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EMPIRICAL RESEARCH
Does This Make Me Look Fat? Peer Crowd and Peer
Contributions to Adolescent Girls’ Weight Control Behaviors
Eleanor Race Mackey Æ Annette M. La Greca
Received: 5 March 2008 / Accepted: 29 May 2008
Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2008
Abstract Based on the Theory of Reasoned Action, this
study evaluated a ‘‘socialization’’ model linking girls’ peer
crowd affiliations (e.g., Jocks, Populars) with their own
weight concern, perceived peer weight norms, and weight
control behaviors. An alternative ‘‘selection’’ model was
also evaluated. Girls (N = 236; M age = 15.95 years)
from diverse ethnic backgrounds completed surveys
assessing peer crowd affiliation, their own concern with
weight, perceptions of peers’ concern with weight, and
weight control behaviors. Models were evaluated using
SEM. The socialization model demonstrated good fit; the
alternative selection model did not. Specifically, girls’ level
of identification with certain peer crowds (Jocks, Burnouts,
Alternatives) was associated with girls’ reported own
concern and perceived peer concern with weight. Addi-
tionally, girls’ own concern and peer norms were related
independently to girls’ weight control behaviors. Findings
suggest that peer crowds and girls’ own and peer weight
norms may be important targets of prevention efforts.
Keywords Adolescents Weight control behaviors
Peer crowds Theory of Reasoned Action
Introduction
Behaviors aimed at controlling or reducing weight are
prevalent in adolescent girls and have serious long-term
health implications (e.g., Centers for Disease Control
1996a). These behaviors range from healthful methods of
weight control, such as limiting calories consumed and
increasing exercise, to more questionable methods, such as
purging or fasting. Each of these behaviors is of concern, as
girls who under-eat or engage in risky weight control
behaviors may be at risk for a host of other problems, such
as poor growth, smoking initiation, eating disorders, and
obesity (CDC 1996a; Stice 2002; Stice et al. 2005).
Although these behaviors are important for boys and
girls, research suggests that eating disorders and body
dissatisfaction are more prevalent among girls (e.g.,
Bearman et al. 2006). Findings also indicate that weight
concerns and behaviors, as well as the peer culture sur-
rounding appearance, may be different for boys than it is
for girls (e.g., Jones and Crawford 2006; McCabe and
Ricciardelli 2006). Because of the difficulty capturing
gender differences in weight control behaviors and in
weight-related concerns in one conceptual model, the
current study focused only on girls.
Research has identified a number of influences on girls’
weight control behaviors, such as peers, family, and the
media (e.g., Stice 2002), although much of this research
has been atheoretical. However, the Theory of Reasoned
Action (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) might help to explain the
likelihood of girls engaging in health risk behaviors;
indeed, it has been used to explain eating behaviors, such
as healthy eating and physical activity (e.g., Baker et al.
2003; Conner et al. 2002). The Theory of Reasoned Action
posits that the likelihood of a behavior occurring is influ-
enced by one’s own attitudes towards a behavior and the
E. R. Mackey (&)
Department of Psychiatry, Children’s National Medical Center,
111 Michigan Ave. NW, Washington, DC 20010, USA
e-mail: emackey@cnmc.org
A. M. La Greca
Department of Psychology, University of Miami, P.O.
Box 248185, Coral Gables, FL 33124-0751, USA
e-mail: alagreca@miami.edu
123
J Youth Adolescence
DOI 10.1007/s10964-008-9299-2
subjective norms of significant others regarding that
behavior (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975). When applied to
weight control behaviors, the Theory of Reasoned Action
suggests that adolescents’ own attitudes towards weight
would influence the likelihood of engaging in behaviors
aimed at controlling weight. Adolescents’ perceptions of
peers’ attitudes towards weight also would independently
contribute to the likelihood of engaging in weight control
behaviors.
One important component of the Theory of Reasoned
Action is an individual’s own attitudes about weight and
appearance. Previous researchers have shown that adoles-
cents’ own norms and attitudes about appearance are
related to their weight control behaviors (e.g., Baker et al.
2003; Lundgren et al. 2004). Specifically, body esteem
(how satisfied an adolescent is with her body and physical
appearance) is one of the most consistent and robust risk
factors for the onset of disordered eating (Stice 2002).
