Article

“Let Me Show You a Trick!”: A Toddler's Use of Humor To Explore, Interpret, and Negotiate Her Familial Environment During a Day in the Life

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Abstract

Children employ different types of humor as they explore, interpret, and negotiate their environments. Whereas an appreciation of verbal incongruity has been a hallmark of older preschooler humor (e.g., McGhee, 1989), more recently, other violations of expectations and clowning also have been identified as ubiquitous during the first two years of life (e.g., Loizou, 2005; Reddy, 2001). We examined the pragmatics of one 30-month-old girl's humor, and determined how it interactively harnessed the cognitive, linguistic, and socio-emotional resources available to her negotiations within her familial context. Using the methodology of a Day in the Life of a toddler in early childhood (Gillen et al., 2006), the child's entire waking day was videotaped, and all interactions were transcribed and analyzed. We identified many instances of humor, and categorized them into four major types: clowning, teasing, jokes and playful language, and physical actions. Humor served both socio-emotional and cognitive-linguistic functions, and we confirmed Reddy's (2001) finding that early humor is interpersonally co-constructed: When humor operates within the child's inter-mental development zone (Mercer, 2000), it serves to inform her or his intra-mental growth; the inter-mental precedes and enables the intra-mental.

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... As children develop they realize that humor has meaning and they often remember riddles and jokes using them as a means of initiating social interactions with peers and adults (McGhee, 1984;2002). Children's humor has two functions, social -emotional and cognitive -linguistic (Cameron et al., 2008;2010). When it comes to verbal humor, understanding of jokes and irony, occurs after the age of four years. ...
... Therefore, the development of humor is associated with social, emotional and cognitive components, as well as language skills (Goel & Dolan, 2001;Cameron et al., 2008;Semrud -Clikeman & Glass, 2010). ...
... On the other hand, self-defeating humor style has been associated with increased anxiety and depressive tendencies, while aggressive style achieves a negative correlation with well-being (Saraglou & Scariot, 2002;Kuiper et al, 2004;Johnson & McCord, 2010). Based on a series of studies conducted in the field of adult humor (Lefcourt, 2001;Saraglou & Scariot, 2002;Martin et al., 2003;Kazarian & Martin, 2004;Kuiper et al, 2004;Bilge & Saltuk, 2007;Johnson & McCord, 2010;Vukobrat, 2013), but also with children (McGhee, 1979;1984;2002;Demorest et al., 2001, according to Cameron et al., 2010Klein & Kuiper, 2006;Erickson & Feldstein, 2007;Cameron et al. 2008;2010;Masten 1986, according to Semrud -Clikeman & Glass, 2010 it is reasonably assumed that there is a relationship between personality traits and humor styles. This work used the popular five-factor personality model as a theoretical basis. ...
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Studies in the field of humor have become more and more popular in this region. The best known humor styles classification was made by Martin, who differentiates affiliative, aggressive, self-enhancing and self-defeating humor styles (Martin et al., 2003). Regarding the personality traits, our research was based on the five factor model that includes five dimensions: neuroticism, extraversion, openness to experience, agreeableness and conscientiousness (John & Srivastava, 1999). The aim of the present study was to investigate humor styles and their connection with personality traits. The sample was appropriate, consisting of the pupils from the participants were divided in two age groups: primary school pupils from 11 to 12 years old (276 participants) and high school pupils from 16 to 17 years old. The instruments used in this study were HSQ – C (Humor Styles Questionnaire for Children), HSQ (Humor Styles Questionnaire), BFQ (Big Five Questionnaire for Children) and BFI (Big Five Inventory). The statistical analysis was based on the Pearson correlation coefficient, Mann Whitney – U test and simple regression. The results confirmed the hypothesis that personality traits predict humor styles. Additionally, qualitative differences between age groups were found regarding the relationship between personality traits and humor styles.
... 4 In Piagetian theory (Piaget, 1945), when a child perceives information that does not fit with her/his existing schema about a particular object or event, s/he experiences incongruity. To make sense of this incongruous information, the child normally either reinterprets the perceived information to make it fit with the existing schema (assimilation), or modifies the schema so that it can incorporate the new information 3 In the current work, while embracing the importance of incongruity as a characterizing notion associated with laughter, we will take an agnostic stance with respect to theories about humour/funniness (but see Canal et al. (2019) for a proposal about the sequential cognitive processing of humour). We focus mainly on laughter itself and on describing its (semantico-pragmatic) constituents in detail. ...
