ArticlePDF Available

The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War (review)

Authors:

Abstract

Africa Today 49.2 (2002) 157-159 Stephen Ellis has written a dense and fascinating book, perhaps an obligatory read for anyone desiring to understand the basic events leading to the current Liberian situation, or to comprehend more clearly their complexities. The book's primary focus is the particularly barbarous culture of political violence in Liberia from 1990 to 1997, with attention necessarily paid to the years following the Doe coup and other historical factors. While the broad, yet detailed, exploration is thought-provoking, Ellis ultimately falls short of producing convincing evidence to support his presumptive perspective: that spiritual, cultural, or religious meanings motivate or at least significantly underlie Liberians' behavior—and in particular, their more "atrocious" behaviors of recent years. The story of Liberia's descent into political turmoil unfolds through an unusual narrative structure: Ellis explains crucial layers of the country's recent history, sometimes telling a tale more than once, from more than one perspective. The first section presents the Liberian story mainly in a political-economy context, and the second section describes a series of linked sagas relating to Liberians' cultural experiences from a more sociological point of view. The strongest parts of this book's detailed exegesis are the sections focusing on the development and entrenchment of factions, along with a running theme highlighting the roles—manipulative or unwitting—played by key external actors in the intensification of this factionalism. In these aspects in particular, the importance of Ellis's book extends beyond Liberia, and offers a cautionary tale of increasingly unbordered conflicts across the continent. Implications for the future of other unsettled areas in Africa are not encouraging. "Business and Diplomacy" is an especially disturbing chapter: As formal institutions and organizations that had been thriving began to disintegrate under the political, economic, and social stresses following the 1980 coup, domestic and international interests scrambled for political advantage and control over resources. The exacerbation of unchecked competition through the activities of, for instance, ECOMOG officers, drug traffickers, and other "international business and political syndicates" (p. 164) seems to have destabilized most legal market transactions. Further, as Liberia's turmoil became endemic, it increasingly leaked disruption into neighboring and other West African populations. The many instances of unprofessional behavior in Liberia by members of multilateral "peacekeeping" forces should give pause to international policy-makers who advocate continued or increased reliance on military units acting under these kinds of constraints in violently unstable situations. International market forces, internal factions willing or desperate to exploit them, limited and fragile expectations of a country's existing political system for contract enforcement or conflict resolution, and regional actors poised to inject themselves into neighbors' affairs to extract their own political or economic advantage are germane conditions, not only to Liberia, but in a great many other areas. Ellis has clearly and profoundly illustrated consequences in Liberia flowing from this dangerously attractive set of incentives. African and international decision-makers would do well to consider the lesson seriously indeed. These strengths of Ellis's work, however, do not obscure a major difficulty with his presentation of the religious dimension of Liberia's situation. Ellis states quite early his conviction that it is "the case that what people believe is a motive for their conduct at least as important as the actual sequence of events" (p. 13). He further asserts that beliefs are not based only on information, but are rooted more deeply in a community's or a society's character, and that he works from an assumption that expressions of religious belief correlate quite highly with sincere religious feeling. Without disputing the ideas expressed in these statements, it is nonetheless essential to note that this foundation for much of his explanatory text in Part II runs into predictable problems, since the empirical or objective question of the true beliefs and character of a society or even individuals can rarely be definitively answered. Ellis tries to explain apparent chaos in modern Liberia as being at least partially driven by the character of religious...
... The conflict that followed took place in two stages, the first from 1989 to 1997, between various rebel groups, after which the warlord Charles Taylor was elected President, and the second from 1999 to 2003, when rival rebel groups, the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) and the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL), tried to overthrow Taylor. Although the figures are disputed (Bøås 2005; Ellis 2007, 312–16), during the 14 years of intermittent war an estimated 200,000 people were killed and 1.5 million displaced, either internally or as refugees (e.g. Dupuy & Detzel 2007, 8; Gilgen & Nowak 2011). ...
Article
Full-text available
Current research suggests that mediation processes are more likely to achieve durable peace if they are inclusive because they are then likely to enjoy the support of the entire population. One way to ensure this public support is to include civil society groups, either directly at the negotiation table or indirectly in supportive roles. This paper argues that such inclusion has a positive effect on the legitimacy of the mediation process but observes that the current literature offers little to explain how this works. The paper attempts to fill this gap in the literature by looking at the mediation processes in Liberia in 2003 and Kenya in 2008. Newly collected empirical data from these two countries is examined using a model of legitimate representation as an analytical framework. This will help explain how the involvement of civil society groups can make the conduct of mediation and the outcome of an agreement more legitimate for the affected population.
... Peters, Richards and Vlassenroot (2003:31) have found that many youths in a post-conflict setting, although they may no longer have the direct power of the gun, indicate that they are not willing to go back to the pre-war situation " now that our eyes are open " . According to Ellis (1999: 286), Liberian conceptions of 'power' do not necessarily relate to the conventional political model, but to the ability to prosper; and from this, all else will follow. ...
Article