Similarly, weight satisfaction (e.g., Striegel-Moore et al.
2004) and concern about negative evaluations based on
appearance or weight (Lundgren et al. 2004) are related to
girls’ weight control behaviors.
The Theory of Reasoned Action also highlights the
contribution of social norms. For adolescents, peers are a
key social influence on health behaviors (e.g., La Greca
and Prinstein 1999; Wilson and Evans 2003), including
weight control behaviors (Ata et al. 2007; Lattimore and
Butterworth 1999). For example, friends and social cliques
(i.e., small groups of friends) have a prospective influence
on girls’ efforts and desire to achieve or maintain a lower
body weight (Stice 2002). Moreover, adolescent girls’
affiliation with peer crowds, or larger peer networks, also
has been identified as a factor related to their weight con-
trol, eating, and exercise behaviors (Mackey and La Greca
2007). However, the roles of peer crowds, peer weight
norms, and other potential predictors of weight control
behaviors, such as adolescents’ own concern with weight,
have not been studied simultaneously.
Adolescent Peer Crowds
In addition to close friends, adolescents’ peer context
includes peer crowds. Peer crowds are reputation-based
peer groups or, more specifically, large social networks of
similarly stereotyped individuals who may or may not
spend time together (Brown 1989). These crowds typically
emerge during adolescence and are distinct from smaller
friendship groups or ‘‘cliques’’ in that they are much larger,
and peer crowd members may not necessarily be friends or
even know one another (Brown 1990). Peer crowds reflect
adolescents’ peer status and reputation, as well as the pri-
mary attitudes and behaviors by which adolescents are
known to their peers (Brown 1990; La Greca et al. 2001).
Although the terms used to identify peer crowds vary,
the primary peer crowds are similar across diverse school
settings and ethnic groups (Brown 1990). The most com-
mon peer crowds include: Populars, who are socially-
oriented and outgoing; Brains, who enjoy school and aca-
demics; Burnouts, who often get into trouble; Jocks, who
are active in sports and athletics; Alternatives, who rebel
against mainstream culture through appearance and atti-
tudes (Brown 1990; La Greca and Prinstein 1999).
Adolescents who consider themselves to be Average do not
identify with any particular crowd, although this does not
reflect social isolation. Peer crowd affiliations are impor-
tant for a number of reasons, including that they provide
adolescents with a sense of identity and belonging, and
opportunities for social interactions (Brown 1990;La
Greca and Prinstein 1999). As an important part of ado-
lescent development and peer culture, peer crowds are
important to consider when examining peer influences on
adolescents’ behavior.
Adolescents are easily able to categorize themselves by
peer crowd (e.g., Sussman et al. 1990), and much research
has used these categories to assess the relationship of peer
crowd affiliation to a variety of health and psychosocial
outcomes, such as smoking and self-esteem (Kobus 2003;
Prinstein and La Greca 2002). However, some adolescents
affiliate with more than one peer crowd, and there can be
overlap among groups, for example between Jocks and
Populars and between Alternatives and Burnouts (La Greca
et al. 2001). Therefore, recent investigations have used
ratings of the degree to which adolescents affiliate with
each peer crowd to evaluate peer crowd influences on
outcomes such as social anxiety, eating, and exercise
behaviors (e.g., Delsing et al. 2007; La Greca and Harrison
2005; Mackey and La Greca 2007).
Adolescents’ peer crowd affiliations are associated with
a number of health-risk behaviors, including smoking and
drug/alcohol use (e.g., Kobus 2003; La Greca et al. 2001).
Recently, research has also examined the role of peer
crowds on eating, exercise and weight control. As with
other health-risk behaviors, youth identifying highly with
the Burnouts consistently report the poorest eating, exer-
cise, and weight control behaviors, and those identifying
highly with the Brains report the most favorable eating and
exercise behaviors, compared with other teens, although
they also report more dieting behaviors than other youth
(Mackey and La Greca 2007). Additionally, teens identi-
fying highly with the Jocks and Populars report selective
areas of health risk, such as more unhealthful eating, but
also report more positive health behaviors, such as greater
exercise, than teens identifying less with these groups
(Mackey and La Greca 2007). Despite these intriguing
findings, potential pathways for explaining these relation-
ships have not been explored.