... Walker (2013) interprets laughter produced after a transgression as a way to invite a display of affiliation from the mother (e.g., an invitation to reciprocate the laughter) which can be accepted or declined. Cameron et al. (2008) conducted a microanalytic study observing one girl of 30 months during a full day. They observed how humour served both socio-emotional and cognitive-linguistic functions: i.e., making affective connections (to create connection and effort in affecting others by her actions), negotiating social situations to hedge against disapproval (accompanied by "that was a joke!"), testing the environment, and learning meanings of concepts and words. ...
... Desde luego, la visión de McGhee (1971a) ha sido revaluada. Es evidente que los niños hacia los 12 meses logran producir situaciones de humor basadas en el engaño (Cameron, Kennedy & Cameron, 2008;Newton, Reddy & Bull, 2000;Reddy, 2004;Reddy, 2007). También se sabe que los niños de 2 a 3 años ya comprenden el humor grafico a partir de la comprensión de la incongruencia, la exageración o una visión mentalista (Puche-Navarro, 2004, 2009. ...
... También se sabe que los niños de 2 a 3 años ya comprenden el humor grafico a partir de la comprensión de la incongruencia, la exageración o una visión mentalista (Puche-Navarro, 2004, 2009. Los niños producen cierto tipo de humor que implica transgredir lo acordado o burlarse de otros (Cameron, Kennedy & Cameron, 2008;Loizou, 2005Loizou, , 2007Newton et al., 2000). ...
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El objetivo de este estudio fue identificar las fases de desarrollo por las que transitan los niños en el proceso de comprensión del humor. Se utilizaron bromas basadas en tres retos cognitivos (a) la incongruencia, (b) la transgresión y (c) el engaño. La muestra estuvo constituida por 25 niños entre los 36-49 meses (15 niños y 10 niñas). Los resultados mostraron cómo el desarrollo de la comprensión del humor, en los niños de 3 años, pasa por tres fases. (1) La identificación de elementos incongruentes, (2) la comprensión de los efectos de las acciones (transgresión) y (3) la comprensión de la desinformación basada en la comprensión de los estados mentales de los otros.
... As she grew up, Kelly's cognitive abilities improved more complex, enabling her to create a variety of jokes. Other case studies obtained similar findings (Cameron et al., 2008;Johnson & Mervis, 1997). Based on such case studies exploring a close relationship between language development and humour, joking plays an important role in the development of pragmatics (Hoicka, 2014). ...
... Other studies share similar outcomes which support the two theories. Specifically, Cameron, Kennedy, and Cameron (2008) explored the humorous production of a toddler and highlight among other types of humor: teasing, playful language and physical actions. Examples of humorous episodes shared involve toilet humor as in the case of turning the 'mini cooper' into a 'mini pooper' or when the child purposefully recites the 'pledge of Allegiance' to her mother even though she knew her mother disagreed with it, thus purposefully violating social norms. ...
Article
ABSTRACT The aim of the study was to explore the ways in which a Series of Creative Structured Activities (SCSA) involving humor elements, affected the type and quantity of visual and verbal productions of two preschoolers. Researchers agree on the incongruity element of humor (Theory of the Absurd) and violation of expectations (Empowerment Theory). Also, creativity in relation to humor was examined through fluency, flexibility, originality and elaboration (Torrance test). Data collection included children’s humorous drawings and stories, before and after participating in a SCSA and were analysed based on the two theories and the creativity elements. The SCSA affected positively the quantity and originality of humorous events produced by the two children in their drawings and stories. We highlight that the use of a SCSA provides a safe space for children to explore new ideas playfully and creatively; unfold their humorous self and scaffold their creative thinking.
... Children in preschool, specifically ages 3-5 years, begin to exhibit a number of fascinating playful verbal skills in the midst of rapid language and social developments. In home observations, research has shown that children as young as 2-3 years can mimic and produce their own forms of joking or word play (Cameron et al., 2008). Three-to five-year-olds in our target age range have been observed to produce novel jokes (e.g. ...
