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Pro-Zapatista and Pro-PRI: Resolving the Contradictions of Zapatismo in Rural Oaxaca
Abstract
Emiliano Zapata could well be named “man of the decade” for the 1990s in Mexico, despite the fact that he has been dead for more than seventy years. His legacy, along with the revolution he represents, has been writ large in Mexican political culture. But whose version of Zapata has been enshrined? Is he the figure inspiring the agrarian reforms introduced by President Carlos Salinas de Gortari to end the government's obligation to redistribute land to the rural poor? Or is he the sacred symbol of the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional's armed rebellion calling for elimination of those same reforms? How can Zapata be all these things to all these groups simultaneously? Conversely, how can any single person or group endorse both sets of cultural-political meanings that have attached to Zapata when they appear to contradict one another directly?
... Despite this, the Spanish continued to enslave the Maya. Then in 1824 Chiapas seceded Guatemala and sought Mexican statehood (Collier and Quaratiello 1994;Stephen 1997). By 1910, the Spanish "had effectively deprived most native communities of their land, transformed many highland families into lowland fieldhands, and compelled Indians who remained in their towns to pay rent and the capitación [poll tax]" (Wasserstrom 1983:151-152). ...
... Finally in 1983, the Maya formed the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) and rebelled against this inhumane treatment (Burke N.d.;Clarke and Ross 1994;Collier and Quaratiello 1994;Earle and Simonelli 2005;Halleck 1994;Hayden 2002;Holloway and Peláez 1998;Larson 2001;Marcos 1995Marcos , 2001aMarcos , 2001bMarcos and Vodovnik 2004;"The Maya Civilization" N.d.;Midnight Notes 2001;Nadal 1998a;Neumann 2001;Ross 1995Ross , 2000Rus, Castillo, and Mattiace 2003;Russell 1995;Stephen 1997;Stephensen 1995;"Timeline" N.d.;Wager and Schulz 1994;Weller 2000;Womack 1999;"Zapatista Timeline" N.d.). ...
... In addition to doling out PRONASOL funds, the government also offered Program of Direct Rural Support (PROCAMPO) funds. In essence, PRI members gave voters PROCAMPO assistance in exchange for PRI votes (Autonomedia 1994;Stephen 1997). ...
How do indigenous peoples relate to the core over the longue duree? In this paper, we explore the implications of colonialism from a world-systems perspective, examining interactions in the economic and political structures in addition to the effects of landlessness for indigenous peoples in one case: the Maya. After reviewing world-systems theory and applying it to indigenousness, we discuss Ragin's (1992) conceptualization of cases and the comparative historical method. Then we introduce the relational concept, a tool that allows us to employ both the comparative historical method and world-systems theory in our analysis of the Maya and their relationship to the state of Mexico. We then present our data, which consist of the economic and political conditions, along with the cultural implications of landholding across time among the Maya and in Mexico. We analyze these data using the relational concept to understand the consequences of colonialism and globalization for the Maya people.
... "Tierra y Libertad" fue la principal declaración del movimiento. Una revolución que buscaba compensar la concentración de la tierra ostentada por unos pocos terratenientes que prevaleció durante todo el siglo XIX y se consolidó durante la dictadura de Porfirio Díaz (1876Díaz ( -1910 (Stephen, 1997). El acuerdo que constituye el fin de la revolución, fue el Plan de Ayala (1915), en el que se señala que una tercera parte de las tierras en propiedad de grandes terratenientes debería ser distribuida entre los campesinos agrupados en ejidos (Stephen, 1997). ...
... Una revolución que buscaba compensar la concentración de la tierra ostentada por unos pocos terratenientes que prevaleció durante todo el siglo XIX y se consolidó durante la dictadura de Porfirio Díaz (1876Díaz ( -1910 (Stephen, 1997). El acuerdo que constituye el fin de la revolución, fue el Plan de Ayala (1915), en el que se señala que una tercera parte de las tierras en propiedad de grandes terratenientes debería ser distribuida entre los campesinos agrupados en ejidos (Stephen, 1997). La Constitución Mexicana creada en el año 1917 reconoció oficialmente esta redistribución; su artículo 27 estableció que todas las tierras y los recursos hídricos son propiedad de la nación. ...
Los capítulos de este libro muestran los distintos escenarios de acción local concebidos por la interrelación entre la profundidad de la descentralización y la práctica democrática en temas como política pública, finanzas públicas, gestión metropolitana, turismo, seguridad pública y transparencia, entre otros.
... Indeed, while national imagery, as evoked by figures like Diego Rivera and prominent personas such as Benito Juarez, is drenched in the aesthetic of a mestizo narrative, the permeation of Mesoamerican theory within Mexican politics is scant, according to Enloe (1996). Given this, the EZLN and the Mexican state posed competing claims to Emiliano Zapata's 13 foundational revolutionary fervor during the Mexican Revolution (Stephen 1997). President Salinas, reflecting his reverence for Zapata, christened his son 'Emiliano' and frequently orated before portraits of the iconic revolutionary (Stephens 2019). ...
Post-colonial scholars often confront the dual nature of colonial languages. While these languages provide pivotal communication avenues, especially for diverse marginalized groups like certain Indigenous communities, they simultaneously embody colonial biases, making them challenging mediums for emancipatory discourse. This paper proposes mythopoeticism to leverage the extensive reach of such languages, circumventing their constructive norms. We spotlight this through the prism of the Chiapas Mesoamerican communities' mythopoetics during the 1994 National Army of Zapatista Liberation (EZLN) uprising. This investigation aims to enrich contemporary post-colonial thought, presenting Mesoamerican perspectives on mythopoetics as a dynamic instrument for post-colonial dialogue. The discussion first examines the formative influence of colonial languages on meaning and power dynamics. It then transitions to a detailed textual analysis of the Zapatista mythopoetic narratives. Lastly, it considers the assimilation of Mesoamerican insights into current post-colonial frameworks, endorsing mythopoetics as a rejuvenated mechanism for post-colonial endeavors.
... Indeed, while national imagery, as evoked by figures like Diego Rivera and prominent personas such as Benito Juarez, is drenched in the aesthetic of a mestizo narrative, the permeation of Mesoamerican theory within Mexican politics is scant, according to Enloe (1996). Given this, the EZLN and the Mexican state posed competing claims to Emiliano Zapata's 13 foundational revolutionary fervor during the Mexican Revolution (Stephen 1997). President Salinas, reflecting his reverence for Zapata, christened his son 'Emiliano' and frequently orated before portraits of the iconic revolutionary (Stephens 2019). ...
Post-colonial scholars often confront the dual nature of colonial languages. While these languages provide pivotal communication avenues, especially for diverse marginalized groups like certain Indigenous communities, they simultaneously embody colonial biases, making them challenging mediums for emancipatory discourse. This paper proposes mythopoeticism to leverage the extensive reach of such languages, circumventing their constructive norms. We spotlight this through the prism of the Chiapas Mesoamerican communities' mythopoetics during the 1994 National Army of Zapatista Liberation (EZLN) uprising. This investigation aims to enrich contemporary post-colonial thought, presenting Mesoamerican perspectives on mythopoetics as a dynamic instrument for post-colonial dialogue. The discussion first examines the formative influence of colonial languages on meaning and power dynamics. It then transitions to a detailed textual analysis of the Zapatista mythopoetic narratives. Lastly, it considers the assimilation of Mesoamerican insights into current post-colonial frameworks, endorsing mythopoetics as a rejuvenated mechanism for post-colonial endeavors.
... The PRI tied state power to the postrevolutionary nationalist cultural project in a way that allowed for the legitimization of their rule, regardless of its increasingly authoritarian tendency. Thus, the more political legitimacy fostered by the PRI, the more the party could intervene in social, cultural, and economic life (Stephen 2002;Vaughan 2018). ...
Authoritarianism has emerged as a prominent theme in popular and academic discussions of politics since the 2016 US presidential election and the coinciding expansion of authoritarian rhetoric and ideals across Europe, Asia, and beyond. Until recently, however, academic geographers have not focused squarely on the concept of authoritarianism. Its longstanding absence from the field is noteworthy as geographers have made extensive contributions to theorizing structural inequalities, injustice, and other expressions of oppressive or illiberal power relations and their diverse spatialities. Identifying this void, Spatializing Authoritarianism builds upon recent research to show that even when conceptualized as a set of practices rather than as a simple territorial label, authoritarianism has a spatiality: both drawing from and producing political space and scale in many often surprising ways. This volume advances the argument that authoritarianism must be investigated by accounting for the many scales at which it is produced, enacted, and imagined. Including a diverse array of theoretical perspectives and empirical cases drawn from the Global South and North, this collection illustrates the analytical power of attending to authoritarianism’s diverse scalar and spatial expressions, and how intimately connected it is with identity narratives, built landscapes, borders, legal systems, markets, and other territorial and extraterritorial expressions of power.
... The PRI tied state power to the postrevolutionary nationalist cultural project in a way that allowed for the legitimization of their rule, regardless of its increasingly authoritarian tendency. Thus, the more political legitimacy fostered by the PRI, the more the party could intervene in social, cultural, and economic life (Stephen 2002;Vaughan 2018). ...
Nazi Germany is often imagined as the epitome of an authoritarian
regime characterized by power and decision making concentrated in a
single charismatic leader afforded unquestioning loyalty and obedience. In reality, the practice of Nazi governance was less hierarchical than one might assume, with officials throughout the movement’s leadership cadre possessing considerable latitude to intuit, interpret, and operationalize Hitler’s policy preferences and pronouncements. As noted by historian Ian Kershaw, the obligation and mind-set of lower-ranking officials was to ensure that they were consistently “working towards the Führer” instead of waiting for detailed sets of directives from above (1993). To that end, Nazi
officials of various ranks published assorted “how-to” manuals, for lack of a better term, that attempted to articulate, instruct, and document how to translate ideology into practice.
This chapter examines three of these manuals: Erich Kulke’s The
Beautiful Village: A Guide to the Design of the German Village (1937),
Karl Sepp’s Care and Design of the Homeland: Contributions to Cultural Politics in Municipalities (1938), and Fritz Wächtler’s The New Homeland: On the Emergence of the National Socialist Cultural Landscape (1940). These manuals and other publications in this genre sought to map out spatial, aesthetic, and experiential frameworks for building cultural landscapes of National Socialism as the foundation for an authoritarian Nazi Reich. Through a brief examination of these manuals, this chapter suggests some of the main themes that animated the Nazi regime’s myriad programs to reorder Germany’s cultural landscapes and why so many within the regime regarded such undertakings as imperative to the larger project of National Socialism.
... The PRI had long penetrated the crevices of civil society down to the micro level, even in the far-flung indigenous communities of Chiapas (Rus, 1994). Yet the revolutionary mythology that had historically co-opted indigenous identity and the agrarian radicalism of Zapata left a space for resignifying those roots (Stephen, 1997). In the decades leading up to the Zapatista rebellion, those spaces were occupied by a variety of new currents including peasant organizations escaping the corporatist control of the PRI, liberation theology catechists, and revolutionary survivors of the Dirty War from elsewhere in Mexico (Harvey, 1998). ...
... The significance of the autonomous struggle and the means of promoting it within the prevailing juridical and political framework can best be illustrated by what has occurred in Oaxaca, a state adjacent to Chiapas that offers interesting elements for comparison (Stephen, 1997). ...
Six essays by antropologists and political scientists about the changes in the relationship between indigenous people in various regions of Chiapas six years after the 1994 uprising by the indigenous Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional.
... 2 "Ejido" is a type of land tenure. There are many definitions of "ejido," but I agree with Dayton-Johnson (2000) that Stephen's (1997) definition gives a good explanation: "Ejido refers to agrarian reform communities granted land taken from large landowners as a result of the agrarian struggles during the Mexican Revolution (1910)(1911)(1912)(1913)(1914)(1915)(1916)(1917)) … Such land is held corporately by persons who make up the ejido. ...
Available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10150/222614
This research applied the social network approach to unveil the social structure underlying the members of two traditional irrigation systems (TISs) in Sonora. This research used two TIS case studies representing rural communities located in arid and semiarid lands in the Sonoran Desert region, in the northwestern part of Mexico. The irrigators represented a subset of rural villages where everyone knew everyone else. The theoretical framework in this study suggested that social embeddedness of the economic activities of TIS irrigators is an important factor supporting their local institutions. Irrigators who are socially embedded posses more social capital that help them in overcoming social dilemmas. Evidence of social embeddedness is theoretically incomplete when not related to a tangible dimension of the TIS’s performance. This research also dealt with the difficulty of assessing the sustainability or successfulness of a TIS. The results showed that the irrigators sharing a rural village are entangled in a mesh of social ties developed in different social settings. The most salient variable was family; cooperative ties within the irrigation system tend to overlap more than the expected by chance with kinship relationships. Likewise, irrigators had a strong preference for peers geographically close or those within the same irrigation subsector. Finally, the qualitative part of the study did not reveal the presence of severe social dilemmas. Irrigators in each community have developed successful forms of local arrangements to overcome the provision and appropriation issues typical of common pool resources. Nevertheless, the qualitative analysis revealed that there are other socioeconomic variables undermining the sustainability of the systems, such as migration, water shortages and social capacity of the systems.
... The aforementioned propensity to refer to Zapata as "the General" highlights that he was the leader of a revolutionary army, but it is also used to claim Zapata as the leader of the contemporary Zapatistas. For instance, in one passage, they identify the revolutionary as, "Emiliano Zapata, Stephen (1997;2002), Taylor (2001). 8 Despite the fact that Zapata was actually a mestizo, part Spanish and part Native American. ...
Disputes over historical representations often revolve around competing narratives about the past, but the processes through which these narratives are constructed are often neglected. In this paper, we extend the concept of collective memory using Brekhus’ notion of social marking to investigate the creation and maintenance of collective representations of the Mexican revolutionary Emiliano Zapata. We analyze the claims made in speeches and communiqués produced by two opposing groups-the Mexican government and the Zapatista movement-in a decades-long dispute over land and indigenous rights. Moreover, we argue that processes of social marking can further explain the selective nature of collective memory, that is, how certain parts of the past are remembered and emphasized while others are de-emphasized and forgotten. Also, in our analysis of social marking, we identify a naturalization process that is utilized by actors in mnemonic battles to recast their constructed representations of the past as natural, pure, and true. We close with a discussion of how understanding the naturalization process as outlined here can shed light on current political and historical disputes.
... ). Somewhat inspired by the Zapatista movement of Chiapas, Oaxacans have created official governing institutions based on indigenous political practices that seek autonomy from the influence of political parties(Esteva 2001;Stephen 1997).Oaxaca's municipalities have long practiced alternative forms of governance that, while not officially sanctioned by authorities, were largely tolerated. In part, this independence can be traced back to Oaxaca's relative isolation as well as to a long struggle by the indigenous population. ...
... Even electricity was individually doled out in some areas, with family-sized solar panel units for each thatched hut that declared its officialist loyalties. In areas more distant from the military occupation in Chiapas such as the neighboring state of Oaxaca, such tactics reinforced a populist image of the PRI that allowed some peasant communities to construct an identity for themselves in which they were both pro-PRI and pro-Zapatista (Stephen, 1997). But in the conflict zones of Chiapas, where the lines were sharper, the Zapatistas demanded a degree of sacrifice from communities that wanted to consider themselves "in resistance" in that they were expected to reject government aid. ...
The Zapatista autonomy movement in Chiapas, Mexico, is a significant example of rising social-movement resistance to neoliberalism. The neoliberal project in Latin America since the 1980s has led to a retrenchment of the state, opening new space for social movements to contest power from below. In Mexico, the weakening of corporatist and clientelist mechanisms once controlled by the party-state allowed groups like the Zapatistas to assert rights based on both collective (ethnic) identity and Mexican national citizenship. An examination of the Zapatista autonomy movement since 1994 suggests several dilemmas: (1) A territorially based model of autonomy as administrative decentralization would not fundamentally alter existing political hierarchies or the role of the state as broker for global capital. (2) Autonomy conceived as mere disengagement would leave autonomous communities cut off from resources and unprotected from the forces of the global market. (3) Autonomy defined as simply cultural pluralism falls into the neoliberal “multiculturalism trap” of atomizing communities, substituting formal “equality” for the power to establish collective identities and demand substantive rights. The Zapatistas have maneuvered around counterinsurgency and co-optation through a flexible, community-based model of autonomy, shifting in 2003 to a model of regional Juntas de Buen Gobierno with rotating representatives to integrate the resistance. The experiment holds lessons for other social movements in Latin America struggling to preserve grassroots decision making in opposition to the logic of global capital.
... 3-4; Riding 1985, pp. 69-70; Stephen 1997a, p. 42). At the same time, the institutionalization of Zapata precluded the possibility of future Zapata-style innovation—it guaranteed the rightness of the present while delegitimating political change (Aguilar Camín and Meyer 1993, pp. ...
... In Oaxaca, as Anaya Muñoz details, groups in the state arguing for the recognition of ethnic diversity and indigenous rights found their ''indigenousness'' reaffirmed by the EZLN's successes and the PRI regime newly open to responding to their claims by permitting the adoption of usos y costumbres (Stephen 1997;Levi 2002;Anaya Muñoz 2004). The efficacy of articulating claims in terms of ethnicity meant that ''the emergent political actor in Oaxaca was no longer peasant but indigenous, and . . . ...
Emerging out of radical theories about the uneven nature of power and underwriting practices that assist marginalized peoples in constructing their own development strategies, “participation” has recently come under fire for being co-opted and mainstreamed by governmental and nongovernmental agencies, part of a new development “tyranny” that betrays the concept's populist roots. The issues surrounding participation are nowhere more hotly debated than in the area of conservation, where the requirements of ecological sustainability often collide with the demands of indigenous people seeking to control their own natural resources. As we show in this article, the issues become even more complex when the ideals and practices of participation circulating within a nongovernmental organization (NGO) are met by indigenous forms of empowerment, based not only on the resources of a remote and biologically diverse forest, but also on a pool of knowledge about development discourses themselves, including those of participation. Our case study examines interactions between an affiliate of the World Wildlife Fund operating out of Oaxaca, a state capital in southern Mexico, and a group of indigenous Zoque-speakers living in that state's Chimalapas forest. We interpret the collision between the NGO's “participation” and the Zoques' “empowerment” by employing “progressive contextualization,” an approach that leads us to identify and analyze the wider sets of conditions underpinning the encounter. We find that the Zoques invert a generic and aspatial politics of participation by insisting on a territorially-based, and thus intensely spatial, “politics of invitation” as they negotiate the complexities of participation within contemporary development.
... In this period indigenous peoples established compliant interactions with agents of the state to solicitar (to ask for) lands to form ejidos. In this period, the state's role could be seen as "paternalistic" in the sense that it responded as a benefactor to peasant demands for land (see Stephen 1997). The chapter therefore explains the process through which State institutions permeated the organisation of the communities that settled down in the colonised territories in the North of the tropical rain forest, where land was expropriated from big landowners and then granted to those peasants that succeeded in completing the bureaucratic procedures to demand it to create ejidos. ...
Gran Bretaña Este trabajo explora la conceptualización de "justicia" desde la experiencia de las personas indígenas en Chiapas. El estudio etnográfico centra su atención en la Red de Defensores Comunitarios por los Derechos Humanos y en sus esfuerzos por traer justicia "justa" a los casos que son llevados a instituciones judiciales, cuyas características son un ambiente altamente politizado en donde las bases de los cargos contra los individuos son ocasionalmente transparentes, y los acusados y sus defensores enfrentan racismo estructural.
Jalcomulco has experienced an influx of tourism since the mid 1990s. Drawn by activities such as rafting, rappelling, kayaking, biking, hiking, horseback riding, ‘adventure’ tourists have driven the development of a new market for the town. This has impacted the landscape most directly through the construction and operation of adventure camps, where most ofthese tourists stay during their visits. The majority of these camps (now totaling 21) are owned by investors residing in either Mexico City, or in some cases, Asia.
Conflicts between ejidatarios and adventure tourism camp owners are particularly volatile at the moment, due to contrasting interpretations of land ownership, fueled further by ambivalent political and legal jurisdiction, local land use issues (i.e., disputes over the construction of walls around camps, improper waste management practices at the camps, etc.), and the perceived monopolization of tourist income by the camps. The consequences of these uncertainties have been mixed for the indigenous population. While many ejidatarios can no longer practice farming profitably, some have capitalized on the growing adventure tourism market by agreeing to ‘sell’ their parcels to tourism camp developers—an illegal practice under the ejido system. Disgruntled camp owners are now seeking full ownership through federal and state legal channels, an arrangement the ejidatarios fear will ultimately put them at a disadvantage. Many ejidatarios are equally dissatisfied since most of the income from tourism is monopolized by the camps. The result has been a stand-off—one wrought with local political wrangling, an impoverished majority at risk of being economically displaced or exploited, and a global marketplace that offers new (but conditional) opportunities to some.
The following sections explore the social complexities of this situation from an ethnographic perspective. They tie local narratives and life events to broader shifts in land use, and consider the hegemonic conditions, indigenous social strategies, and other cultural phenomena that shape cultural landscape conflicts and social sustainability in Jalcomulco.
Jalcomulco is a town with a population of less than 3000 situated in the river basin of the Rio de los Pescados in the Mexican gulf state of Veracruz. Traditionally a rural economy, the town is presented with an opportunity to develop and participate in the benefits of adventure tourism. Both international and domestic tourists have come to town in increasing numbers during the past decade, drawn by activities organized around the river; however, income has generally accrued to companies from outside the region. By design, visitors are isolated from the town so that whatever services the town might provide are left largely underutilized.
Faced with declining agricultural prices, and lacking the infrastructure, financial investment and technical knowledge to promote mechanized agricultural production and distribution, alternate development options for the town are limited. Indeed, the neighboring town of Apazapan, although endowed with similar resources and experiencing common circumstances, has lost significant population to migration and may not survive. The promotion of Jalcomulco as a center of tourism offers the population a livelihood diversification strategy and the potential to produce economic sustainability. Rather than depend only on the attraction of the river, however, options are being explored to promote rural tourism, drawing tourists to learn about indigenous agricultural practices and to enjoy the region for its rural charm and slow-pace of life as a departure from urban stress.
This book argues that ‘ethnographic thinking’―the thought processes and patterns ethnographers develop through their practice―offers companies and organizations the cultural insights they need to develop fully-informed strategies. Using real world examples, Hasbrouck demonstrates how shifting the value of ethnography from simply identifying consumer needs to driving a more holistic understanding of a company or organization can help it benefit from a deeper understanding of the dynamic and interactive cultural contexts of its offerings. In doing so, he argues that such an approach can also enhance the strategic value of their work by helping them increase appreciation for openness and exploration, hone interpretive skills, and cultivate holistic thinking, in order to broaden perspectives, challenge assumptions, and cross-pollinate ideas between differing viewpoints. https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07882WCJX/
This book examines the achievements and limitations of democratization in Senegal - and Africa more broadly - as a result of the continuing political culture of clientelism.
On December 4, 1914, Emiliano Zapata met Francisco "Pancho" Villa in a school building at Xochimilco, in Mexico's Federal District, to firm up an alliance against the revolutionary faction led by Venustiano Carranza. It was one of the pivotal moments of the Mexican Revolution's decade of fighting (1910-1920), and Zapata dressed for the occasion.Wearing a black jacket and tight black pants with large silver buttons along the outside of each leg, a loosely knotted, light blue silk tie, and a lavender shirt, Zapata as charro embodied country elegance as it was understood in his south-central Mexican world.1 His dress reflected success, and it was meant to leave an impression. This it certainly did, combined as it was with his dark, penetrating gaze and his enormous moustache. Zapata and Villa complained of Carranza and spoke of the challenge of running the country, something neither of these relatively unschooled men professed the ability to do. Villa had more to say than Zapata on most subjects, but when they came to the issue of land Zapata was less reserved: "They [the villagers of his region] have a great deal of love for the land. They still don't believe it when you tell them, 'This land is yours.' They think it's a dream." The two men talked of their individual struggles, Zapata tracing his rebellion back to his teenage years and promising to fight until death if necessary. Indeed, there was plenty of machismo in the air. "I fulfill a duty," Zapata bragged, "in killing traitors." They also spoke of hat styles, of Zapata's broad sombrero and Villa's pith helmet. Zapata indicated that "he wouldn't be found in a hat other than the kind he wore."2 Two days later, side by side, the two men, the people's revolutionaries, rode into Mexico City at the head of 50,000 troops to establish a national government. Spectators lined the streets and hung from the balconies, throwing confetti and streamers. When the procession reached the National Palace, Zapata and Villa posed for what is probably the revolution's most famous photograph: Villa in the president's chair, grinning broadly; Zapata beside him, staring into the camera, his sombrero on his knee. Zapata refused to sit in the chair that Villa occupied. Some say he suggested it be burned, "to put an end to ambitions."3 This was not high political theater on Zapata's part, but he was projecting an image-or perhaps two. In the triumphant ride into Mexico City and the photographs that were taken there he was symbolically placing himself, his movement, and his program on the national stage and making the claim that they belonged there. This was crucial, because the revolution had become a tangle of competing interests, and many of the key participants did not see the land reform and the local liberties that Zapata championed as priorities. That was particularly true of leaders from the upper and middle classes, men such as Francisco Madero and Carranza, who were more interested in such issues as democracy, deepening capitalist development, and increasing the power of the central government. Their programs would have to be challenged at the national level. But Zapata always denied that he was a politician. He shared with most of the villagers of his home state of Morelos, which was just south of the capital, a distrust of politicians, from whom they had learned to expect little but the betrayal of their interests. It is not, therefore, surprising that the declaration of national power in which he was engaged was full of signs- The general reserve, the charro outfit, the discussion of land reform, the refusal to occupy the presidential seat-that this power would not bewitch him into forgetting his home constituency. The limits to the political theater, in other words, were politics themselves, and it was this balancing of the need to compete for national power and to hold local and regional support that was the biggest challenge of Zapata's revolutionary career. In fact, a counterpoint of local and national perspectives would continue to shape his image long after he was dead.
Drawing on the examples of the neo-Zapatista movement and the pro-immigrant marches of 2006, this article analyzes images of Emiliano Zapata, a Mexican national hero intricately tied to postrevolution nation rebuilding, as used within transnational movements that "de/territorialize" his image. At the same time that people in these movements have felt the negative effects of globalization, they have also benefited from certain recent technological developments associated with globalization, especially "technoscapes" and "mediascapes" that have launched the "local" discourse of Revolutionary nationalism across borders and onto the world stage through a variety of national and international (cyber)spaces, creating transnational heterotopias or "other spaces" for cultural and political expression that transgress national boundaries. Analyzing examples of Zapata imagery from the post-revolutionary era (1920s-1930s) against the neo-Zapatista movement of the 1990s and 2000s and the 2006 migrant protests in the United States, the paper explores the ways in which the formation of transnational "imagined communities" can destabilize traditional concepts of the nation-state.
While much has been written about national history and citizenship, anthropologist Trevor Stack focuses on the history and citizenship of towns and cities. Basing his inquiry on fieldwork in west Mexican towns near Guadalajara, Stack begins by observing that people talked (and wrote) of their towns' history and not just of Mexico's. Key to Stack's study is the insight that knowing history can give someone public status or authority. It can make someone stand out as a good or eminent citizen. What is it about history that makes this so? What is involved in knowing history and who is good at it? And what do they gain from being eminent citizens, whether of towns or nations? As well as academic historians, Stack interviewed people from all walks of life-bricklayers, priests, teachers, politicians, peasant farmers, lawyers, and migrants. Resisting the idea that history is intrinsically interesting or valuable-that one simply must know the past in order to understand the present-he explores the very idea of "the past" and asks why it is valued by so many people. © 2012 by the University of New Mexico Press. All rights reserved.
Rich with the textures and rhythms of street life, The Tenants of East Harlem is an absorbing and unconventional biography of a neighborhood told through the life stories of seven residents whose experiences there span nearly a century. Modeled on the ethnic distinctions that divide the community, the book portrays the old guard of East Harlem: Pete, one of the last Italian holdouts; José, a Puerto Rican; and Lucille, an African American. Side by side with these representatives of a century of ethnic succession are the newcomers: Maria, an undocumented Mexican; Mohamed, a West African entrepreneur; Si Zhi, a Chinese immigrant and landlord; and, finally, the author himself, a reluctant beneficiary of urban renewal. Russell Leigh Sharman deftly weaves these oral histories together with fine-grained ethnographic observations and urban history to examine the ways that immigration, housing, ethnic change, gentrification, race, class, and gender have affected the neighborhood over time. Providing unique access to the nuances of inner-city life, The Tenants of East Harlem shows how roots sink so quickly in a community that has always hosted the transient, how new immigrants are challenging the claims of the old, and how that cycle is threatened as never before by the specter of gentrification.
Latin American history traditionally has been defined by larger-than-life heroes such as Símon Bolívar, Emiliano Zapata, and Evita Perón. Recent scholarship, however, tends to emphasize social and cultural factors rather than great leaders. In this new collection, Samuel Brunk and Ben Fallaw bring heroes back to the center of the debate, arguing that heroes not only shape history, they also "tell us a great deal about the places from which they come." The original essays in this collection examine ten modern Latin American heroes whose charisma derived from the quality of their relationships with admirers, rather than their innate personal qualities. The rise of mass media, for instance, helped pave the way for populists such as radio actress-turned-hero Evita Perón. On the other hand, heroes who become president often watch their images crumble, as policies replace personality in the eyes of citizens. In the end, the editors argue, there is no formula for Latin American heroes, who both forge, and are forged by, unique national events. The conclusion points toward Mexico, where the peasant revolutions that elevated Miguel Hidalgo and, later, Emiliano Zapata are so revered that today's would-be heroes, such as the EZLN's Subcomandante Marcos, must link themselves to peasant mythology even when their personal roots are far from native ground. The enduring (or, in some cases, fading) influence of those discussed in this volume validates the central placement of heroes in Latin American history.
Four decades after its publication, John Womack's masterpiece Zapata and the Mexican Revolution remains the definitive account of the man and his movement and the basis of the generally agreed upon facts. It is also perhaps the most cited work of Anglophone Latin American history. This is not hyperbole. The index of Alan Knight's highly regarded Porfirians, Liberals and Peasants lists thirty-seven pages under ““Zapata, Emiliano.””Womack is cited fifty-six times on twenty-three of them. Not infrequently, when Knight cites other accounts of Zapata's rebellion, Womack is the underlying source. And underlying Womack's account is that of John Steinbeck and Elia Kazan's film ¡¡Viva Zapata!! The cinematic influence of their true invention is most evident in Womack's account of Zapata's Porfirian period, with which this piece is largely concerned.
Cuatro déécadas despuéés de su publicacióón, la obra maestra de John Womack, Zapata and the Mexican Revolution, sigue siendo el recuento definitivo del hombre y de su movimiento y la base de lo que generalmente se cree son los hechos reales. Tambiéén es, quizáás, el trabajo máás citado de habla inglesa de la historia de Améérica Latina. Esto no es una hipéérbole. El ííndice del tan admirado libro de Alan Knight, Porfirians, Liberals and Peasants cita treinta y siete pááginas en ““Zapata, Emiliano.”” Womack es citado cincuenta y seis veces en veinte y tres de ellas. No es infrecuente que cuando Knight cita otras referencias de la rebelióón de Zapata, Womack es la fuente ulterior. Sin embargo, en la historia de Womack se puede discernir a la vez la influencia de John Steinbeck y la pelíícula de Elia Kazan, ¡¡Viva Zapata!! Este documento explora esta influencia como un llamado a reconocer y ejercer las poderosas fuentes no verbales (pictóóricas, cinematográáficas y musicales) que dan forma a nuestra percepcióón del pasado.
Emiliano Zapata (1879––1919) died defeated and, in many quarters, despised. This article traces his resurrection and subsequent career as a textbook hero. It examines portrayals of Zapata in officially
sanctioned primary school textbooks from the early 1920s to the 2001––2002 school year. These textbook accounts are considered in a dual context: the external political context in which the books are
created and the internal narrative context of Mexican history as presented by official historians. Emiliano Zapata (1879––1919) murioo derrotado y, en algunas partes, odiado. Este artiiculo
traza su resurreccioon como heeroe de libros de texto. En el artiiculo se examinan las representaciones de Zapata en los libros de texto de escuelas primarias oficialmente supervisados
por el gobierno desde los inicios de la deecada de 1920 hasta el anno acadeemico 2001––2002. Los relatos allii presentados son considerados en un contexto doble: el contexto
poliitico externo y el contexto interno de la narracioon de la historia de Meexico que se presenta a travees de los historiadores oficiales.
Mexicans have long cherished their revolutionary heritage, but where does the Mexican Revolution now reside in collective memory, and does the idea of the Revolution still have any legitimating power? And what has been the relationship between the PRI's long sequence of legitimacy crises and the Mexican Revolution? Until procedural democracy provides significant substantive and psychological benefits, the recent democratic turn will not fully supplant Mexico's traditional sources of legitimacy.While Mexicans generally see the regime as falling short in achieving the basic goals of the Mexican Revolution, there are indications that the Revolution——understood as collective memory, myth, history, and national identity——still holds a place in political discourse and rhetoric, even if such understandings make little logical sense in the era of globalization.
Los mexicanos han tenido un largo cariñño por su herencia revolucionaria, pero ¿¿dóónde reside ahora la Revolucióón mexicana en la memoria colectiva?, ¿¿todavíía tiene poder legitimador la idea de la Revolucióón? ¿¿Y cuáál ha sido el víínculo entre la secuencia larga de las crisis de legitimidad del PRI y la Revolucióón Mexicana? Hasta que la democracia procesal proporcione ventajas substantivas y psicolóógicas significativas, la vuelta reciente a la democracia no suplantaráá completamente las fuentes tradicionales de la legitimidad en Mééxico. Mientras que los mexicanos generalmente entienden que el réégimen ha fallado en la realizacióón de las metas báásicas de la Revolucióón mexicana, hay indicaciones que la Revolucióón——entendida como memoria colectiva, mito, historia e identidad nacional——todavíía tiene lugar en el discurso y retóórica polííticos, incluso si tales conocimientos tienen poco sentido lóógico en la éépoca de la globalizacióón.
This article examines a network of nonprofit nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), government agencies, and other social and political actors in Oaxaca, Mexico. Analyses indicate that NGOs are more connected to government authorities than to any type of nonstate organization. Results also suggest that NGOs located in municipalities where support was the highest and lowest in the 1994 to 2001 elections for the long-ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional were best connected to the government. The size of Indigenous populations located around the NGOs also appears to have had an impact on NGO connectedness to the government. These results offer support for social origins theory, which acknowledges the impact of social-political environments on the development of NGO sectors. © 2008 Association for Research on Nonprofit Organizations and Voluntary Action.
This article finds a disjuncture between the practices associated with being a citizen of a town and those associated with being a citizen of a nation. The practices on which it focuses are the knowing of a town's history and the knowing of a nation's history. It looks at how townspeople in west Mexico talked about the history of their town, Tapalpa, in relation to how they talked about Mexico's history. In principle, the knowing of Tapalpa's history was linked to the knowing of Mexico's history. In practice, there was a disjuncture such that townspeople could aspire only to a mimetic role in the knowing of Mexico's history. The article concludes by suggesting that this was typical of the relation between being a citizen of Tapalpa and being a citizen of Mexico.
The Zapatistas and Sandinistas both invoked historical figures in their rhetoric, but they did so in very different ways. This variation is explained by a model of path-dependent memory work that is sensitive to how previous memory struggles enable and constrain subsequent uses of historical figures. Specifically, previous struggles produce distinct reputational trajectories that condition the potential utility of different modes of memory work. The cases illustrate two reputational trajectories, which are situated within a broader field of mnemonic possibilities. This article offers a provisional baseline for comparing contested memory projects and supplies a framework for analyzing the opportunities and constraints by which reputational trajectories condition memory work. It builds on a recent processual emphasis in the collective memory literature and suggests that the contentious politics literature needs to historicize its conception of culture and take seriously the operation of constraints on symbolic work.
The rebellion launched by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in 1994 in Chiapas, Mexico is best understood not as a guerrilla struggle for state power, but rather a social movement resisting the dominant mode of globalization being imposed from above. Examining the political, economic, and cultural dimensions of globalization as a set of contested processes, this case study of resistance shows how the Zapatistas have contested power in spheres above and below the nation-state, appealing to global networks and universal rights, but also to local practices and identities. Globalization can paradoxically open new political space for contestation as it ruptures existing patterns of relations between state and civil society. This movement points to an important alternative strategy of "globalization from below," based on the radically democratic demand for autonomy, defined as the right to choose the forms of interaction with forces that are reorganizing on a global scale.
This essay applies post-structuralist insights to analysis of states by conceptualizing the state as a culturally and historically situated “subject.” Using anthropological and historical research on states and on Mexican politics, it demonstrates that the study of states requires examination of the cultures and internal fragmentation of states, as well as the local and regional trajectories of state actors and agencies. By “seeing and not seeing” the state as a bounded, purposeful actor, we can acknowledge the force and cohesiveness of states, while simultaneously recognizing the mixture of fragments and pieces, with their own histories, out of which states are constituted.
This article argues that indigenous mobilization in the state of Oaxaca in Mexico has been based on a pragmatic, fluid and flexible identity that is strategically adapted to the particular circumstances. The principle concerns of the indigenous movements discussed here are resource access and control in the context of Mexican capitalist modernization. Further, it is argued that Indian organizing in this part of Mexico must be understood within a socio-economic structure in which a ruling class of merchants aided by their politico-bureaucratic collaborators dominates the state of Oaxaca. Comparisons with other regions, notably Chiapas, in light of different methods of capital accumulation and their concomitant class structures and relations, rather than research based solely on identity politics in the postmodern sense, would, we suggest, make a valuable contribution to expanding our knowledge of Mexican Indian movements in the context of capitalism and indigenismo.
During the past two decades, national economic and political crises have threatened livelihoods and localities in rural Mexico. However, household-level data from agrarian reform communities studied in 1984 and 1996 show substantial improvement in standards of living. Increased remittance flows provided liquidity for investment in local production as well as household consumption. Increased labor force participation by women and community activism also sustained livelihoods and welfare improvements. Despite deepening structural inequalities, rural people invested in a future for local production. Recommendations center on realizing the economic and social potential demonstrated in such communities through increased public investment in rural infrastructures.
Durante los úúltimos dos decenios, las crisis econóómicas y polííticas han amenazado a los medios de supervivencia y los pueblos del Mééxico rural. Sin embargo, datos hogareñños en ejidos estudiados en 1984 y 1996 muestran mejoríías sustanciales en los niveles de vida. Aumentos en los flujos de remesas ofrecieron la liquidez para la inversióón en la produccióón local y el consumo. Las mujeres contribuyeron a los ingresos y al bienestar mediante una mayor participacióón laboral y activismo comunitario. A pesar de crecientes desigualdades estructurales, la poblacióón rural invirtióó en la produccióón local para el futuro. Las recomendaciones se centran en aprovechar el potencial social y econóómico demostrado en estas comunidades mediante mayores inversiones en infraestructura rural.
This article introduces the organizational practices and cultural politics that have shaped the emergence of indigenous video production in Mexico. The first section provides an overview of an innovative program of the Instituto Nacional Indigenista that was designed to connect indigenous organizations with video technologies and the skills to use them. Then it traces the way in which key actors gradually relocated this program by establishing an NGO with very similar goals in the southern state of Oaxaca. The next section takes a look at a different but related NGO that is based in both Chiapas and Chicago. It outlines this bi-national NGO's intersections with the Zapatista movement, and indicates how it networks with other allies that are also dedicated to enabling and exhibiting indigenous video productions. The third section considers the challenges of disseminating indigenous videos made in Mexico, and in an effort to remedy such limited distribution, this section also outlines the ways in which university instructors can access and use two particular productions. The article's conclusion argues that indigenous videos are important tools for reworking the production and circulation of authoritative knowledge concerned with indigenous geographies.
This paper discusses the differential historical meanings of indigenous autonomy in eastern Chiapas and in central and eastern Oaxaca. In the Lacandon jungle region, historical circumstances have given way to a model of indigenous autonomy focused on the creation of pluri-ethnic autonomous regions. In Oaxaca, a tradition of autonomous indigenous municipios and animosity between indigenous communities has resulted in a model of mono-ethnic autonomy realized variously in different settings. The paper also analyzes the way that pueblos indios with different historically-based understandings of “autonomy” come together. The critical factor is a shared sense of reconstructed nationalism as created through local and regional histories generated from below which claim a place in Mexican national culture.
This article examines how the Mexican state drew upon nationalist discourse for legitimacy following the 1982 debt crisis. The analytical framework situates Mexico within the context of Latin American nationalism and explores the structural and conjunctural factors that contributed to the endurance and effectiveness of Mexican revolutionary nationalism as a hegemonic nationalist discourse. Historical commemorations during the Miguel de la Madrid administration (1982–88) are then examined to show how the state evoked nationalist motifs as it dealt with economic crisis, pressure from the USA, domestic political opposition and the implementation of neoliberal reforms. The relative effectiveness of sometimes counterintuitive appeals to nationalist legitimacy is found to be neither wholly ‘rational’ nor ‘irrational’, in this case having its basis in a history of elite and popular negotiation through the revolutionary nationalist framework, the continuity of the post-revolutionary Partido de la Revolución Institutional (PRI) state model and the lack of a viable competing paradigm.
Abstract In his early work, Eric R. Wolf made provocative arguments about the genealogy of power in Mexico. Yet once he broadened his interests to peasant studies and the history of capitalism, he never returned to make a sustained examination of power in Mexico. This article extends Wolf's insights into an analysis of the current political and economic situation in Mexico. I focus on the practice of categorizing objects as the inalienable property of a given collective, such as a city, region, institution, or nation. These possessions – often referred to as patrimonio (patrimony) – are understood to have been handed down from prior generations and intended to be handed down in turn to future generations. I look at this mode of characterizing property in the areas of subsoil resources, collectively held land, and “cultural properties.”
Current conceptions that treat hegemony as the virtual condition of political struggle rather than the actual exercise of power confuse the term with culture, favor disembodied discourses over meanings actually convey ed, and risk over-generalizing domination and resistance into inescapable imperatives of state power and individual agency. These problems become particularly acute when historians and anthropologists seek to write cultural histories from below drawn from historical sources written largely from above An approach centered on "procedural cultures" that views hegemony as culturalized ideology and culture as contingent understandings embedded in ongoing dialogues both within and across boundaries of difference might serve better than hegemony in discerning meaning, power. and agency in otherwise culturally opaque historical sources. Administrative records from late 19th-century western Guatemala exemplify such a procedural culture and how it may help us read historical documents for the everyday cultural others we seek in the past.
This article examines the political strategies of the EZLN, or Zapatista army, in Chiapas and the EPR, which operates mostly in Oaxaca and Guerrero, through a content analysis of their communiques. It argues that these two guerrilla movements demonstrate, through their cultural production, significantly different priorities and preferences; and that these differences reflect different strategic choices. Whereas the EZLN has chosen to pursue a revolutionary strategy similar in key respects to the "war of position" described by Gramsci, the EPR remains closer to the "war of movement."
The paper summarizes findings from a survey of farmer-managed irrigation systems in the central Mexican state of Guanajuato. Three types of information are presented: structural characteristics (e.g., group size, inequality, reservoir capacity); system rules and organization; and performance indicators (maintenance and productivity). The average system comprises 123 households, each with an irrigated parcel of 3.3 hectares. A statistical model of rule-choice reveals that systems with greater land-holding inequality and older water users' associations are more likely to have chosen more complex water-allocation rules. An ordered-logit model of maintenance shows that greater social homogeneity is associated with higher maintenance levels.
I develop a model of cooperation in small irrigation systems. I give conditions under which an equalizing redistribution of wealth increases the level of equilibrium cooperation, but also show that some redistributions that increase inequality can also increase cooperation. The distributive rule, a combination of arrangements for maintenance-cost sharing and water allocation, also affects the cooperation level. I estimate statistical models of cooperation for three maintenance indicators using field data from a study of Mexican irrigation societies. Social heterogeneity and landholding inequality are significantly associated with lower maintenance. Distributive rules that allocate water proportionally to landholding size likewise reduce maintenance.
Despite many approaches of neoclassical and endogenous growth theory, economists still face problems in explaining the reasons for income differences between countries. Institutional economics and the deep determinants of growth literature try to depart from pure economic facts to examine economic development. Therefore, this article analyzes the impact of institutions, geography, and integration on per capita income. Concerning theoretical reasoning, emphasis is on the emergence of institutions and their effect on economic growth. However, institutions can appear in different shapes since political, legal, and economic restrictions are not the only constraints on human behaviour. Norms and values also limit possible actions. Therefore, a differentiation between formal and informal institutions is made. Informal institutions are defined as beliefs, attitudes, moral, conventions, and codes of conduct. Property rights are assumed to be the basic formal institutional feature for economic success. Despite their direct impact on growth through individual utility maximization, property rights also make a statement concerning the political and legal environment of a country. Regarding the regression analysis, different religious affiliations are used as instrumental variables for formal and informal institutions. The regression results affirm a crucial role of informal and formal institutions concerning economic development. However, a high proportion of Protestant citizens encourage informal institutions that support economic growth, while a high Muslim proportion of the population is negatively correlated with growth-supporting formal institutions. --
The Zapatistas, in 1994, forced the world and certainly people within Mexico to pay attention to longstanding problems in land inequities and dissatisfaction with the December 1991 modifications to the agrarian reform codes embodied in Article 27 of the Mexican Constitution. To facilitate the proposed changes in landholdings in Mexico’s approximately 29,000 ejidos and indigenous communities, a new government office was created, the ProcuradurÃa Agraria. This paper begins by first discussing the creation and functioning of the ProcuradurÃa Agraria, the steps communities go through in the certification process, and the agrarian history of the three field sites chosen. It then focuses on how generational and gender differences have affected the reception of the certification program in the three field sites and ends by suggesting some possible long-term outcomes of the certification process and their meaning for men and women in the communities studied.
Revindicacion etnica (the reclaiming of indigenous rights and autonomy) is the rationale being advanced for action based on the equation of shared poverty with indigenous identity from the colonial period to the present. Growing differences in wealth among indigenas within corporate communities that have accommodated to the state power structure now contradict the communal basis for identification more apparent in the collective activity in colonizing areas in the new frontiers. Reassertion of ethnic identity is finding distinct expressions among Mayas in highland communities and settlements on the border as they react to economic encroachment and violence that threaten their culture and their lives. The author compares reassertive actions by highland Mayas in corporate communities with those of colonizers and Guatemalan exiles in the Lacandon jungle area and the southern frontier of Mexico in order to clarify some of the distinct processes involved in ethnic rebellion. Despite the many differences among communities of both regions, more contrasts can be found in the histories that constituted ethnic awareness and the ways in which indigenas were integrated into the ladino-dominated economy and polity in these regional groupings than if one were to compare any of the language groups. -from Author
Political conventions usually provide dramatic moments, but the Convencion Nacional Democratico (National Democratic Convention - CND) called by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in San Cristobal and Aguascalientes, Chiapas, in August 1994, had the potential to be a turning point in Mexican political history. Rarely has an indigenous political movement convened so many people in armed territory to defend its cause. Six thousand delegates turned out to discuss a wide range of national issues from a left perspective in a show of unity that offered tremendous hope to many. This report describes the organizing context of the CND, chronicles its first meeting, and examines the prospects for the CND and its constituent indigenous and women's conventions. -from Author
Campesinos e indígenas de todo el país apoyan las demandas del EZLN y marchan hacia la capital
- Correa
The Zapatista Opening: Mexico's Pueblos Indios and the State.” Paper presented at a seminar at the Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies
- Lynn Stephen
The Past Is Present: Zapotec Community Land Histories and the Meaning of Agrarian Reform.” Paper presented to the Latin American Studies Association, 28-30 Sept
- Lynn Stephen
Zapatismo and Nationalism
- Duncan Earle
EARLE, DUNCAN
1994
"Zapatismo and Nationalism." Cultural Survival Quarterly 18, no. 1 (Summer):26-30.
The Chiapas Rebellion
- Stephen
La vuelta del Katun.” Perfil de la Jornada
- Leon Garcia De
Playing with Fire: The Implications of Ejido Reform
- Neil Harvey
The Reforms to Article 27 and the Promise of Local Democratization: The Ejido Sector of Central Veracruz.” Paper presented at the conference “Assessing the Rural Reforms in Mexico, 1992-1995,” Ejido Reform Project
- Helga Baitenmann
Differentiation, History, and Identity in the Interpretation of Agrarian Reform: Two Oaxacan Case Studies
- Lynn N Stephen
Rebellion in Chiapas: Rural Reforms, Campesino Radicalism, and the Limits to Salinismo
- Neil Harvey
Campesinos e indigenas de todo el pais apoyan las demandas del EZLN y marchan hacia la capital
- Guillermo Correa
- Salvador Corro
- And Julio Cesar
- Lopez
CORREA, GUILLERMO, SALVADOR CORRO, AND JULIO CESAR LOPEZ
1994
"Campesinos e indigenas de todo el pais apoyan las demandas del EZLN y
marchan hacia la capital." Proceso, no. 910 (11 Apr.):36-40.
Hegemony and the Language of Convention.” In Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico
- William Roseberry
Basta: Land and the Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas. Oakland, Calif.: Institute for Food and Development Policy
- George Collier
- Elizabeth Quaratiello
- Lowery
Tablulados básicos del XI Censo General de Población
- Inegi
- Instituto
- Geografia De Estadistica
- Informatica
Chiapas: The Southeast in Two Winds
- Subcomandante Marcos
Special Report: Why Chiapas
- Cultural
- Quarterly
CULTURAL SURVIVAL QUARTERLY
1994
"Special Report: Why Chiapas?" Cultural Survival Quarterly 18, no. 1 (Summer):9-35.
Perfil de la fornada
- Garcia De
- Antonio Leon
GARCIA DE LEON, ANTONIO
1994
"La vuelta del Katun." Perfil de la fornada, 12 Oct., pp. i-iii.
In Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico
- William Roseberry
ROSEBERRY, WILLIAM
1994
"Hegemony and the Language of Convention." In Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico, edited by Gilbert W.
Joseph and Daniel Nugent, 355-66. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press.
Rebellion from the Roots: Indian Uprising in Chiapas
- John Ross
ROSS, JOHN
1994
Rebellion from the Roots: Indian Uprising in Chiapas. Monroe, Me.: Common Courage.