J Youth Adolescence
123
Selection Versus Socialization
The Theory of Reasoned Action may help explain how
girls’ own concern and peer norms concerning weight
relate to weight control behaviors. However, it is also
important to explore how peer crowd affiliation and weight
control behaviors may influence one another. Specifically,
peer crowd affiliation is consistent with theories of hom-
ophily (Kandel, 1978a, b), which posit that individuals with
similar interests and characteristics are likely to cluster
together and seek one another out (i.e., ‘‘selection’’). Fur-
ther, peers reward and reinforce similar attitudes and
behaviors among group members (i.e., ‘‘socialization’’).
These processes often occur simultaneously and are over-
lapping, with both playing an important role in guiding
adolescent behaviors.
It is likely that some adolescents affiliate with certain
peer crowds because of perceived similarities of interests,
behaviors, or skills. It is also likely that, once adolescents
affiliate with a certain peer crowd, there may be pressures
(real or perceived) to conform or comply with the attitudes
and behaviors that are prevalent among members of that
crowd. In all likelihood, part of the linkage between peer
crowds and weight control behaviors may have to do with
adolescents’ desire to ‘‘fit in’’ with the crowd, and emulate
other members to feel accepted. This suggests a ‘‘sociali-
zation’’ process (i.e., peers’ attitudes and behaviors
influence adolescents). However, a ‘‘selection’’ process
(i.e., adolescents tend to choose friends who have similar
attitudes and behaviors) also may be in operation. Research
suggests that adolescents and their close friends tend to
have similar values, attitudes, and behaviors (e.g., Hartup
1983, 1996), and that adolescents’ best friends typically
affiliate with the same peer crowd (La Greca et al. 2001).
Thus, theory and research suggest at least two potential
pathways for understanding how peer crowd identification
may relate to girls’ weight control behaviors.
Other Contributing Factors: Body Mass Index (BMI)
and Ethnicity
BMI is important to consider when examining girls’ weight
control behaviors. Overweight adolescent girls are at
greater risk for engaging in weight control behaviors than
are underweight girls (Eisenberg et al. 2005; Neumark-
Sztainer et al. 1999). BMI is also related to adolescents’
own concerns about appearance and weight (e.g., Kelly
et al. 2005; Neumark-Sztainer et al. 2003), as adolescents
with higher BMI’s express more concern about their weight
than those with relatively lower BMI’s. Therefore, the
current study controlled for girls’ BMI in order to examine
the relationship between girls’ own and peer concerns with
weight and their weight control behaviors.
When examining girls’ weight control behaviors, it is
also important to account for ethnicity. Problems such as
obesity and being overweight are common among Black
and Latino youth (e.g., Fitzgibbon et al. 1998). Moreover,
Black adolescent girls are more accepting of being over-
weight than White girls (French et al. 1997), suggesting
that Black girls may be less inclined to diet or use weight
control strategies than would other adolescent girls. Fur-
ther, Black girls also perceive less family and peer weight
concern and have lower personal weight concern than
White girls (Thompson et al. 2003). These findings suggest
that the rates and experiences of weight concerns and
weight control behaviors are unique for Black girls when
compared to girls from other ethnic backgrounds.
Overall, research suggests that there are significant dif-
ferences between Black girls’ weight control behaviors and
those of girls from other ethnic backgrounds (e.g., Nishina
et al. 2006), although girls from non-Black ethnicities (i.e.,
White, Latina) engage in weight control behaviors that are
largely similar to one another (Abrams and Stormer 2002;
Nishina et al. 2006; Shaw et al. 2004). Given these find-
ings, it is important to control for Black ethnicity in
analyses examining girls’ own and perceived peer weight
norms, as well as their weight control behaviors. Thus, the
two conceptual models evaluated in the current study
included such controls (see Figs. 1 and 2).
Current Study and Hypothesized Model
Despite the evidence that there are associations among peer
crowd affiliation, peers, and weight control behaviors, the
complex relationship among these remains unclear. The
current study examined the possibility that the relationship
between peer crowd identification and weight control
behaviors might be explained, using the Theory of Rea-
soned Action, through the association of peer crowd
identification with adolescents’ own and perceived peer
norms regarding weight and appearance. The proposed
‘‘socialization’’ model (Fig. 1) posits that girls’ own atti-
tudes and their perceptions of peers’ weight and
appearance norms are pathways through which peer crowd
identification may influence weight control behaviors.
More specifically, we hypothesized that girls affiliating
with the Jocks would show less of their own and peer
concern with weight, and thus fewer weight control
behaviors; the reverse was expected for girls identifying
with the Brains, Populars, and Burnouts. Because of mixed
findings in previous research, no specific hypotheses were
made regarding girls identifying with the Alternative or
Average crowds. Additionally, the potential mediating
pathways of adolescent girls’ own concerns about their
weight and their perceptions of peers’ concerns about
weight were examined, expecting that both girls’ own and
J Youth Adolescence
123
perceived peer concern with weight would be related to
greater weight control behaviors.
As described above, rates and experiences of girls’ own
and perceived peer weight norms, as well as weight control
behaviors, may differ for girls with higher BMI’s and from
Black ethnicities as compared to their normal weight
counterparts and girls from other ethnic backgrounds.
Therefore, BMI and ethnicity were both included in the
model. We expected higher BMI to be associated with
girls’ increased own concerns with weight, more perceived
peer weight norms, and more weight control behaviors than
lower BMI. We expected girls’ Black ethnicity to be
associated with less of their own concern with weight and
perceived peer norms, and fewer weight control behaviors.
Therefore, the final models reflect the pathways between
girls’ peer crowds, their own and perceived peer weight
norms, and weight control behaviors, controlling for dif-
ferences in BMI and ethnicity.
Using a cross-sectional design, structural equation
modeling (SEM) was used to examine direct and indirect
pathways of influence, as it allows for a simultaneous
examination of multiple pathways and reduces measure-
ment error. Given that SEM is vulnerable to confirmation
bias, multiple a priori models should be evaluated to
examine alternative hypotheses and models (MacCallum
and Austin 2000). Therefore, we also examined an alter-
nate ‘‘selection’’ model (Fig. 2) to explain the relationship
between peer crowd identification and weight control
behaviors; that is, adolescents choose peer crowds by
seeking out others who are similar to them. Consistent with
Girls’ Own Concern
WithTheir Weight
Weight Control
Behaviors
Perceived Peer
Weight Norms
Body Mass
Index
Ethnicity
Body Mass
Index
Ethnicity
Brains
Populars
Burnouts
Jocks
Average
Alternatives
Body Mass
Index
Ethnicity
Fig. 1 Proposed
‘‘socialization’’ model
predicting peer crowd
identification
Girls’ Own Concern
With Their Weight
Weight Control
Behaviors
Perceived Peer
Weight Norms
Body Mass
Index
Ethnicity
Body Mass
Index
Ethnicity
Brains
Populars
Burnouts
Jocks
Average
Alternatives
Body Mass
Index
Ethnicity
Fig. 2 Proposed ‘‘selection’’
model predicting peer crowd
identification
J Youth Adolescence
123
the Theory of Reasoned Action, girls’ own concern with
weight and perceived peer norms were expected to predict
their weight control behaviors, which in turn were expected
to predict their peer crowd identification.
Method
Participants
Participants were 236 girls, 13–18 years of age
(M = 15.95; SD = 1.13), recruited from five public high
schools within a large metropolitan area in the Southeast.
The ethnic composition was 35% White, 33% Hispanic/
Latino, 19% Black (African-American, Caribbean-
American), and 13% Mixed/Other, reflecting the diversity
of the urban area within which the adolescents resided.
Procedure
Approval was obtained through the University Institutional
Review Board and local school boards. Adolescents were
given consent forms in English and Spanish to take home
for parents to provide active consent. Half of the adoles-
cents returned signed consent forms, and 99% of these
adolescents had permission to participate. At the beginning
of the group testing sessions, adolescents were asked for
their assent to participate and all agreed. Adolescents
completed questionnaires anonymously; research assistants
were available to answer questions.