Following the end to Liberia's 14-year civil war in 2003, the current challenge is to successfully resettle and reintegrate its displaced population. Central to this, and essential in terms of long-term peace and sustainable development, will be the disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration and rehabilitation (DDRR) of young ex-combatants. If the DDRR programme is to be a success in Liberia, there must be a clear understanding as to why young people have chosen to join armed groups in the first place, and these issues must be addressed through the DDRR programme in order to prevent re-recruitment. Furthermore, although targeted opportunities may be appropriate in the short-term during disarmament and demobilisation; a non- targeted community based model of reintegration and rehabilitation, as advocated in the resettlement of IDPs and refugees, will have the most success with reference to the long-term reconciliation and security of Liberia's war-affected population.
... 2. Here I am recalling the acts of violence carried out in Liberia, Sierra Leone or in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by wigged militiamen (Mayi Mayi, in Eastern DRC) dressed up as women, or in the Republic of Congo by the Ninja and Cobra Armies, to demonstrate how much reality has been weirdly changed, thus compelling us to reconsider our usual division between the imaginary (imaginaire) and reality (see Beneduce, 2008; Ellis, 1999; Tonda, 2005, 2008). 3. ...
Article
Full-text available
Taking an anthropological approach, the author reflects on refugees and clandestine immigrants, and in particular on the fractured structure of their narratives. This attempt to grasp the sense of vagueness or silence we so often find in immigrants’ stories is designed to draw attention to the psychological consequences of both traumatic past events and of the unpredictability and uncertainty often experienced in host countries. The author further argues that the attitudes of social workers involved in clandestine migration and refugee issues reveal unconscious attitudes characteristic of meeting with the Other which also convey the contradictions, racism, and hypocrisy of our policies and governments. The author finally discusses the scenarios of death, violence and apartheid that characterize the day-today life of many undocumented immigrants, and invites academic researchers not to take for granted such descriptive terms as ‘clandestine’, ‘refugees’, and so on.
Article
In this article, we examine how irregular combatants in the "hunter" militias in Sierra Leone defined themselves and their objectives in dialogue with the human-rights discourse of international humanitarian organizations that intervened in the conflict and the peace initiatives that punctuated it, particularly from the mid-1990s onwards. We suggest that the moral subject envisioned by international doctrines of humanitarianism overlapped with codes of conduct prescribed in the course of initiations into hunting militias, especially in areas where these militias remained accountable and loyal to local political hierarchies. This undermines any simple notion of a total moral breakdown and disregard for civilian lives and rights. However, we also suggest that once militias left their local functions of grassroots civil defense units and moved beyond the territories where they were recruited, they made strategic decisions in combat based on a selective interpretation of humanitarian discourse and practices. This transformation shows how changing perceptions of the terms of engagement produced sometimes diverging, other times parallel interpretations of the moral dilemmas at stake, as the conflict (and its containment) shifted in scale to broader national, regional, and international arenas.
Article
Liberia is of national security interest to the United States of America. Liberia's 14-year civil war ended in 2003, leaving the country with a collapsed government and failing economic, physical, and social infrastructures. To continue strengthening Liberia's democratic government and economy, Liberian youth must be integrated as full citizens before they become disenfranchised and form insurgent groups that can threaten the national security. This paper explores why Liberia is of national security interest to the United States, describes elements of adolescent personal development that were neglected while the nation was in conflict, and explores what youth need to become contributing members of a democratic nation. The author advocates skills training as a way for youth to complete their personal development. Skills training will help them gain the skills they need for functioning within a democracy and for economic empowerment. As development reinforces defense and diplomacy as elements of national security, the needs of youth ex-combatants must be addressed in U.S. international development assistance programs.
Article
This article reviews writings by anthropologists and scholars in adjacent fields that take an ethnographic approach to political security and its institutions to argue that this scholarship suggests two modes of critique beneficial to understanding security processes in Africa. One mode is contrastive and emphasizes vernacular conceptions of security, whereas the other is immanent and discursive (complementing “securitization” and the Copenhagen School). The argument is that when it comes to African security, there is a significant body of work in the former vein but less in the latter vein. As a result, the conception of African “otherness” is boosted at the detriment of a more nuanced understanding of formal African security actors. The essay ends with some methodological reflections on the ethnography of African security institutions, based on the author's research on small arms control in the Gambia.
Article
At the beginning of the 1990s, a wave of democratization raised new hopes for peace in Africa, but as the decade progressed, violent politics spread and formed two large arcs of conflict that weakened or even collapsed states could not contain. This review article examines five recent books that address the potential impact of identity politics on civil violence in Africa. Two of the authors—Donald Horowitz and Ted Gurr—address these issues in a global comparison, while the other three—Luis Martinez, Stephen Ellis, and Mahmood Mamdani—examine important African instances of protracted internal warfare, in Algeria, Liberia, and Rwanda, respectively. Is identity politics the primary instigator of disorder? What is die impact of a prolonged period of state crisis upon communal relationships? The volumes under review offer useful insights, but large questions remain.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.