Article
This study examined the relationship between four common types of language play and their correlations with the verbal and social abilities of 3- to 5-year-old children. While observation has shown that children this age produce a range of play, research has not yet examined whether play is a measurable skill connected to preschoolers’ language development. In this study, we designed four language play elicitation games involving creating rhymes, word switching, word creation, and hyperbolic play. Children’s ability to produce novel play for each game was measured, and classroom teachers filled out assessments of children’s verbal and peer interaction skills. Results indicated that while children’s peer interaction scores were not related to their play scores, verbal skills scores were highly correlated with language play scores, highlighting that for preschoolers the ability to produce common types of language play may be a distinctly verbal skill.
... Reddy (2008) argues that children acquire humorous forms of communication simultaneously with serious forms. Moreover, children may use humorous over serious conversation in order to negotiate more freely with others, secure greater indulgence from adults, and empower themselves by violating rules established in their environment (Cameron et al. 2008;Loizou 2005). If we consider humour to be a modality of communication, it is possible to see continuity between early forms of humour and the use of irony that was examined in the previous section (Airenti 2016). ...
Chapter
In this chapter, the development of pragmatic abilities in children is described. Pragmatic abilities are a multifaceted skill. It is argued that using and interpreting language in communication is a demanding task that requires inference abilities and relies on different forms of knowledge. Very often, in everyday use of language, the pragmatic meaning of an utterance is not what is literally said. Consequently, interpreting an utterance requires going beyond what is said in order to identify the speaker’s communicative intentions. This kind of interpretation requires an inferential process based on contextual knowledge or a common ground that interlocutors are supposed to share. Children begin to participate in communicative interactions very early in life, although full pragmatic development is only achieved throughout the school years. It is described how children at different stages of development deal with aspects of implied meaning in communication.
... Children are involved in humorous communicative interactions from a very young age (Groch, 1974;Bainum et al., 1984;Dubois et al., 1984;Bergen, 1989;Reddy, 1991Reddy, , 2008Loizou, 2005;Cameron et al., 2008;Hoicka and Akhtar, 2012;Mireault et al., 2012). From a developmental perspective, the earliest cases of humorous interactions are amusing situations that occur between infants and adults. ...
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In the developmental literature, the idea has been proposed that young children do not understand the specificity of non-literal communicative acts. In this article, I focus on young children’s ability to produce and understand different forms of humor. I explore the acquisition of the communicative contexts that enable children to engage in humorous interactions before they possess the capacity to analyze them in the terms afforded by a full-fledged theory of mind. I suggest that different forms of humor share several basic features and that we can construct a continuum from simple to sophisticated forms. In particular, I focus on teasing, a form of humor already present in preverbal infants that is also considered a typical feature of irony. I argue that all forms of humor can be regarded as a type of interaction that I propose to call “playing with expectations.”
... Apter's theory is consistent with many other researchers in highlighting the aggressive and disparaging nature of humor. We have previously reported, by way of contrast, but in accord with Socha and Kelly (1994), that the very young children we have studied did not use aggressive or disparaging humor (e.g., E. L. Cameron, Kennedy, & C. A. Cameron, 2008;E. L. Cameron, Accorti Gamannossi, Gillen, & C. A. Cameron, 2010), and here we extend this finding to resilient youth in conversation with friends and family. ...
Article
This paper explores the types of verbal irony employed by resilient youth in spontaneous conversation and examines how they use this irony to navigate potentially challenging psychosocial terrain. We documented and analyzed instances of irony in the spontaneous speech of adolescent participants in an international, ecological study of resilience using quasi-naturalistic and participatory visual methods. We found irony to be co-constructively utilized by the youths we studied. They spontaneously used many types of irony to mute criticism and avoid embarrassment. These resilient youth, who were thriving under adverse circumstances, used irony in a positive way to facilitate affiliation with their friends and family.
... The false-belief test demonstrates that children are capable of predicting others' actions based on knowledge that they are privy to that others are not-that is, attributing behaviors to other individuals based on interpreting the knowledge base others have access to, not what the 4-year-olds themselves know (Wimmer & Perner, 1983). Young children can also differentiate what different family members find funny, taking their cues from the social environment (Cameron, Kennedy, & Cameron, 2008). ...
Article
Humor can be a powerful therapeutic tool in clinical social work: It creates a layer of connection between clinician and client, can strengthen the therapeutic bond and provides a gateway to change on cognitive, emotional, and biological levels. It can help restore a sense of playfulness, lightness, and fun—innate qualities often lost as a result of adverse early experiences, including insecure attachment and trauma. The first paper of this two-paper theoretical dissertation reviews facets of humor development as an integrated social, cognitive, and emotional system that starts in infancy, with the objective of providing clinicians with a theoretical basis for integrating humor into therapy. Humor is examined through the play system as a component of attachment theory, mentalization, and the cognitive/emotional appreciation of incongruities. Theory is linked to practice through clinical vignettes. The second paper focuses more deeply on the clinical application of humor in clinical social work and the ways in which humor can be utilized by clinicians as a therapeutic tool. It addresses therapists’ use of self, categories of humor, the importance of increasing mentalization skills to heighten awareness and timing in humorous interjections, the broaden and build theory of positive emotions, recent studies correlating humor, well-being and resiliency, and caveats about using humor.
... The children's appreciation of the grotesque focuses particularly on the scatological imagery associated with debasing and renewing properties of the lower bodily stratum (Bakhtin 1984b representing, 'a certain form of life, which was real and ideal at the same time (Bakhtin 1984b, p. 8). It also bears more resemblance to the 'teasing' highlighted by Cameron et al (2008) and not their use of 'clowning' as here clowning is seen as 'attempting to provoke a response from a communicative partner' (Cameron et al 2008, p. 8) as opposed to attempting to repeat an act in order to 're-elicit (my emphasis) laughter from others' (Cameron et al 2008, p. 8 Interestingly, Ødegaard's study noted that the presence of an underworld was not apparent at mealtimes, suggesting that because adults engaged in humour with children on these occasions, any opportunity for children's dissention was eliminated (Ødegaard 2007) suggesting that the role practitioners have at mealtimes is central to the occurrence (or not) of carnivalesque humour. In the example below, the practitioner is seemingly unaware of the children's conversation. ...
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This article presents findings from a pilot study offering an alternative framing of children's humour and laughter in an early childhood education setting. It employs a Bakhtinian carnivalesque lens to explore the nature of children's humour in an urban nursery, and investigate the framing of children's humour and laughter outside the popular paradigm of developmental psychology. In addition, it addresses the challenge that children's humour can present for early childhood practitioners, turning to Bakhtin's analysis of carnival to frame children's humour as carnivalesque. This conception is then offered as a part of a potential explanation for practitioners' occasional resistance to children's humour, proposing that dominating, authoritative discourses within early childhood education play a significant role in this. The article draws on a number of theorists, including Bakhtin more widely, to address reasons why humour is not valued pedagogically within the UK early childhood field, and suggests that further research in the area is imperative, in order that we gain a better understanding of the place and significance of children's humour within early childhood practice. Résumé Cet article présente les résultats d'une étude pilote présentant un autre cadrage de
... Grandfathers have been even more neglected in the family research literature (Scraton & Holland, 2006;Smorti, Tschiesner, & Farneti, 2012). The analysis of their contributions has been formed in part from the paucity of fatherhood research; but it has also been contended that a feminised perception of grandparenting has hampered a full appreciation of a grandfather's role (Mann, 2007) We have investigated the healthy functioning of 30-month-old toddler girls (Gillen & Cameron, 2010) with respect to their emotional security, their use of humour to navigate family engagement, their symbol system development (especially in the context of joint book reading and drawing), their utilisation of safe domestic places for playing, their eating events, their musicality, and their agency (Cameron, Kennedy, & Cameron, 2008;Cameron, Pinto, Accorti Gamannossi, Hancock, & Tapanya, 2011;Cameron, Tapanya, & Gillen, 2006;Gillen & Hancock, 2006;Hancock, Cameron, & Talay-Ongan, 2013;Pinto, Accorti Gamannossi, & Cameron, 2009;Young & Gillen, 2007, respectively). We have primarily focused on the children themselves and their strengths in interaction with siblings and caregivers. ...
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... With respect to development, even if it seems useful to study irony in connection with other forms of humor, this aim may be difficult to achieve, given that while most studies on irony are experimental and focused on comprehension, empirical work on the development of humor in young children is mostly based on naturalistic observations of interactions in family, daily care, and nursery school (Bergen, 1989;Cameron, Kennedy, & Cameron, 2008;Groch, 1974;Hoicka & Akhtar, 2012;Loizou, 2005;Reddy, 2008). Therefore, the heterogeneity of both methods and communicative contexts makes comparing their results arduous. ...
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Previous research suggests that comprehending ironic utterances is a relatively late-developing skill, emerging around 5-6 years of age. This study investigated whether younger children might show an earlier understanding when ironic utterances are performed in familiar communicative situations, and investigated the relationships among irony comprehension, language, and theory of mind (ToM) abilities. A group of 100 children aged 3.0-6.5 years was presented with 4 types of puppet scenarios depicting different communicative interactions: control, joke, contingent irony and background irony stories. Results suggested that (a) even younger children easily understand jokes, and may sometimes understand ironies; (b) children's comprehension of irony continues to develop across early childhood; and (c) receptive vocabulary scores had simultaneous effects on irony comprehension and ToM performance. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
... A full description of this study can be found in the following reference sources: Cameron et al. (2006) on soothing resources; Pinto et al. (2006) on joint storybook reading; Gillen and Hancock (2006) on eating events and family nutritional practices; Cameron et al. (2007) on resilient ''roots for wings''; Hancock and Gillen (2007) on creative play spaces; Young and Gillen (2007) on early musicality; Cameron et al. (2008) on humor in negotiating family relationships; Cameron and Pinto (2009) on the relationship between emergent literacy engagement and early attachment security; and most currently, Gillen and Cameron (2009) on these and other themes. ...
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In this Monograph, we examine how toddlers and their caregivers from four cultural communities collaborate in shared activities. We focus both on similarities across communities in processes of guided participation--structuring children's participation and bridging between their understanding and that of their caregivers--and on differences in how guided participation occurs. We examine the idea that a key cultural difference entails who is responsible for learning--whether adults take this responsibility by structuring teaching situations or whether children take responsibility for learning through observation and through participating in adult activities with caregivers' support. We speculate that these two patterns relate to cultural variation in the segregation of children from adult activities of their community and in emphasis on formal schooling. The four communities of our study vary along these lines as well as in other ways: a Mayan Indian town in Guatemala, a middle-class urban group in the United States, a tribal village in India, and a middle-class urban neighborhood in Turkey. In each community, we visited the families of 14 toddlers (aged 12-24 months) for an interview that was focused on child-rearing practices, which included observations of caregivers helping the toddlers operate novel objects spontaneously during adult activities. Results are based on systematic analysis of patterns of communication and attention in each family in each community, combining the tools of ethnographic description, graphic analysis, and statistics.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
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In this Monograph, we examine how toddlers and their caregivers from four cultural communities collaborate in shared activities. We focus both on similarities across communities in processes of guided participation-structuring children's participation and bridging between their understanding and that of their caregivers-and on differences in how guided participation occurs. We examine the idea that a key cultural difference entails who is responsible for learning-whether adults take this responsibility by structuring teaching situations or whether children take responsibility for learning through observation and through participating in adult activities with caregivers' support. We speculate that these two patterns relate to cultural variation in the segregation of children from adult activities of their community and in emphasis on formal schooling. The four communities of our study vary along these lines as well as in other ways: a Mayan Indian town in Guatemala, a middle-class urban group in the United States, a tribal village in India, and a middle-class urban neighborhood in Turkey. In each community, we visited the families of 14 toddlers (aged 12-24 months) for an interview that was focused on child-rearing practices, which included observations of caregivers helping the toddlers operate novel objects and put on clothes on our request as well as toddlers exploring novel objects spontaneously during adult activities. Results are based on systematic analysis of patterns of communication and attention in each family in each community, combining the tools of ethnographic description, graphic analysis, and statistics. The findings point to the importance of understanding not only how children learn through instruction that is managed by adults but also how they learn through keen observation and participation in adult activities. A major contribution of the study is an analysis of keen observation through sharing attention among complex ongoing events, an approach that was more apparent in the two non-middle-class communities, in which children are minimally segregated from adult activities.
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This study examined attitudes and uses of humor by occupational therapists with their adult clients with physical disabilities. A cross-sectional survey of randomly selected occupational therapists from the American Occupational Therapy Association's Physical Disabilities Special Interest Section was used; 283 surveys qualified for the study. All of the respondents had positive attitudes towards humor and a large majority reported using humor. Four key areas of humor were further analyzed: relationships, coping, promoting physical health, and treatment compliance. While a large majority professed to value humor in each area, only about one-third reported using it in the last two areas. Humor attitudes and humor behaviors in each area showed a moderate positive correlation. Both spontaneous and planned use was reported. The results of this survey support humor use in occupational therapy practice to help clients rehabilitate.
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This study looked at how six infants in a group child care setting produced and appreciated humor. With the use of multiple qualitative methods, participant and non‐participant observations, journal writing, videotaping, interviewing, and document review this study looked at children’s humor as indicated through their smiles and laughter. Findings of this study suggest that there are two theories that best describe young children’s humorous behavior, namely the Theory of the Absurd and Empowerment Theory. The Theory of the Absurd includes events that are out of the ordinary and violate children’s existing schemata. It emphasizes the incongruity of an event through funny gestures or positions, the incongruous use of materials and actions. Empowerment Theory describes young children’s ability to violate the expectations of their caregivers and use humor to empower themselves. It highlights a different form of incongruity which has to do with the violation of expectations, intentionally or otherwise.
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While considerable research has been performed on the development of humor in older children, little is known about the origins of verbal humor in infancy. Data from a systematic diary study of early lexical development were used to provide a comprehensive account of one child's earliest manifestations of verbal humor from age 15 to 30 months. Symbolic play and conceptual mastery were found to be developmental precursors to the production of incongruity jokes. The emergence of each of three classes of jokes over time was directly related to conceptual complexity, with simple mislabelings occuring earliest, and word jokes occuring last. Incongruent label jokes tended to involve labels that were semantically related to the actual (correct) label. The role of playfulness cues in the interpretation of events as humorous and in the early emergence of humor was considered. The relation of these results to current models of humor development is discussed.
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The compelling power of humor makes it a recurrent topic for research in many fields, including communication. Three theories of humor creation emerge in humor research: the relief theory, which focuses on physiological release of tension; the incongruity theory, singling out violations of a rationally learned pattern; and the superiority theory, involving a sense of victory or triumph. Each theory helps to explain the creation of different aspects of humor, but each runs into problems explaining rhetorical applications of humor. Because each theory of humor origin tries to explain all instances of humor, the diverging communication effects of humor remain unexplained. Humor's enactment leads to 4 basic functions of humor in communication. Two tend to unite communicators: the identification and the clarification functions. The other 2 tend to divide 1 set of communicators from others: the enforcement and differentiation functions. Exploration of these effects-based functions of humor will clarify understanding of its use in messages. Humor use unites communicators through mutual identification and clarification of positions and values, while dividing them through enforcement of norms and differentiation of acceptable versus unacceptable behaviors or people. This paradox in the functions of humor in communication as, alternately, a unifier and divider, allows humor use to delineate social boundaries.
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This paper explores the methodology of an ecological investigation of aspects of culture in the interactional construction of early childhood in diverse global communities: Peru, Italy, Canada, Thailand, and the United Kingdom. Regarding culture as a dynamic dimension of the child's socialisation, the approach taken was to film a ‘day in the life’ of a two‐and‐a‐half‐year‐old girl in each location. The principal investigators viewed these five ‘days’ and selected clips were made into a compilation tape, to be interrogated and interpreted by the local investigators and the child's family. These latter reflections were also taped and then applied to a growing appreciation of the child in cultural context. Other inter‐researcher techniques were used to elucidate and explore events and values further. Reflexive concerns as to the interplay between aims and methods in interpretive research are critical components of this endeavour to develop new cultural understandings of the girls in context.
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The purpose of this article is to describe McGhee's (1979) stages of humor development from 18 months to 12 years as they relate to Piaget's cognitive stages (Papalia, Olds, & Feldman, 2001) and social development. Humor develops in stages just as other aspects of child development. It parallels and enhances physical, cognitive, language, and psychosocial skill attainment (Franzini, 2002; Robinson, 1991). Knowledge of humor development will provide therapists with an additional tool to facilitate communication with their pediatric clients by helping therapists consider children's developmental levels when using humor in therapeutic contexts.
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