Measures
Background Information
A questionnaire was used to obtain information on ado-
lescents’ age, gender, and ethnicity. Adolescents classified
their ethnicity according to CDC guidelines (CDC 1996b)
as White/Caucasian, Black (African American, not His-
panic; Caribbean-American, such as Haitian, Jamaican),
Hispanic or Latino (e.g., Cuban, Columbian, Puerto Rican,
Mexican), Asian, or Mixed Ethnicity/Other.
Body Mass Index (BMI)
BMI was calculated from adolescents’ reports of their
height and weight. Because BMI varies by age and gender,
percentiles that take these factors into account were used
(CDC 2007). Adolescents’ self-reported weight and height
appear to be reliable and valid, although there is a small
tendency for weight to be underreported and height to be
overreported (e.g., Brener 2003). To examine the validity
of adolescents’ reported weight and height, 25% (n = 59)
of the adolescents were randomly selected to have their
weight and height measured physically. The correlations
between reported and measured weight and height were
high: .98 for weight and .93 for height.
Peer Crowd Affiliation
Adolescents rated how much they identified with each peer
crowd using the revised Peer Crowds Questionnaire
measure (La Greca et al. 2001; La Greca and Harrison
2005). Typical peer crowds were listed and adolescents
indicated whether these crowds existed in their school.
These peer crowds were: Jocks (athletic, on school team),
Burnouts (skip school, get into trouble), Brains (do well in
school, enjoy academics), Populars (involved in activities,
concerned about image), Alternatives (rebel against the
norm in clothing or ideas, do not conform to social ideals),
and Average (no particular peer crowd). Adolescents rated
how much they identify with each crowd (1 = not at all,
5 = very much); these ratings were used as individual
indicators of the level of identification with each peer
crowd, which also allows for an adolescent to endorse high
or low levels of identification with multiple peer crowds.
This method has been used in several studies (e.g., Delsing
et al. 2007; La Greca and Harrison 2005; Mackey and La
Greca 2007). Further, strong associations have been found
between adolescents’ primary peer crowd affiliation and
their ratings of identification with that peer crowd
(La Greca and Harrison 2005; Mackey and La Greca 2007).
There is a good correspondence between adolescents’ self-
identification and peers’ assignment to crowds (e.g., Brown
et al. 1986). Analyses reflect whether the level of identifi-
cation for each participant with each peer crowd is related
to girls’ own and peer weight norms, and weight control
behaviors.
Adolescent Girls’ Own Concern with Weight
Three indicators measured adolescent girls’ own concern
with their weight: weight satisfaction, body esteem, and fear
of negative appearance evaluation. The Body Esteem Scale
for Adolescents and Adults (BES; Mendelson et al. 2001)
assessed weight satisfaction and body esteem. Adolescents
rated statements on a 5-point scale (1 = Never,
5 = Always) containing items such as: ‘‘I like what I look
like in pictures’’ and ‘‘I am preoccupied with trying to
change my body weight.’’ The present study used the
Appearance (feelings about appearance) and Weight
(weight satisfaction) subscales as indicators of body esteem
and weight satisfaction, respectively. Both subscales have
good internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and validity
(Mendelson et al. 2001), and both demonstrated good
internal consistency in the current sample (Appearance
J Youth Adolescence
123
a = .91; Weight a = .92). Higher values of these subscales
indicate less body esteem and weight satisfaction.
The Fear of Negative Appearance Evaluation Scale
(Lundgren et al. 2004) was the indicator of how much girls
worried about other people appraising them based on their
appearance. The six items were averaged to obtain a score
for fear of negative appraisal. Previous research has shown
that this scale has good internal consistency and validity, as
it relates to measures of body image, eating disturbance,
and depression (Lundgren et al. 2004). The current sample
also demonstrated good internal consistency (Cronbach’s
alpha = .92).
Perceived Peer Weight Norms
Three indicators measured perceived peer weight norms
and behaviors (Terry and Hogg 1996): girls’ reports of
peers’ attitudes and behaviors about dieting and thin
appearance, peer pressure to be thin, and peer teasing. For
peer dieting and concern with thinness, girls completed the
three-item Peer Dieting Scale (Levine et al. 1994). Internal
consistency has been adequate (Levine et al. 1994; Mackey
and La Greca 2007), as was internal consistency in the
current sample (Cronbach’s alpha = .71).
To assess peer pressure to be thin, girls completed the
two-item friend subscale of the Perceived Sociocultural
Pressure Scale (Stice et al. 1996), indicating how much
pressure girls feel from peers to lose weight or to have a
thin body. This scale has demonstrated adequate reliability
and validity (Presnell et al. 2004; Stice et al. 1998).
Internal consistency for the current sample was a = .60.
Finally, the three-item peer teasing subscale from the
McKnight Risk Factor Survey (Shisslak et al. 1999)
assessed peer teasing about weight. This subscale has good
reliability and validity (Shisslak et al. 1999) and the
internal consistency of the current sample was a = .81.
Weight Control Behaviors
Three indicators assessed weight control behaviors: diet-
ing, bulimia/food preoccupation, and other weight control
strategies. The first two indicators were assessed using
subscales from the Eating Attitudes Test, the 12-question
version (EAT-12 version; Lavik et al. 1991). The EAT-12
asks about restrictive eating behaviors and the extent to
which adolescents under-eat or regulate their food intake.
The EAT-12 was used because the measure has adequate
reliability and validity (Wichstrom 2000), and because
there were time constraints on the length of the study
protocol. The subscales used in this study were: dieting
(e.g., ‘‘I engage in dieting behavior’’), and bulimia and
food preoccupation (e.g., ‘‘I vomit after I have eaten,’’ ‘‘I
give too much time and thought to food’’). Each subscale
contained four items scored on a 6-point scale (1 =
Never,
6 = Always). Totals ranged from 4 to 24 with good
internal consistency in the present sample (dieting a = .84,
bulimia/food preoccupation a = .72).
The third indicator of weight control behaviors was
assessed with two questions from the CDC’s (2003) Youth
Risk Behavior Surveillance System (‘‘exercising to lose
weight or keep from gaining weight,’’ and ‘‘eating less
food, fewer calories, or food lower in fat to lose weight’’).
A ‘‘yes’’ was coded as 1 and a ‘‘no’’ as 0, and the two
questions were averaged. The internal consistency in the
current sample was a = .55.
Results
Descriptive Information
Means of key study variables are presented in Table 1.
Similar to previous studies (e.g., La Greca et al. 2001;
La Greca and Harrison 2005), adolescent girls reported
the highest levels of identification with the Average,
Popular, and Brain peer crowds; girls reported the lowest
identification with the Burnouts. On average, girls
reported a moderate level of concern about their own
weight (Means = 2.48–2.75 on a five point scale) and
moderate levels of peer dieting (Mean = 2.42 on a five
Table 1 Means and standard deviations of key study variables
Study variables Mean Standard
deviation
Possible
range
1. Peer crowd affiliation
Identify with Jocks 2.46 1.35 1–5
Identify with Brains 2.83 1.17 1–5
Identify with Burnouts 1.84 1.15 1–5
Identify with Populars 3.05 1.27 1–5
Identify with Alternatives 2.05 1.04 1–5
Identify with Average 3.55 1.24 1–5
2. Own concern with weight
Weight satisfaction 2.75 1.01 1–5
Body esteem 2.53 0.86 1–5
Fear of negative evaluation 2.48 1.05 1–5
3. Perceived peer weight norms
Peer dieting 2.42 0.78 1–5
Pressure from friends 1.58 0.70 1–5
Peer teasing 1.80 0.88 1–5
4. Weight control behaviors
Dieting (EAT-12) 2.42 1.27 1–6
Bulimia (EAT-12) 1.63 0.82 1–6
CDC weight control 0.50 0.42 0–1
5. Body mass index percentile 61.74 26.82 3–97
J Youth Adolescence
123
point scale). Reports of peer concern about the target
adolescents’ weight were lower (Means = 1.58–1.80 on
a five point scale). The BMI percentile indicated that the
girls were slightly above average in weight (M = 61.74,
SD = 26.82).
Correlations among the study variables are presented in
Table 2. As in previous research (e.g., La Greca et al.
2001), adolescents’ level of identification with the Populars
and the Jocks was related (r = .56) as was the level of
identification with the Alternatives and the Burnouts
(r = .34); otherwise, for the most part, correlations among
the various peer crowds were low. In general, higher BMI,
greater perceived peer concern about weight, and greater
concern about their own weight were related to higher
levels of girls’ weight control behaviors (i.e., dieting,
bulimia; see Table 2). Generally, peer crowd identification
was not related to measures of girls’ weight control, except
for girls identifying with the Average and Alternatives who
reported more dieting (r = .15). However, identification
with some peer crowds, specifically Jocks, Brains, Burn-
outs, Populars, and Alternatives, was related to the
hypothesized mediating variables of peer dieting, peer
teasing, body esteem, and weight satisfaction (see Table 2).
Overview of Data Analytic Procedures
and Measurement Model
The models (Figs. 1 and 2) were analyzed using Structural
Equation Modeling. The full information maximum like-
lihood procedure was used to include participants who had
data missing, presumed to be missing at random. Covari-
ance coverage was primarily greater than 90%, with the
exception of eight covariances that were all between 83%
and 90%. The data were screened for outliers and for
indicators that were nonnormal (i.e., skewness [ 3, kur-
tosis [ 8). All indicators were within the acceptable
ranges, suggesting normal data.
Overall model fit was assessed using four different sta-
tistics. First, a chi-square analysis was used. However, due
to a large sample size and the inability of any model to
account for all measurement variance, it was unlikely that a
nonsignificant chi-square would be obtained (Kline 2005).
The other indices were the RMSEA (values between .05
and .08 indicate acceptable fit, and values below .05 a good
fit; Kline 2005), CFI (values above .90 indicate reasonable
fit, above .95 good fit; Kline 2005), and SRMR (values less
than .10 are acceptable; Kline 2005).
In order to determine which paths were significant,
critical ratios (CR) were examined. Those above 1.95 were
considered to be significant at the .05 level, and in order to
find the most parsimonious model, paths not significantly
different from zero were fixed to zero in the final model
(Kline 2005).
The measurement model was first tested to ensure that
each of the observed variables was a sufficient indicator
of the hypothesized latent variables. One correlated error
was added as a result of the modification indices and
theoretical sense; McDonald and Ho (2002) note that the
addition of correlated error covariances does not alter the
causal model and the judicious addition of covariances
which make theoretical sense is permissible. This corre-
lated error was the relationship between weight
satisfaction and fear of negative evaluation based on
appearance (CR =-6.13). Specifically, it is likely that
there is a common factor, such as social desirability, not
included in the model that is associated with girls’ weight
satisfaction and their perception that others evaluate them
on the same criteria. The proposed measurement model
fit the data adequately (v
2
= 62.87 (23), p \ .001,
CFI = .95, RMSEA = .08, SRMR = .05). All indicators
sufficiently measured the hypothesized latent variables.
Table 3 shows the resulting measurement model and the
factors and standard errors for girls’ own concern with
weight, perceived peer weight norms, and weight control
behaviors.
Hybrid Model Testing for Target Model
First, the target structural model (see Fig. 1) was evalu-
ated by adding the structural components beginning with
the paths between peer crowd identification, the inter-
mediary latent variables, and the outcome variable,
followed by ethnicity and BMI. Nonsignificant pathways
were set to zero before the next variables were included
in the model.
Next, the pathways between peer crowd affiliations,
girls’ own concern and peer weight norms, and weight
control behaviors were examined. Pathways that were not
statistically significant in this model were set to zero; these
were affiliation with the Brains, Burnouts, Populars,
Average and girls’ own concern with weight, as well as
affiliation with the Alternatives and Average crowds with
perceived peer norms. The model recommended a direct
pathway between affiliation with the Average crowd and
weight control behaviors, which was added. The sub-
sequent model demonstrated acceptable fit (v
2
= 145.46
(70), p \ .001, CFI = .92, RMSEA = .07, SRMR = .05).
Within the model, the pathways between identification with
the Brains and Popular peer crowds and perceived peer
weight norms were nonsignificant, but needed to be
retained in the model for it to converge.
Next, ethnicity and BMI were added to the model.
Neither White (as compared to non-White) nor Latino (as
compared to non-Latino) girls had significant pathways
with girls’ own concern with weight or weight control
behaviors. The model including Black (as compared to
J Youth Adolescence
123
Table 2 Correlations among key study variables
1234567891011121314151617
1. Jocks 1
2. