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International Journal of
Social Psychiatry
2016, Vol. 62(5) 477 –486
© The Author(s) 2016
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DOI: 10.1177/0020764016650469
isp.sagepub.com
E
CAMDEN
SCHIZOPH
Background
The European economic recession created a labour market
crisis raising the rates of unemployment in the Euro area to
record levels (Eurostat, 2015) affecting mostly the
Southern European countries where unemployment rates
largely increased. For instance, in Portugal, the context of
this study, the unemployment rates increased from 9%
(before the crisis) up to 17% during the crisis in 2013.
Such rates were, at that time, only preceded by Greece
(27%) and Spain (26%) (Eurostat, 2013).
Literature suggests that, during the economic recession
and ensuing labour market crisis, unemployed people have
a particularly significant risk of the development of mental
health problems (Frasquilho et al., 2016). In fact, unemploy-
ment research supports that losing a job is a highly stressful
life event, associated with negative mental health outcomes
(Miller & Rahe, 1997; Paul & Moser, 2009). Going as far
back as the 30s, to the renowned Marienthal study that doc-
umented the everyday life and health changes of factory
employees who had lost their job (Jahoda, Lazarsfeld, &
Zeisel, 1933), unemployment was found not only to lead to
poverty but also to hopelessness, apathy, diminished activ-
ity, disruptive sense of time and overall breakdown of social
life (Jahoda, 1982). These findings helped to redefine
research and gave substance to the argument that without
work, people face higher risks of economic and social dep-
rivation, which is associated with poorer health and
well-being (McKee-Ryan, Song, Wanberg, & Kinicki, 2005;
Paul & Moser, 2009; Warr, 1987).
Unemployment as a source of mental
distress to individuals and their family:
Unemployed parents’ perceptions during
the economic recession
Diana Frasquilho1,2, Margarida Gaspar de Matos2,3,4,
Teresa Santos2, Tânia Gaspar4,5 and JM Caldas de Almeida6
Abstract
Background: Due to the economic recession, several people in Europe became unemployed. This situation may risk
their mental health.
Aim: This study explored parents’ perceptions about their unemployment’s effects in daily life during the recession.
Methods: A total of 59 unemployed parents (40.7% fathers and 59.3% mothers), ageing 44.4years (±6.2), answer a
question on how the unemployment affected their family lives. Thematic analysis was used to analyse data.
Results: The findings suggest that unemployment is a source of adult and youth mental distress and of economic
hardship and changes in family relations.
Conclusion: Support to unemployed individuals and their families could benefit from these insights when granting the
needed financial and socioemotional assistance.
Keywords
Economic recession, family relations, mental health, socioeconomic factors, thematic analysis, unemployment
1 Nova Medical School and Center for Malaria & Tropical Diseases
(CMDT)/Institute of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine (IHMT),
Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal
2 William James Research Center, Instituto Superior de Psicologia
Aplicada (ISPA), Lisbon, Portugal
3Faculty of Human Kinetics, University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal
4
Instituto de Saúde Ambiental (ISAMB), University of Lisbon, Lisbon,
Portugal
5 Institute of Psychology and Educational Sciences Lusíada University,
Lisbon, Portugal
6 Department of Mental Health, Nova Medical School, Universidade
Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal
Corresponding author:
Diana Frasquilho, Aventura Social, Faculdade de Motricidade Humana,
da Universidade de Lisboa, Estrada da Costa 1495-688 Cruz-Quebrada,
Lisboa, Portugal.
Email: diana.frasquilho@hbsc.org
650469ISP0010.1177/0020764016650469International Journal of Social PsychiatryFrasquilho et al.
research-article2016
Original Article
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478 International Journal of Social Psychiatry 62(5)
Nonetheless, an unemployed population is heterogene-
ous, and perceptions towards an unemployment situation
may differ with subgroups of individuals (McKee-Ryan
et al., 2005; Paul & Moser, 2009). Unemployed parents,
for instance, may face increased risk. There is evidence
pinpointing parental unemployment’s associations with
higher levels of psychological distress and financial depri-
vation (Baxter, Gray, Hand, & Hayes, 2012; Paul &
Batinic, 2010).
Since unemployment is such a complex situation, there
is a possibility of a chain reaction whereby either the indi-
vidual who loses the job and/or his or her family suffer the
effects. In light of the evidence from other studies, parental
unemployment has been found to be associated with
adverse youth well-being with decreased cognitive and
social–emotional outcomes (Bacikova-Sleskova, Geckova,
van Dijk, Groothoff, & Reijneveld, 2011; Baxter et al.,
2012; Borges, Matos, & Diniz, 2011; Magklara et al.,
2010; Siponen, Ahonen, Savolainen, & Hameen-Anttila,
2011; Varga, Piko, & Fitzpatrick, 2014). The family stress
model offers the theoretical base to explain how parental
unemployment effects on distress and youth mental well-
being are associated with changes in economic hardship
and pressure and stress on family relations (Conger &
Elder, 1994). One of the pathways involved in the associa-
tion between parental unemployment and adverse youth
well-being outcomes may exist in the effect of unemploy-
ment-related stress on parents. Several studies have dem-
onstrated that parental distress correlates with children
decreased well-being and compromised social, emotional
and behavioural development (Amrock & Weitzman,
2014; Dougherty, Tolep, Smith, & Rose, 2013; Manning &
Gregoire, 2009; Mattejat & Remschmidt, 2008; Reising
et al., 2013; Weissman et al., 2006). Using a life-course
perspective, living in an unemployed household and in
economic deprivation may cumulatively affect adolescents
and their future health (Sawyer et al., 2012).
Family interaction and support may also influence the
association between parental unemployment and adverse
youth well-being outcomes, by either strengthening or weak-
ening the negative effects of unemployment (Christoffersen,
2000; Ström, 2003). Southern European countries (including
Portugal) have been characterized by having strong family
ties (Reher, 1998); thus, it is expected that family relations
exert influence upon the effects of the unemployment situa-
tion. In fact, evidence from Portugal has shown that strong
family relationships seem to moderate the link between
parental distress and youth well-being during unemployment
(Frasquilho et al., 2015).
Notwithstanding the above-mentioned literature impor-
tant arguments on the effects of unemployment to individ-
uals’ well-being and that of their families, they do not
allow deeper insights on subjective experiences within the
populations. Qualitative analysis allows us to better under-
stand how unemployment actually changes family life.
Thus, this study aimed to provide essential information
about the mental well-being of a sample of unemployed
parents and their experience of unemployment in terms of
perceived changes in families’ day-to-day life and young
people’s well-being. Such information is important not
only to improve research on the area of unemployment
effects but also because it is necessary to acknowledge
what are the resources (economic, social etc.) needed to
improve the lives of unemployed people and their family
members.
Methods
Procedure and participants
This study was conducted in conjunction with a cross-sec-
tional study directed to unemployment benefit claimants
from Lisbon, Portugal (Frasquilho et al., 2015). Participants
were unemployed adults from Lisbon, registered at the Job
Centre and received state unemployment benefits who had
adolescent children aged between 10 and 19 years. All par-
ticipants answered a self-administered questionnaire that
was handed to people who voluntarily agreed to respond
during their biweekly presentation at their local civil par-
ish as part of the requirements to continue receiving state
unemployment benefit. Recruitment and data collection
occurred in five civil parishes of Lisbon that were recom-
mended to the researchers by the Lisbon City Council as
they contained offices that support unemployed people
and thus gave the possibility of increasing the recruitment
of unemployed participants. A total of 112 unemployed
parents answered the survey. However, 53 participants of
these 112 did not answer the open question regarding the
unemployment experience, resulting in a total of 59 par-
ticipants (40.7% fathers and 59.3% mothers), ageing
44.4 years (±6.2), who were included in this study
(response rate of 53%)
Measures
Participants answered an open question regarding their
perception of the changes that occurred in terms of family
life as a result of their unemployment; ‘Please use the
space provided to elaborate on any changes to your family
life due to the unemployment situation or to write down
other comments’.
Sociodemographic data were also obtained to contex-
tualize this segment of the open-ended question answers:
age, gender, education level (secondary level and supe-
rior education), number of unemployment spells (first
unemployment experience or a repeated experience) and
unemployment duration (short-term unemployment was
defined as being unemployed for less than a year and
long-term unemployment for longer than 1 year). For this
study, participants were also divided into three groups by
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Frasquilho et al. 479
partnership: single, partnered with employed partner and
partnered with unemployed partner.
In addition, the participants completed the General
Health Questionnaire-12 (GHQ-12) as part of their base-
line questionnaire (Goldberg, 1992). The GHQ-12 is a
widely used and recommended screening instrument for
psychological distress in occupational settings and unem-
ployment research (Romppel, Braehler, Roth, & Glaesmer,
2012; Warr, 1987) and has been adapted and validated for
the Portuguese population (Laranjeira, 2008). Participants
rate from 0 to 3 (better than usual/same as usual/less than
usual/much less than usual) their answer to 12 items: (1)
being able to concentrate on whatever you are doing, (2)
lost much sleep over worry, (3) felt constantly under strain
and (4) been losing self-confidence in yourself. Higher
scores indicate higher levels of psychological distress.
Using this scale, and the mean GHQ-12 score (5.94 ± 4.04)
for the population of respondents as the cut-off point as
suggested by the authors (Goldberg et al., 1998), partici-
pants were identified as having low distress (GHQ-12
score, 0–6) and high stress (GHQ-12 score, 7–12).
Data analysis
Descriptive statistics (means, standard deviations and per-
centages) were calculated for demographic variables and
the psychological distress variable. The answers to the open
question were analysed using thematic content analysis
(Braun & Clarke, 2006). The researchers read and re-read
the written answers, and prominent patterns and concepts
were initially identified as themes. These themes were
microanalysed, and categories were created. These catego-
ries were then analysed by three experts based on the con-
structs present on the family stress model and concurrent
background literature. The three experts checked if the cat-
egories worked and independently coded the written
answers according to them using Statistical Package for
Social Sciences (SPSS), version 22.0. Throughout the anal-
ysis, the three experts discussed on the interpretation of the
data, and the analysis continued until a 100% agreement
between the experts was obtained in terms of the categoriza-
tion (saturation point). Figure 1 illustrates the coding tree.
Ethics
The study was approved by the Ethics Committee of the
Nova Medical School of Lisbon. Moreover, the Lisbon
City Council and the five civil parishes gave approval for
the questionnaire, and participants gave written informed
consent.
Results
Participants’ characteristics are presented in Table 1. Most
of the participants have attained up to secondary level of
education (64.4%), were partnered and the partner was
employed (54.2%), it was the first experience of unem-
ployment (65.5%), and mostly for less than 1 year (60.3%).
More than half of the participants (52.5%) reported to be
experiencing elevated psychological distress.
Figure 1. Coding tree.
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480 International Journal of Social Psychiatry 62(5)
Subjective experiences about the family life
changes resultant of the unemployment situation
The following categories derived from the thematic con-
tent analysis and were theoretically based on the family
stress model (Conger & Elder, 1994): (1) unemployment
as a source of economic hardship and pressure, (2) unem-
ployment as a source of change in family relations, (3)
unemployment as a source of distress and (4) unemploy-
ment as a source of low youth well-being.
Unemployment as a source of economic hardship and pres-
sure. The participants mentioned feeling financially pres-
sured, having difficulty making ends meet (see Table 2):
We had to reorganize our life and adjust to a lower level of
income. (Mother, 47 years, low stress, partner employed,
12-year boy)
The unemployment has brought us a hard time paying our
day-to-day expenses. (Mother, 40 years, low stress, partner
employed, 14-year boy)
The economic pressure and hardship varied a lot from
having to cut down on essential needs (house, food and
health), children’s education costs and family leisure
activities:
Difficulties in paying the house rent and expenses. (Father,
42 years, 13-year boy, high stress, single)
I limit myself to survive. There is lack food (a few days),
clothes, and access to medical doctors. Everything is lacking.
(Mother, 34 years, low stress, employed partner, 17-year boy)
Stricter control of purchases (groceries and clothing). We do
not go out as much and we tend to stay at home. We had to
reduce school spending. (Father, 49 years, 19-year girl, high
stress, partner employed)
The inability to financially support the education of my
daughter. (Father, 47 years, high stress, partner employed,
15-year girl)
Cut back on family leisure activities (holidays, going out
and dining at restaurants):
‘After being unemployed, we stopped being able to
afford leisure activities such as going to the cinema, shop-
ping, weekends off, etc …’ (Mother, 40 years, low stress,
single, 14-year girl)
‘Our quality of life has decreased greatly. We hardly go
out at weekends and no longer eat out … all we do is talk
about the crisis’ (Mother, 40 years, high stress, 16-year
girl, partner employed).
There was also an example of a woman that reported
she had to go back to live with her parents:
The unemployment situation forced me to leave the house. I
had to move with my daughters to their grandparents’ house.
The life I had is ruined and I have no resources to get it back.
(Mother, 40 years, 14-year girl, high stress, single)
Unemployment as a source of change in family relations. Par-
ticipants described, with varying influence, unemploy-
ment as a factor that changed family relations (Table 3).
Family relations were mentioned as negatively affected
(more friction, conflicts and harsher parenting). For
instance, a woman reported that ‘In a house where there is
no “bread” all argue and no one is right’ (Mother, 52 years,
low stress, single, 18-year girl). This is a Portuguese say-
ing that illustrates that when essential needs are not met
(like food), people get angry with each other and argue
about many petty things. Other examples of negative
changes were:
‘The mood changes are a constant with respect to the couple.
I am more often with a bad temper.’ (Father, 44 years, low
stress, unemployed partner, 14-year girl)
‘There is less dialogue and more apprehension.’ (Mother,
42 years, high stress, partner employed, 16-year girl)
Table 1. Characteristics of the study population.
Variables % (N)
Gender
Male 40.7 (24)
Female 59.3 (35)
Age (years)
⩽40 30.5 (18)
⩾41 69.5 (41)
Level of education
Secondary level 64.4 (38)
Superior education 35.6 (21)
Family type
Single 30.5 (18)
Employed partner 54.2 (32)
Unemployed partner 15.3 (9)
Unemployment spell
First time 65.5 (38)
Repeated 34.5 (20)
Unemployment duration (years)
<1 60.3 (35)
⩾1 39.7 (23)
Psychological stress (GHQ-12)
Low distress 47.5 (28)
High distress 52.5 (31)
M±SD
Adults’ age 44.4±6.2
Adolescents’ age 14.8±2.9
GHQ-12: General Health Questionnaire-12; SD: standard deviation.
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Frasquilho et al. 481
‘The situation implied friction between us.’ (Father and
daughter). (Father, 47 years, high stress, girl)
However, positive changes (more proximity and support)
were also reported:
‘The situation changed for the better, because we are more
united as a family.’ (Mother, 43 years, low stress, partner
employed, 12-year girl)
‘It brought us further closer together. There are things far
worse and people in far worse situations than ours. We always
have to think positively, despite knowing that my situation is
not pleasing.’ (Mother, 45 years, low stress, partner employed,
17-year boy)
Unemployment as a source of distress. Participants unani-
mously reported unemployment as a source of psychologi-
cal distress and of low well-being (Table 4). The emotions
Table 2. Perceptions of unemployment as a source of economic hardship and pressure (n=27).
Financially
pressured,
having difficulty
making ends
meet
‘Difficulties in paying the house rent and expenses’. (Father, 42years, 13-year boy, high stress, single)
‘I limit myself to survive. There is lack food (a few days), clothes, and access to medical doctors. Everything is
lacking’. (Mother, 34years, 17-year boy, low stress, employed partner)
‘The unemployment has brought us a hard time paying our day-to-day expenses’. (Mother, 40years, 14-year
boy, low stress, partner employed)
‘We had to reorganize our life and adjust to a lower level of income’. (Mother, 47years, low stress, partner
employed, 12-year boy)
‘It (unemployment) changed our life negatively … in a material sense’. (Father, 50years, high stress, 18-year girl,
partner employed)
‘It affected us mainly financially’. (Mother, 43years, 19-year girl, low stress, partner unemployed)
‘The financial spending cut in our way of living has changed our everyday life’. (Mother, 41years, 16-year girl,
low stress, partner employed)
‘The unemployment affected us financially … it is scary’. (Mother, 38years, 16-year girl, low stress, employed
partner)
‘I cannot give my son everything I gave him before’. (Mother, 35years, 12-year boy, high stress, employed
partner)
‘I have no way of giving to my children what they need’. (Mother, 47years, 10-year girl, low stress, single)
‘The unemployment situation forced me to leave the house. I had to move my daughters to their grandparents’
house. The life I had is ruined and I have no resources to get it back’. (Mother, 40years, 14-year girl, high
stress, single)
‘The main problem is in economic terms’. (Mother, 52years, 18-year girl, high stress, partner employed)
‘We had to make adjustments to our monthly expenses and eliminate some fixed costs such as insurances,
savings, etc’. (Mother, 45years, 18-year girl, low stress, partner employed)
Cut back on
educational and
family leisure
activities
‘After being unemployed, we stopped being able to afford leisure activities such as going to the cinema,
shopping, weekends off, etc’. (Mother, 40years, 14-year girl, low stress, single)
‘Stricter control of purchases (groceries and clothing). We do not go out as much and we tend to stay at home.
We had to reduce school spending’. (Father, 49years, 19-year girl, high stress, partner employed)
‘Lack of access to some things that previously existed. Change son from a private school to a public school’.
(Father, 45years, 15-year boy, low stress, single)
‘The inability to financially support the education of my daughter’. (Father, 47years, high stress, partner
employed, 15-year girl)
‘Our quality of life has decreased greatly. We hardly go out at weekends and no longer eat out … all we do is
talk about the crisis’. (Mother, 40years, high stress, 16-year girl, partner employed)
‘We had to save a little more. We don’t go out much nor shop’. (Father 42years, high stress, girl, 11years,
partner employed)
‘We changed the food habits, the leisure activities and clothing purchases’. (Father, 45years, low stress, 18-year
boy, single)
‘I cannot longer provide her as many activities or things as before’. (Mother, 36years, girl, high stress, single)
‘I feel great financial pressure going out or going on holidays’. (Father, 60years, 18-year boy, low stress, partner
employed)
‘Changes in family life were felt mainly at the level of cutting treats and leisure’. (Father, 60years, 19-year girl,
low stress, single)
‘In general we had to cut in various family outings’. (Mother, 30years, 13-year boy, low stress, unemployed
partner)
‘Economically incapable of taking family vacations’. (Father, 38years, 10-year girl, low stress, employed partner)
‘Instability … The money is not enough for the most pressing needs’. (Father, 47years, 12-year boy, high stress,
unemployed partner)
‘We go out a lot less. A future looks heavy’. (Mother, 49years, 16-year girl, high stress, partner employed)
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482 International Journal of Social Psychiatry 62(5)
most frequently mentioned were worry, anger, bad temper
and sadness. For example,
‘We are all sad, nervous and worried.’ (Father, 37 years, high
stress, single, 10-year girl)
‘I feel more sensitive to little things and sometimes feel
angry.’ (Father, 48 years, low stress, single, 18-year girl)
‘I feel changes in terms of sadness.’ (Mother, 49 years, high
stress, unemployed partner, 18-year boy)
‘I feel insecure.’ (Mother, 52 years, high stress, unemployed
partner, 18-year boy)
‘I am constantly striving and sometimes I transfer (son) my
anxiety and bad temper to him. I have no doubt that being
unemployed took my quality of life, I have no doubt about it.’
(Mother, 48 years, high stress, single, 10-year boy)
Unemployment as a source of youth low well-being. The
transmission of stress to their children was less stated.
However, for these participants, their unemployment
Table 3. Perceptions of unemployment as a source of change in family relations (n=19).
Positive
changes
‘The situation changed for the better, because we are more united as a family’. (Mother, 43years, low stress, partner
employed, 12-year girl)
‘It brought us further closer together. There are things far worse and people in far worse situations than ours. We
always have to think positively, despite knowing that my situation is not pleasing’. (Mother, 45years, low stress, partner
employed, 17-year boy)
‘the situation brought us (son) closer together because I have more time for him (son)’. (Mother, 48years, high stress,
single, 10-year boy)
‘Despite all the changes we had in our lives, I have always so far had great family support’. (Father, 40years, low stress,
partner employed, 16-year children)
‘We no longer have a housemaid so that eventually brought them closer to me. They know the mother is now always
available. The same goes for my husband’. (Mother, 41years, low stress, partner employed)
‘Our life partly improved. I am more available for my daughter now’. (Mother, 49years, low stress, single, 11-year girl)
‘In terms of family, there is more unification and support’. (Father, 41years, low stress, partner employed, 15-year boy)
‘Family support helps to disguise the growing tension … There is greater solidarity among all’. (Father, 50years, high
stress, partner employed, 17-year girl)
‘I have more motivation to be with my children, to help them with homework and to go out more’. (Mother, 45years,
low stress, single, 12-year girl)
‘In general we had to cut in various family outings but also it had the positive side. We have more time to be with
family’. (Mother, 30years, low stress, unemployed partner, 13-year boy)
Negative
changes
‘House where there is no ‘bread’ all argue and no one is right’. (Mother, 52years, low stress, single, 18-year girl)
‘The mood changes are a constant with respect to the couple. I am more often with a bad temper’. (Father, 44years,
low stress, unemployed partner, 14-year girl)
‘There is less dialogue and more apprehension’. (Mother, 42years, high stress, partner employed, 16-year girl)
‘The situation implied a set of friction between us (Father and daughter)’. (Father, 47years, high stress)
‘At the family level (which is the people for whom we cannot always be pretending) makes us not be so good parents
… and the panic of thinking that at any time my husband can also get unemployed is terrifying us all’. (Mother, 40years,
high stress, partner employed, 11-year boy)
‘The biggest change is that I spend much more time at home now. They (children) were surprised at first and did not
like it because they had to say where they were going all the time. Now they are used to it’. (Mother, 46years, high
stress, partner employed, 14-year girl)
‘We cannot have a normal family life’. (Mother, 58years, high stress, single, 19-year boy)
‘Family support is essential to face unemployment as a life that is not yet over’. (Mother, 47years, low stress, partner
employed, 12-year boy)
‘My unemployment, together with the fact that my wife has a lot free time also, has led to an increase in marital
conflicts’. (Father, 44years, low stress, partner employed, 10-year boy)
‘My kids think I’m not capable’. (Father, 48years, high stress, single, 17-year boy)
‘I started to have more time for my son but the fact of being at home all the time and not getting a job makes me more
nervous and I am easily harsher to him’. (Mother, 36years, high stress, single, 12-year boy)
‘Bad family environment’. (Father, 44years, high stress, unemployed partner, 12-year boy)
‘… at the family level (which are the people for whom we cannot always be pretending) makes us not be so good
parents … and the panic of thinking that at any time my husband can also get unemployed is something that terrifies
us’. (Mother, 40years, high stress, partner employed, 11-year boy)
‘The inability to financially support the education of my daughter implies a set of conflicts … sometimes making us take
extreme positions as parents which have negative effects on her emotional well-being’. (Father, 47years, high stress,
partner employed, 15-year girl)
‘Having no way to give our children what they need, they are bad tempered, sad and this leads to temporary
arguments’. (Mother, 47years, low stress, single, 10-year girl)
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Frasquilho et al. 483
represented a negative event in their children’s well-being
(Table 5), reporting perceiving sadness, worry and bad
temper in them.
‘My son is sad to see his mother worried and sad.’ (Mother,
42 years, high stress, partner employed, 12-year boy)
‘Having no way to give our children what they need, they are
bad tempered, sad and this leads to temporary arguments.’
(Mother, 47 years, low stress, single, 10-year girl)
‘The inability to financially support the education of my
daughter implies a set of conflicts … sometimes making us
take extreme positions as parents which has negative effects
on her emotional well-being.’ (Father, 47 years, high stress,
partner employed, 15-year girl)
This father also reported asking his children to improve
their focus on schoolwork:
‘We try to make them understand the importance of school
work in their (children) lives, so that in the future they can be
successful people.’ (Father, 39 years, low stress, partner
employed, 17-year boy)
Discussion
This study focussed, in a sample where the majority of par-
ticipants score high on distress levels, qualitative data that
suggest that unemployment is experienced as a source of
economic hardship and pressure, emotional distress, change
in family relations (marital and parenting) and, ultimately,
a source of change in their children’s well-being.
Economic hardship and pressure were linked to negative
income change, difficulty with meeting day-to-day
expenses (food, clothing and house rent) and having to
make significant cutbacks in other expenditures (school
and education, leisure activities and savings). This is in line
with the argument that unemployed families experience
more financial hardship than working families (Fanjul,
2014; McClelland, 2000; Wall et al., 2013). The level of
deprivation, however, varied a lot. On one hand, some peo-
ple reported that they had to adjust to a lower level of
Table 4. Perceptions of unemployment as a source of distress (n=10).
‘We are all sad, nervous and worried’. (Father, 37years, high stress, single, 10-year girl)
‘I feel more sensitive to little things and sometimes feel angry’. (Father, 48years, low stress, single, 18-year girl)
‘I feel changes in terms of sadness’. (Mother, 49years, high stress, unemployed partner, 18-year boy)
‘I feel insecure’. (Mother, 52years, high stress, unemployed partner, 18-year boy)
‘I am constantly striving and sometimes I transfer him (son) my anxiety and bad temper. I have no doubt that being unemployed
took my quality of life, I have no doubt it’. (Mother, 48years, high stress, single, 10-year boy)
‘The biggest negative change of being unemployed, it is not knowing when I’ll get a job again’. (Father, 38years, high stress, single,
12-year boy)
‘It completely changed our situation because it is very sad, in the age of technology that we are in this situation. Politicians do not
care about the people. It’s sad’. (Father, 46years, high stress, unemployed partner, 19-year girl)
‘The changes are not in terms of the lack of material goods, but psychologically and on future planning’. (Mother, 52years, high
stress, partner employed, 17-year boy)
‘The fact that a person has worked for 22 years (I ‘m 40!) and was thrown out of the company makes me feel very angry’. (Mother,
40years, high stress, partner employed, 11-year boy)
‘There are huge changes. My husband is unemployed too, which strongly affects our well-being. He is also sicker because he has
bipolar disorder and being unemployed as further negatively affect his health’. (Mother, 53years, unemployed partner, 16-year girl)
‘Unemployment changed my family life … due to my limited income I am more worried and that has caused conflicts with my
partner. Money does not bring happiness but it helps a lot’. (Mother, 42years, high stress, partner employed, 12-year boy)
Table 5. Perceptions of unemployment as a source of youth low well-being (n=6).
‘My son is sad to see his mother worried and sad’. (Mother, 42years, high stress, partner employed, 12-year boy)
‘Having no way to give our children what they need, they are bad tempered, sad and this leads to temporary arguments’. (Mother,
47years, low stress, single, 10-year girl)
‘The inability to financially support the education of my daughter implies a set of conflicts … sometimes makes us take extreme
positions as parents which have negative effects on her emotional well-being’. (Father, 47years, high stress, partner employed,
15-year girl)
‘We try to make them understand the importance of school work in their (children) lives, so that in the future they can be
successful people’. (Father, 39years, low stress, partner employed, 17-year boy)
‘Despite having more time for my children my youngest seems to be a little concerned’. (Mother, 37years, low stress, partner
employed)
‘My son and family are still not very affected. But to see his father at home and the mother working makes him a little worried’.
(Father, 46years, high stress, partner employed, 12-year boy)
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484 International Journal of Social Psychiatry 62(5)
income and had cut out leisure activities, holidays and
meals in restaurants; and on the other hand, some people
reported to be in ‘survival mode’ having cut essential needs
such as food, clothing and health needs. The findings of this
study also correspond with those of Paugam (2015),
depending on the countries, unemployed individuals report
to be ‘living with less’ (e.g. in France and Germany), while
others report to be ‘surviving’ (southern European coun-
tries), and such differences were found to be associated
with the inadequacy of certain countries’ social protection
systems. In our case, we argue that the unemployment situ-
ations vary due to several factors related to the individuals.
Thus, we believe that an individualized evaluation of finan-
cial resources and needs (house rents, debts etc.) would
prevent people from falling into extreme deprivation situa-
tions when facing unemployment.
For most participants, the financial deprivation result-
ant from their unemployment situation affected their well-
being and quality of family life. For instance, the lack of
access to leisure activities was seen to be associated with a
significant loss of quality of life. This is in line with the
experience of deprived need for social experiences pro-
posed by the unemployment research model of Jahoda
(1982). Furthermore, many participants stated that their
inability to provide for their children’s basic needs and
education added to the experience of psychological stress
(e.g. worry, bad temper, anger and sadness). Other studies
corroborate that unemployment and consequent financial
deprivation negatively influence mental well-being
(Breslin & Breslin, 2013; Creed & Klisch, 2005; Creed &
Macintyre, 2001; Paul & Moser, 2009).
Changes in family relations due to unemployment were
reported to be either positive or negative. Findings suggest
that, on one hand, family members can be brought closer
together as a coping mechanism of social support, and on
the other hand, there may be an increased strain on both
marital and parent-child relationships. The literature also
shows that unemployment can both strengthen relations
and create tension and conflicts. It is possible, for instance,
that such variation depends partly on the family cohesion
status prior to the unemployment situation (Ström, 2003).
Either way, maintaining good relations with family while
unemployed was reported by the participants to be a sig-
nificant source of support.
The findings also revealed that parents perceive that
their adolescent children are somewhat aware of the situa-
tion and are showing signs of low mental well-being (bad
temper, sadness and worry). This is supported by available
evidence showing that parental unemployment is associ-
ated with young people’s decreased levels of mental well-
being (Bacikova-Sleskova et al., 2011; Baxter et al., 2012;
Borges et al., 2011; Dew, Penkower, & Bromet, 1991;
Magklara et al., 2010; Reinhardt Pedersen & Madsen,
2002; Siponen et al., 2011; Sleskova, Salonna, et al., 2006;
Sleskova, Tuinstra, et al., 2006; Varga et al., 2014).
In sum, these findings highlight that unemployment is
connected with economic strain and reduced family
budget, which in turn seems to be potentially harmful to
individuals’ and families’ quality of life, educational pur-
suits and overall mental well-being. Furthermore, unem-
ployment seems also to bring negative consequences to
children’s emotional well-being, which is particularly
worrying as this can potentially leave emotional scars
throughout their critical development period (Viner et al.,
2015).
The reported changes in family relations varied signifi-
cantly in terms of being positive and negative, it seems fair
to suggest that this factor may act as a possible moderator
of the effect of unemployment. For adults, especially those
from southern European countries where family has a cen-
tral role, having the support of their spouses and children
can be very significant. For youth, there is corroborating
evidence that good family interactions seem to be protec-
tive against negative consequences of parental unemploy-
ment (Bacikova-Sleskova et al., 2011; Cui & Conger,
2008; Willemen, Schuengel, & Koot, 2011). In fact, our
previous quantitative analysis of data has shown that par-
ent–youth relationships play an important moderation role
in the link between parental distress and youth emotional
well-being during unemployment (Frasquilho et al., 2015).
Overall, the findings mirror the findings of previous
research carried out to date and are consistent with the con-
ceptual model of family stress in the sense that unemploy-
ment is linked to increases in family economic pressure,
parental distress and changes in family relations, which in
turn are associated with possible negative emotional conse-
quences for young people (Conger & Donnellan, 2007).
These findings contend that growing up in an unemployed
household could negatively and cumulatively affect youth
health across their lifetime, which supports the arguments
of a life-course perspective (Sawyer et al., 2012).
This study has some limitations. The participants were
all receiving state unemployment benefits, and therefore,
the findings may not be generalized to unemployed people
who are not financially supported and may be experienc-
ing a different situation. Moreover, the study was carried
out in a capital city of a country facing an economic down-
turn and expenditure cuts on state services; so the results
may differ in other rural zones and by countries’ socioeco-
nomic context.
Despite its limitations, this study brings important
insight in terms of the unemployment experience of parents
and their families, thus contributing to what has been
explored in previous quantitative studies. The high preva-
lence of psychological distress found in this sample pin-
point that mental health interventions should be available to
improve people and family members’ ability to cope with
the unemployment experience and reduce the negative out-
comes of job loss on mental health and promote high-qual-
ity re-employment. Current evidence corroborates the need
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Frasquilho et al. 485
for such actions showing potential society gains in overall
health (Stuckler, Basu, Suhrcke, Coutts, & McKee, 2009).
Moreover, considering the differences found in terms of
economic deprivation and pressure experiences, public
spending efforts may want to consider individualized eval-
uation of the economic situation of people facing unem-
ployment to ensure that extreme cases of financial
deprivation are prevented.
Thus, future research and interventions to support
unemployed people and their families may want to con-
sider the factors described by the participants in this study
and link these to increase efficacy to intervention pro-
grammes and policies that are especially important for
countries facing high unemployment.
Conclusion
This study described the subjective experiences of unem-
ployed parents. The majority of participants score high on
distress levels, and unemployment was described to affect
people economically, psychologically, socially (family
interactions) and their children’s well-being. These find-
ings are consistent with unemployment research literature
and the theoretical model of family stress and support that
unemployment risks people’s well-being and as well their
families. The findings improve our knowledge about the
perspectives and processes involved during unemployment
in the family context, which allow better informed prac-
tices related to unemployment research and mental health
interventions that may enhance re-employment. These
measures are especially important given the actual labour
market crisis that many European countries are facing.
Acknowledgements
The authors acknowledge Dr. Sharon Leahy from the University of
St. Andrews who assisted in the proof-reading of the manuscript.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect
to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support
for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article:
Frasquilho D receives a grant from the Portuguese Foundation for
Science and Technology (FCT), reference SFRH/BD/80846/2011.
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