situation
comedies with primarily minority casts, if these programs were no longer considered in the
sample, Blacks would be underrepresented (p. 333). White characters were found in all genres,
but they were primarily in casts of predominantly White or all White characters (Signorielli,
2009, p. 333). Although Asian, Hispanic, and Latino characters were very underrepresented,
unlike Blacks, they were found in a diversity of programs including crime, action, and drama and
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
21
were typically found in mixed casts (Signorielli, 2009, p. 333). Although previous research
showed an increase in the number of Black characters shown on primetime television, most of
those characters were male (Lauzen, 2017).
H1: Of the genres crime/action, drama, comedy and reality, aired in primetime, ≥50%
of the programs viewed with a Black female lead character will be comedies.
Quality
How racial and ethnic minorities are portrayed in media is as important as the frequency
of the representations in media. Research using both cross-sectional surveys and experiments has
consistently shown evidence that connects media exposure with viewers’ racial attitudes (Dixon,
2008; Mastro, Behm-Orawitz, & Ortiz, 2007). Just as negative and stereotypical imagery can
affect social judgments, positive exemplars can also affect social judgments. The Tukachinsky,
et al., (2015, p. 26) analyses of ethnic and minority representations on primetime television
programs found groups other than Black Americans are shown infrequently but overall, all
ethnic minority characters were “highly positive" with only one bad character coded in the entire
sample.
Because Black women have historically been cast in roles that were highly sexualized, we
investigated the degree of sexuality found in current leading character portrayals on primetime
television. This study adapted the protocol used to assess sexualization developed by Neuendorf,
Janstova, Snyder-Suby, Flitt and Gore (2010) and the protocol developed by Sink and Mastro
(2017). Sexualization (H2) was conceptualized as an emphasis on a character's sexual nature that
includes a body rating scale to assess body type as either thin/average or obese (Boyington,
Johnson, Carter & Edwards, 2007); attractiveness, “defined as whether the character’s
appearance could be considered appealing or alluring (Mastro & Behm-Morawitz, 2005);
objectification, determined by whether the character was seen as a sex object or was
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
22
sexually degraded (Sink & Mastro, 2017); and whether a character displayed sexually
provocative behavior, measured by using actions that have a sexual undertone or are interpreted
as intended to provoke sexual arousal or a sexual response (Neuendorf, et al., (2010). We looked
at age, whether the female characters were much younger than the male characters, implying
their significance was their youthful sexuality (Signorielli & Bacue, 1999) and we looked at skin
tone to measure whether colorism (Burke, 2008; Coard, Breland, & Raskin, 2001; Maddox &
Gray, 2002; Wilder, 2010) could be a factor in the characters’ social standing.
Gilkes (1983, p. 294) contends during slavery Black women were depicted in one of two
roles, “Mammy” or the bad Black woman and emerged from slavery with these depictions firmly
rooted in the White consciousness. Collins (1991) suggests Black women are the victims of a
socially constructed image of Black womanhood that reflects the dominant culture’s intent to
assure Black women’s continued subordination. This includes how representations of Black
women compare to the dominant feminine ideology (Collins, 2000). Negative images of Black
womanhood have been updated, often blending the characteristics of multiple stereotypes into
one character with hyper-sexualization a common thread (Boylorn, 2008). This leads to the
following hypothesis:
H2: In more than 50% of the episodes viewed, Black leading female character portrayals
will be sexualized.
When Black female characters are shown in films and on television programs the roles
are often limited to those of the nurturing asexual mammy, the sexually aggressive Jezebel; the
tragic or conflicted mulatta; the angry Black woman, Sapphire; or the public assistance
dependent welfare queen (Bogle, 2001; Collins, 1991; Collins, 2004; Frisby & Aubrey, 2012;
Sims-Wood, 1988; West, 1995). The stereotypes are operationalized as follows: The mammy
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
23
character is usually a dark-skinned, full-figured woman who is asexual or doesn’t seem to have a
love interest. This character is usually overly involved in the life and well-being of a White
character or family as a maternal figure or as a friend with no reference or little attention to her
own personal life. The tragic mulatta character is light skinned, highly sexual, and physically
attractive who uses sexuality to manipulate relationships. The Jezebel character is sexually
promiscuous and exhibits hypersexuality. The Sapphire character is angry and physically
aggressive or verbally abusive. The welfare queen character is a woman who has more than the
average number of children and does not work to support them, instead relying on government
assistance for support.
Although there has been an increase in the number of Black women seen on television,
including primetime series with Black female characters as the lead character, the quality of
those representations determines if they are helpful in reducing negative stereotypes of Black
women or if they reinforce historical negative portrayals. Because these stereotypes of Black
women have persisted for more than a century, it is hypothesized this pattern will continue:
H3: More than 50% of Black female characters will portray negative stereotyped roles—
either the mammy, mulatto, Jezebel, Sapphire, welfare queen, or a combination of these
character traits.
Women's under representation on screen has sociocultural consequences that can
influence the attitudes of adult audience members as well as adolescents. How social groups are
portrayed on television and in other media offer cultural clues on appropriate behavior,
particularly for children (Bandura, 2001; Dill & Thill, 2007; Scharrer & Ramasubramanian,
2015). However, the underrepresentation of women on screen can lead to a misperception that
women are a minority in the United States and their voices are not as important as those of men.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
24
Since women represent a slight majority of the population (US Department of Labor, Bureau of
Labor Statistics, 2017), media representations are again found to provide a distorted view of
reality (Lauzen & Dozier, 2002, p. 138). Demeaning images of Black women and distorted
accounts of their lived experiences as told in popular media support what Collins (1991) refers to
as “interlocking systems of race, gender and class discrimination” (p. 267). This analysis of
media representations of Black women will contribute to our understanding of how television
characters currently portray the lives of Black women and their potential for influencing how
social Others perceive Black women as a social group.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
25
Chapter Three: Methodology
The methodology was a systematic content analysis of a purposive sample of seven
episodes each of three primetime television programs with a Black female as the leading
character. All shows were broadcast during the 2016-2017 season. The study investigated the
following hypotheses: Of the genres crime/action, drama and reality, or comedy, aired in
primetime, ≥ 50% of the programs analyzed with a Black female leading character would be
comedies; more than 50% of the Black female character portrayals would be sexualized; and
more than 50% of Black female characters would portray negative stereotyped roles—either the
mammy, mulatto, Jezebel, Sapphire, welfare queen, or a combination of these character traits.
The Sample
This study used a purposive sample that included seven episodes of three programs with
Black females as the leading character. A study of sampling strategies found an analysis of seven
random episodes was most appropriate for a character-based measure of sexual content
(Manganello, Franzini & Jordan, 2008, p. 14). Each of the three programs selected ranked in the
top 15 most watched television series of the 2017-2018 season, not including sports, that aired on
ABC, CBS, Fox, and NBC networks. The analysis extends a previously conducted study by
Signorielli (2009) that explored character portrayals based on race and gender. The episodes
selected were all from a single season to assess consistency in how the character was portrayed
on a weekly basis. Only network programming (ABC, CBS, NBC, FOX) was included.
Coding and Coder Training
Two PhD-level psychology graduate students assisted in the research project by
conducting the coding. As principal investigator, I did not code data to minimize the chance to
introduce bias. The coders received online training to explain variable definitions and to clarify
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
26
questions regarding the coding schemes. To test for reliability, the two coders independently
coded the first episode of the first season of the three series included in this study. After the
initial training the research team used telephone conferences to clarify how variables were
defined or to agree on situations that would make a specific stereotype applicable.
Variables
The coding scheme and variables were adopted from previous content analyses that
studied media representations of minorities or women on television (Mastro & Behm-Morawitz,
2005; Neuendorf, et al., 2010; Signorielli, 2009). Because this study investigated the quality of
character portrayals, the units of analysis were character-level variables or questions. The same
coding scheme was applied to all episodes viewed. All variables used in this analysis were
expected to meet Cohen’s kappa for standards of reliability where variables were measured
based on the strength of agreement. The percentage of agreement for stereotypes was 80.95%.
However, the percentage of agreement by chance was also 80.95% (data not shown) which
resulted in κ of 0. The percentage of agreement for sexual behavior was 90.48%, while Cohen’s
κ was 0.691 which can be considered excellent. The percentage of agreement for sexually erotic
behavior was 76.19% with a similar percentage of agreement observed due to chance. This
situation, similar to the observation for question 1, resulted in a low κ. For the age of the leading
character (Q4), the percentage of agreement was 66.7% with a Cohen’s κ of 0. The inter-rater
reliability for skin tone (Q5) was 1 which indicates perfect agreement.
The 100% agreement for character’s attire, body type, and attractiveness was 1 indicating
perfect agreement. However, κ could be calculated since the same answer was selected for the 21
episodes viewed by the two raters. Both raters chose “attractive” and “average/thin” for all
episodes. Cohen’s κ and Gwet’s AC1 could not be calculated for questions 6, 7, and 8 because
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
27
the expected agreement by chance was 100% which results in no applicable calculation for either
formula (see Cohen’s κ above).
The character’s temperament (Q9) yielded only 61.9 % agreement, a κ of 0.215. The
character’s degree of aggressiveness (Q10) resulted in 80.9% agreement between the raters.
However, the percentage of agreement by chance was 75% which resulted in a low observed κ
(0.24).
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
28
Chapter Four: Results
To test for inter-rater reliability several measures were used based on a composite of
raters’ observations of seven episodes of each of the three series. The measures included the
percentage of agreement method, Cohen’s kappa (κ) method, and Gwet’s AC1. The results are
displayed in Table 1. Cohen's kappa coefficient (κ) is a statistic that measures inter-rater
agreement for qualitative (categorical) items. It is generally thought to be a more robust measure
than a simple percent agreement calculation, as κ considers the possibility of the agreement
occurring by chance. Cohen’s kappa was used in the current study as the items used were either
categorical or ordinal (e.g., age). Ordinal weights were used when response items were ordered
as is the case with age. However, one limitation of Cohen’s kappa is that the inter-rater reliability
tends to be lower as the probability of agreement by chance (baseline agreement) increases since
it corrects for the expected agreement by chance which tends to be higher. For further test
validity, Gwet’s AC1 was also used to assess the inter-rater reliability.
Gwet’s AC1 measure of reliability is appropriate when the expected agreement due to
chance is high. Such high agreement may inversely bias the calculation of Cohen’s kappa. Thus,
Gwet’s AC1 was suggested in 2008 as a method that can be used in the presence of high
expected agreement by chance since it does not depend on the assumption of independence
between raters (Gwet 2008). Another advantage of Gwet’s AC1 is that it supports categorical,
ordinal, interval and ratio-type data and handles missing data. Gwet’s AC1 can also be used
when kappa is low despite a high level of agreement. Gwet’s AC1is a “paradox-resistant”
alternative to the unstable kappa coefficient. Ordinal weights were used to take into
consideration the ordinal nature of the data.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
29
There is no universal agreement on the interpretation for κ as it varies based on the
number of possible codes and the probability of selecting each of these codes. Thus, no one value
of kappa can be regarded as universally acceptable (Bakeman et al. 1997). However, Landis and
Koch (1977) suggested < 0 as indicating no agreement and 0–0.20 as slight, 0.21–0.40 as fair,
0.41–0.60 as moderate, 0.61–0.80 as substantial, and 0.81–1 as almost perfect agreement (Landis
& Koch 1977). Fleiss suggested κ over 0.75 as excellent, 0.40 to 0.75 as fair to good, and below
0.40 as poor (Marshall & Rossman, 2006). These cut-off points can be extended for Gwet’s
AC1.
Percentage agreement was calculated as a simple measure of inter-rater agreement.
Standard errors were calculated to construct the 95% CI for Gwet’s AC1. Statistical analysis was
performed using R studio v 3.5.2. From this point forward, the variables 1-10 will be referred to
as question 1-10 (Q1 – Q10).
Table 1
Results of Inter-rater Reliability Tests
Question
% Cohen’s Kappa
[CI 95%]
Gwet’s AC1
[CI 95%]
1
Did the character reflect a negative stereotype?
80.95%
0 [0, 0]
0.77 [0.51,1]
2
Did the character engage in sexual behavior?
90.48%
0.69 [0.27, 1]
0.86 [0.65, 1]
3
Did the character engage in sexually erotic behavior?
76.19%
0 [0,0]
0.7 [0.39, 1]
4
What was the leading character's age?
66.7%
0 [0,0]
0.54 [0.14, 0.94]
5
What was the leading character’s skin tone?
100%
1 [1, 1]
1 [1, 1]
6
Was the leading character’s attire appropriate?
100%
1 [1, 1]
1 [1, 1]
7
Was the leading character attractive?
100%
1 [1, 1]
1 [1, 1]
8
What was the leading character’s body type?
100%
1 [1, 1]
1 [1, 1]
9
What was the leading character’s temperament?
61.9%
0.22 [0, 0.58]
0.31 [0. 0.79]
10
Was the leading character overly aggressive?
80.9%
0.24 [0.78]
0.75 [0.46, 1]
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
30
Inter-rater reliability was calculated using the three suggested methods. For Q1, the
percentage of agreement was 80.95%. However, the percentage of agreement by chance was also
80.95% (data not shown) which resulted in κ of 0. This can be explained by the mathematical
formula for κ:
−
κ =
1
−
where po is the observed agreement and
is the expected agreement by chance. When po and
are equal, κ = 0. Thus, Gwet’s AC1 was examined as an additional measure of inter-rater
reliability in this instance. Gwet’s AC1 was 0.77 which indicated excellent inter-rater reliability.
For question 2, the percentage of agreement was 90.48%, while Cohen’s κ was 0.691 which can
be considered excellent. For question 3, the percentage of agreement was 76.19% with a similar
percentage of agreement observed due to chance. This situation, similar to the observation for
question 1, resulted in a low κ. Thus, Gwet’s AC1 (0.7) was considered more reliable in this case
and indicated good agreement between the two raters.
Regarding the age of the leading character (Q4), the percentage of agreement was 66.7%
with a Cohen’s κ of 0. Gwet’s AC1 was 0.54 which is considered moderate. The inter-rater
reliability for skin tone (Q5) was 1 which indicates perfect agreement.
The percent agreement for Q6 (character’s attire) was 100%. Neither Gwet’s AC1 nor κ
could be calculated since the same answer was selected for the 21 episodes viewed by the two
raters. The same results were obtained for character attractiveness (Q7) and body type (Q8). In
those instances, both raters chose “attractive” and “average/thin” for all episodes, respectively.
Cohen’s κ and Gwet’s AC1 could not be calculated for questions 6, 7, and 8 because the
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
31
expected agreement by chance was 100% which results in no applicable calculation for either
formula (see Cohen’s κ above).
The lowest inter-rater reliability was observed for character’s temperament (Q9) with
only 61.9 % agreement, a κ of 0.215 and Gwet’s AC1 of 0.31. The character’s degree of
aggressiveness (Q10) resulted in 80.9% agreement between the raters. However, the percentage
of agreement by chance was 75% which resulted in a low observed κ (0.24). Gwet’s AC1, the
reliable index in such case, was 0.75 which indicated excellent inter-rater reliability.
The composite results showed high inter-rater reliability for questions 1, 2, 3, and 10,
although κ was low for questions 1, 3, and 10. However, it was previously mentioned that the
percentage of agreement was high for these three questions which resulted in low κ. Thus,
Gwet’s AC1 was examined in these cases. Gwet’s AC1 indicated moderate inter-rater reliability
for question 4. The inter-rater reliability was highest for question 5 and lowest for question 9 as
indicated by κ and Gwet’s AC1. We could not calculate the inter-rater reliability using these two
coefficients for questions 6 through 8 because of the mathematical limitations of the formulas for
these two indices. However, the percentage of agreement indicated high agreement between the
two raters and can be used in such cases.
Because the purpose of this sample was to explore the quality of representations of the
three leading characters in specific series the results are not generalizable and relationships found
in the data are not expected to be found outside of the selected television series observed, thus
there was no need to estimate sampling error (Lacy, Watson, Riffe, & Lovejoy, 2015, p. 793).
Historical Black Female Leading Characters
Beulah (McKnight & Reed, 1950-1953), a ground-breaking situation comedy, was the
first television series aired on primetime television that featured a Black female leading
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
32
character. The Beulah character was based on the mammy stereotype. As the domestic servant of
a White family, Beulah maintained order in their household and in their private lives as she
applied common sense and a calm demeanor when solving the family members’ problems since
they could not solve their own problems. She had a boyfriend who constantly proposed but she
would not marry him, thus denying their relationship the social sanction that comes from
marriage, contrary to the dominant femininity. The boyfriend character portrayed a lazy fix-it
man who did not have a full-time job and had little interest in running a thriving business. He
was depicted as lazy and irresponsible, a common negative stereotype of Black men (Bogle,
2016). In a comparison of the two couples, the mammy with the lazy Black boyfriend when
compared to the middle-class White family with a husband, wife, and child, reinforced the
dominant femininity (Collins, 2004) and cultural assumptions that Whites were culturally and
socially superior to Blacks. The negative stereotyped portrayals by the Black characters reflected
the norm for early depictions of Black people on film and television where Blacks were
portrayed as uncivilized, illiterate, or unintelligent (Bogle, 1973).
Julia (Kanter, 1968-1971), a situation comedy, was the next series aired on network
television that featured a Black woman as the leading character during primetime. Julia was the
story of a young Black woman working as a nurse while also trying to raise a young son on her
own after her husband was killed during the Vietnam War. The Julia character was notable
because it was not based on a negative stereotype of Black womanhood. The character was
gainfully employed in a respected profession and was an attentive and loving mother. Her
husband died nobly, serving his country during the war.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
33
Leading Characters Investigated
As previously mentioned, the leading characters in the series reviewed for this study were
atypical of roles historically portrayed by Black females. The following analysis of the three
characters was based on my analytical observations and was not quantifiable, thus there are no
data to report. The characters were all high-achieving, highly accomplished, upper middle-class
Black women driven to be successful. Each series focused on the women’s lives as professionals,
and as occurs in social reality, how their personal lives, including intimate relationships and
family commitments and obligations, helped to define the characters, their choices, and
experiences. They displayed the dichotomy of noble conduct and appalling conduct. All three
women were willing to achieve success and solve their problems by any means necessary. Their
choices often saw them cross moral boundaries.
The Hypotheses
Genre
Hypothesis 1 assumed ≥ 50% of the programs viewed with Black female lead characters
would be comedies. This hypothesis was not supported because the three programs were varying
types of dramas. Scandal (Rhimes, 2012-) was a drama, thriller; Empire (Daniels & Strong,
2015-) was a hip-hop drama, and How to Get Away with Murder (Nowalk & Rhimes, 2014-) was
a crime, drama, mystery. This is a notable finding in that the previous series with Black female
leading characters aired during primetime were comedies. It is also contradictory to the
Signorielli (2009) finding that Black characters were largely clustered in situation comedies with
primarily minority casts. Only Empire (Daniels & Strong, 2015-) had a primarily minority cast.
The other two programs had a racially mixed cast.
Sexualization
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
34
The second hypothesis anticipated that in more than 50% of the episodes viewed, Black
female leading character portrayals would be sexualized. The hypothesis was not supported for a
composite of the three characters or when the characters were considered individually. To
determine if a character was sexualized, I considered whether there was an emphasis on the
character as a sexual object. Sexual objectification was conceptualized to include a combination
of behavior and traits. The behavior included whether the character was engaged in sexual
activity, if the character displayed sexually erotic or seductive behavior, body type,
attractiveness, whether the character’s attire was appropriate for the setting and the youthfulness
of a character’s age compared to male romantic interests. In the 21 episodes analyzed, none of
the Black female leading characters met the conceptualization of sexual objectification. All three
of the leading characters had a thin or average body type, they were physically attractive, dressed
appropriately for the settings in which they appeared, and they were similar in age to their
romantic partners. This is not to suggest the characters did not have love interests or did not
engage in sexual activity. I will describe the behavior of the three characters individually.
Olivia Pope. The character Olivia Pope was a single woman engaged in sexual
relationships in 71% of Scandal (Rhimes, 2012-) episodes viewed. Her sexual partners were
primarily White men, both married and single. However, the relationship dynamics dispute the
historical narrative rooted in slavery of a White man assaulting a Black woman in a gender and
race-based power dynamic. Her behavior is also contrary to the heterosexual script where the
man’s primary interest is sex, and the woman is the gatekeeper—submissive and more
interested in the relationship. The coders disagreed on how Olivia’s behavior should be
interpreted. The female coder considered her behavior reflective of the Jezebel stereotype in the
episodes where she engaged in sexual behavior.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
35
The Jezebel stereotype is seductive, sexually promiscuous, and a hypersexual woman
(Jewel, 1993). The Olivia Pope character was sexually promiscuous, but unlike one who exhibits
hypersexuality, the character did not have difficulty controlling her sexual activity, she did not
attribute negative consequences to her sexual behavior, and she did not use sexual activity as a
coping strategy (Walton, Lykins & Bhullar, 2016). Olivia Pope was not driven by an obsession
with sex, she was driven by a lust for success, power, and influence, all of which she possessed.
She took an agentic approach to her own sexuality and defied the heterosexual script (Simon &
Gagnon, 1986) that describes the roles that males and females should follow in their romantic
and sexual relationships. Like dominant femininity (Collins, 2004), the heterosexual script
reflects gender-based power conflicts, serving as a guideline for socially approved and accepted
behavior in romantic and sexual encounters and relationships (Oliver & Hyde, 1993). The
heterosexual script entitles males to prioritize their own sexual desire, act on their sexual needs,
to believe they have an inability to control their hormones, and to offer women access to power
and status in exchange for sex. In this dualism, females must subjugate their own sexual needs or
desires to that of the male and are responsible for managing the male’s sexual needs with the
expectation that in doing so they will gain a share of the male’s privilege (Kim, Sorsoli, Collins,
et al., 2007). Instead of following the traditional gender script, Olivia Pope embraced sexual
agency, the ability to articulate her needs and desires and advocate for herself sexually (Tolman,
Anderson & Belmonte, 2015). Her behavior indicates a post-gendered sexual script that reflects
gender equality and a woman’s right to sexual agency (Rosetto & Tollison, 2017).
Cookie Lyon. Cookie Lyon, the female co-leading character in the series Empire
(Daniels & Strong, 2015-), was introduced to the audience as she leaves prison after serving 17
years for selling drugs. As a young woman, Cookie gave up her own promising career to support
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
36
the man who would become her husband. They married, had three young children, struggled to
build his career as a rap artist, and they sold drugs. While Cookie was in prison, her husband
divorced her, cutting off her contact with their three sons, and used the money she made selling
drugs to launch an entertainment company he built into a highly successful enterprise. The
storyline centers around the love-hate, on-again, off-again relationship between the two. The
Cookie character embraces a feminist script in her professional pursuits and exemplifies the
same cunning and aggression as her ex-husband. However, her behavior parallels some
characteristics of the heterosexual script in her personal relationships. In the episodes viewed the
Cookie character reflected the traditional values espoused in femininity ideology (Parent &
Moradi, 2010) by her willingness to self-sacrifice and the constant hope that she and her ex-
husband could be re-united as husband and wife despite his many betrayals. Also, in keeping
with traditional values, Cookie is also committed to her roles as mother to her three adult sons,
grandmother, and stepmother.
Annalise Keating. Annalise Keating, a prominent criminal lawyer and law school
professor, is the lead character in How to Get Away with Murder (Nowalk & Rhimes, 2014-).
When the show opens, she is married to Sam Keating, a White psychologist she met as her
therapist; has a Black lover, Nate, a police detective; and a White female former and occasional
lover, Eve, now an attorney who she abandoned to marry Sam. The race of the sexual partners is
not made salient in this series, nor is the fact that the character was involved in a bi-sexual
relationship. The character is atypical of the traditional sexual script (Simon & Gagnon, 1986)
and the heterosexual script (Parent & Moradi, 2010). Instead, Annalise is sexually agentic
(Tolman, Anderson & Belmonte, 2015), and begins a sexual relationship outside of marriage
after she becomes suspicious that her husband is engaged in an affair with one of his students.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
37
Despite her past promiscuity, Analise Keating was not sexualized in the episodes viewed.
She was thin and attractive but did not have a romantic love interest, did not engage in sexual
activity or display sexually erotic behavior. Her attire was always appropriate for the setting,
reflecting her status as a college professor and high-powered attorney.
Stereotype. The third hypothesis assumed ≥50% of Black female leading characters
would play negative stereotyped roles—either the mammy, tragic mulatta, Jezebel, Sapphire, or
welfare queen stereotypes. This hypothesis was not supported, the characters were more nuanced
and complex. The characters were all high-profile, professionally, and financially successful
women who would do anything to achieve their goals. Because the characters did not portray
historical negative stereotypes does not suggest the characters reflected positive role models.
They all displayed behavior that resisted the gendered power structure that ranks women
subordinate to men. Nor did the characters’ demeanor or family arrangements reflect the
normative feminine behaviors expected in a patriarchal society. For each of the characters, their
professional goals were paramount, and they were willing to commit any crime to solve
problems, including murder.
In Scandal, (Rhimes, 2012-), Olivia Pope served as chief of staff for a female president of
the US. Although the president knew Olivia had a sexual relationship with her ex-husband’s
lover while they were married, that knowledge did not affect their current level of trust or their
working relationship, suggesting a feminist (Reid & Gillberg, 2014) script that prioritized
political ambition over familial relationships, as would be expected if they followed a
heterosexual script or femininity ideology.
In How to Get Away with Murder (Nowalk & Rhimes, 2014-), despite her past
professional accomplishments, Annalise Keating was plagued with emotional pain from
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
38
experiences in her past and thus, struggled with alcoholism which affected her emotional health
and her efforts to regain her professional status. The character was haunted by the memory of
being raped as a child and the loss of a child, for which she blamed herself. In the story, these
issues were approached as personal struggles with no reference to race as a moderating factor.
Issues of addiction were prominent and presented a meaningful model for Black women battling
alcohol or drug addiction because the character’s counseling to help her confront her alcoholism
was made salient in the storyline.
Colorism. Because of the small number of characters in the sample, we noted the
characters’ skin tone but did not create a hypothesis with an expected result. Colorism was made
salient because of the role skin tone plays in defining historical stereotypes of Black women. The
mammy stereotype is that of an overweight dark-skinned woman. The tragic mulatta is a thin or
shapely, attractive, bi-racial, and light skinned woman with European features. The Jezebel
character and the Sapphire character do not specifically connote a skin tone, although the
characters are usually portrayed as dark-skinned women. The welfare queen does not connote a
specific skin tone; the stereotype is based on behavior and traits.
Both the characters Olivia Pope and Cookie Lyon were a brown skin tone. Of historic
significance, the character Annalise Keating was a dark skin tone. As previously noted, prior to
the launch of the series examined in this study, two television series that aired on primetime
featured Black women as leading characters—Beulah (McKnight & Reed, 1950-1953) featured a
dark-skinned overweight mammy character and Julia (Kanter & Wiesen, 1968-1971), the second
series, featured a physically fit, attractive, professional, brown-skinned woman who did not
portray a negative stereotype. How to Get Away with Murder (Nowalk & Rhimes, 2014-) was the
first television series aired during primetime to feature a dark-skinned Black woman who was
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
39
financially and professionally successful, attractive, in her 40’s, and sexual. This portrayal
contrasts greatly with studies that have shown a bias by both Blacks and Whites towards lighter
skin tones. Both groups consider dark skinned Blacks less intelligent and less attractive (Hannon,
2015). The dark skin tone of the Annalise Keating character defies dominant femininity and its
prescribed characteristics that suggest White, upper middle-class women are most valued in
society, particularly since her husband was a White, upper middle-class man. Her skin tone also
disputes the anchor of colorism as a form of internalized racism, demonstrating that a dark-
skinned Black woman can successfully portray the role of one who has achieved professional
success and financial security.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
40
Chapter Five: Results and Discussion
It has been tremendous progress to move from no Black female leading characters on
primetime television to at least three programs with Black female leading characters being aired
at the same time. With all programs having demonstrated broad commercial appeal, these
programs have shown large segments of the viewing public are willing to entertain a different
narrative about Black womanhood, a narrative that does not rely on the historical negative
stereotypes of mammy, tragic mulatta, Jezebel, Sapphire, or welfare queen. This study examined
the quality of select television series and thus, does not represent an adequate sample of the
population of current or recent series on primetime television. The series analyzed for this study
portrayed the lives of successful and accomplished professional Black females who were upper
middle-class or wealthy. The three characters were bold and courageous women who could show
great empathy and compassion as well as ruthlessness and murderous tendencies. They were
complex and moved beyond the one-dimensional stereotypes that Black female characters have
been relegated to in the past.
The variables stereotypes, sexually erotic behavior, and age of the leading character
resulted in κ of 0. For sexual behavior κ was 0.691. The variables skin tone, character’s attire,
body type, and attractiveness yielded κ of 1, indicating perfect agreement. Character’s
temperament yielded a κ of 0.215 and degree of aggressiveness resulted in a κ of 0.24. Using a
social identity framework, the character portrayals did not reflect the historical negative
stereotypes of Black women as constructed for this study—mammy, tragic mulatta, Jezebel,
Sapphire, or welfare queen. The results of this study suggest these representations of Black
women can serve as positive exemplars of the breadth and complexity of Black women’s lives in
a racially hierarchical society where they are historically devalued.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
41
The overview of each character is a reflection of my interpretation of the characters based
on how each variable was defined and compared to historical media representations of gender
roles (Lauzen, 2017). Most attention was paid to whether the characters were sexualized since
that is a trait that is typically assigned to black female characters (Collins, 2000). However,
except for Cookie, of Empire (Daniels & Strong, 2015-), the other two characters were portrayed
as sexually promiscuous. Presenting Black women as sexually promiscuous is a demeaning
image that Collins (1991) suggests contributes to an interlocking system of race, gender, and
class discrimination. Black females are challenged with the intersectionality of their reality based
on race and gender. From the socio-cultural framework of the traditional gender script,
presenting successful Black women as sexually promiscuous as a routine part of their lived
experience suggests that class does not matter; these are traits that can apply to any Black
woman, no matter her socio-economic status. When viewed through the lens of social identity,
presenting professional Black women as sexually promiscuous can lead to or reinforce negative
social judgments that impact life opportunities for Black women, including limiting professional
opportunities and suitability as a marriage partner. Because it is recognized that media play a
significant role in transmitting cultural cues about gendered roles and expectations, young Black
females who are frequent viewers of these programs may consider promiscuity acceptable
behavior reflecting their sexual agency. However, it can also lead to risk-taking in their sexual
relationships.
Black women and girls must negotiate norm-based expectations of their attitudes and
behavior based on traditional femininity and stereotypes about Black women, a complexity that
can lead to negative psychological outcomes (Collins, 2000). The series analyzed herein present
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
42
a double-edged sword—the powerful Black women characters all held high-profile and high-
status positions and were identified by their occupation status, contrary to the norm for female
characters (Lauzen, 2019). This precedent gives license to a new trend in storytelling that
features more multi-dimensional portrayals of Black womanhood. The character portrayals also
suggest that Black women are readily available for sex with no commitment required, further
devaluing Black women in a gendered and racially biased power structure.
Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research
Previous longitudinal studies have measured media representations of minorities on
television (Signorielli, 2009; Tukachinsky, et al., 2015). While this study does not aim to reflect
the state of media representations of Black women leading characters on all television networks,
it does give insight on new representations of Black women on popular prime-time programs.
Because this was a purposive study, the results are not generalizable. I would recommend further
study to measure the frequency of Black female characters with main roles and speaking roles on
prime-time television to compare the current frequency of appearances of Black female
characters to the limited appearances and the genre in which they appear as noted in a previous
study (Signorielli, 2009).
The series’ Scandal (Rhimes, 2012-) and How to Get Away with Murder (Nowalk &
Rhimes, 2014-) both featured leading characters either married to or sexually involved with
White partners. The rate of inter-racial marriages in the US increased from 3% in 1967 to 17% in
2015 and 39% of the public said inter-racial marriages were good for society, indicating less
stringent attitudes about race (Bialik, 2017) for a growing segment of the population. Further
research is recommended to investigate the frequency of Black female characters sexually
involved with or married to White male characters and Black male characters sexually involved
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
43
with or married to White female characters, considering socio-economic status of all parties to
measure whether the portrayals reflect a race-exchange relationship (Gullickson, 2006;
Gullickson & Fu, 2010; Hou and Myles, 2013) or an exchange of beauty and sexual access by
women for men’s income (Sassler & Joyner, 2011). This study could also research whether the
partners were in a committed and exclusive relationship or engaged in casual sex. A final
recommendation for further research is to measure the influence the three programs studied have
had on Black female emerging adolescents’ attitudes about sexual agency, traditional femininity,
and the adoption of sexual scripts.
Conclusions
Historical negative stereotypes of Black women have served as a tool to reinforce
oppression and discrimination in a racially hierarchical society that places White males at the top
of the socio-economic strata and Black women at the bottom. Exposure to racism has negative
consequences for the physical and mental health of Black women and girls but it also negatively
affects Whites as well (Brondolo et al., 2008; Butts, 2002; Carter, 2007). The series analyzed in
this study demonstrate normalized relationships between Blacks and Whites in multiple settings,
including as husband and wife, lovers, professionals and their clients, co-workers, friends, or
professional adversaries, where race is not a factor.
Black characters have traditionally been clustered in comedies (Signorielli, 2009);
however, all three of the programs studied were dramas, indicating a breakthrough in the type of
roles Black female characters can successfully portray. The findings showed the characters who
were near or over 40 were shown as attractive with an active sex life. This representation is
contrary to the traditional ageism in film and television where women are usually much younger
than their male counterparts (Lauzen, 2019). The final notable finding is the portrayal of a dark-
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
44
skinned professional Black woman married to a White man. This representation is a direct
assault on colorism and the perception that light skin is preferred and more attractive than dark
skin. The beauty and success of the character could contribute to improving the self-esteem of
dark-skinned Black women and girls who question their value in a society with a bias towards
lighter skin tones (Wilder, 2010). Media scholars have long noted that women and minorities
hold few of the management positions behind the scenes that allow them to have creative control
over media production. These three programs had at least one African American and two had a
Black woman on the production team as either creator or a producer which suggests the
individuals in positions of authority behind the scenes made a difference in the quality of the
portrayals of Black women.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
45
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Appendix A
Code Book
Units of Analyses. To determine the extent to which current portrayals of Black females on
primetime television have improved beyond negative stereotypical portrayals, worsened over
time or remained the same, character level variables will be investigated. Prime time programs
are broadcast between 8 p.m. and 11 p.m. Eastern Standard Time (EST) on Monday through
Saturday and between 7 p.m. and 11 p.m. EST on Sunday.
Character level variables: Code whether the black female leading characters portray
stereotyped roles of a mammy, tragic mulatta, Jezebel, Sapphire or welfare queen; and whether
the Black female characters are sexualized.
Leading character:
A leading character is central to the plot in a story and has the most speaking lines or is
frequently referenced by other characters. If in doubt, consult the online IMDb listing for
the show to confirm the importance of the role to the story. The IMDb listing will name
each leading and supporting character and the number of episodes where the character
has appeared.
Stereotypes: These are descriptions of the appearance and character traits of each
stereotype:
Mammy: The Mammy character is usually a dark skinned, full-figured woman
who is asexual or doesn’t seem to have a love interest. This character is usually
overly involved in the life and well-being of a White character as a maternal
figure or as a friend with no reference to a personal life of her own.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
66
Tragic Mulatto: This character is light skinned, bi-racial, highly sexual and
physically attractive with a tragic life circumstance. For some reason her life is
difficult, plagued with misfortunes. To solve her problems, she uses sexuality to
manipulate relationships.
Jezebel: The Jezebel character is sexually promiscuous and hypersexual.
Hypersexual is defined as not having control of sexual urges.
Sapphire: This character is angry and physically aggressive, emasculates men
and is verbally abusive.
Welfare Queen: This character is a woman who has a house full of children and
does not work to support them, instead relying on government assistance for
support.
Please note a character may exhibit a number of these traits, with a possibility that there
will be multiple negative stereotypical traits exhibited by the same character. Please code for
each stereotype reflected, if appropriate. Also, the character might not exhibit any of these
characteristics.
Age: We will code characters based on age appearance, i.e., 20s, 30s, 40s, and 50 or
older.
Skin Tone: Skin tone of Black female characters will be measured on a 4-point scale:
very light skinned (could pass for white), light skinned, brown skinned or dark skinned. If
you are unsure of how to code a character consult the skin tone chart.
Attire: The attire of the characters will be appraised on a 2-point scale and judged based
on appropriateness for the social setting depicted in the scene where the character appears
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
67
(e.g., provocative, informal, professional, untailored, unkempt) with (1) being
inappropriate to (2) being appropriate attire.
Attractiveness: Attractiveness should be measured on a 2-point scale either (1)
unattractive or (2) attractive. Physical attractiveness of the characters will be based on
mainstream US standards of beauty (e.g., facial symmetry, lack of imperfections or
blemishes, etc.).
Sexualization: Sexualization will be determined by whether the leading Black female
character engages in sexual contact with another character, if sexual contact is implied or
if the character is the object of sex or sexually degraded. Sexual contact includes kissing
on the mouth, or if the characters appear to have had or appear about to have sexual
contact, e.g. in a bedroom, laying on a bed, in a state of undress.
Sexually provocative behavior: Does the character use actions that have a sexual
undertone or are interpreted as intended to provoke sexual arousal or a sexual response,
e.g., suggestive clothing or erotic dance. We will use a 2-point rating, (1) not appropriate
or (2) appropriate.
Body Type: We will also measure physical attributes based on a validated body type
using Boyington’s (2007) 9-point graphic measure ranging from emaciated to obese
modified to the following four levels: emaciated/very skinny (9) slender or
average/healthy weight (7-8), slightly overweight (4-6), very obese (1-3). Please note the
emaciated body type and the very obese body type would look unhealthy.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
68
Temperament: Temperament of the character will be evaluated based on a 2-point scale,
either (1) angry/hostile or (2) warm/friendly.
Aggression: A character exhibits aggression if she uses unnecessary verbal or physical
force (e.g., fighting, assaulting, etc.) as a solution to social issues measured on a 2-point
scale— (1) aggressive or (2) not aggressive. This does not include acts of self-defense or
law enforcement in the line of duty.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
69
Appendix B
Coding Sheets
Coder ID:
Program Name:
Date:
Please complete this form using the Coding Book to provide guidelines and definitions of each
variable you will be coding for. Thank you for your assistance in making this research project a
success.
Characters
Does the Black female leading character display any of the negative stereotypical traits
commonly ascribed to Black female characters? (Check codebook for a list of traits)
Mammy | Tragic Mulatto Jezebel Sapphire Welfare Queen N/A
Was the Black female leading character engaged in sexual behavior? (1 is no sexual behavior, 2
is sexual behavior) (See the codebook for a list of traits)
1
2
During the episode was the leading Black female character engaged in sexually erotic behavior?
(1 is not erotic and 2 is erotic) (See the codebook for a list of traits)
1
2
What was the Black female leading character’s age?
20’s
30’s
40’s
50+
What was the Black female leading character’s skin color?
very light
(could pass as White)
light
brown dark
Throughout the episode, was the leading Black female character’s attire appropriate for the
setting in each scene? (1 is not appropriate, 2 is appropriate)
1
2
Would the Black female leading character be considered attractive? (1 is not attractive and 2 is
attractive) (See the code book for traits to be considered)
1
2
Please select one of the following body types for the Black female leading character.
Emaciated
Thin/Average
Slightly Overweight
Very Obese
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
70
Describe the Black female leading character’s temperament.
Angry/Hostile Average/Friendly
Please describe the Black female leading character’s level of aggression
Aggressive Not Aggressive
Thank you for your time and attention in completing this code sheet.
MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF BLACK WOMEN
71
Source: Getty
Appendix C
Skin Tone Chart for Black Women
Source: IMDb
Very light skinned (Could pass for white)
Source: Getty Images
Light Skinned (Red with “good hair)
Source: Getty Images
Brown Skinned
Source: Getty Images
Dark Skinned with “bad or nappy hair”
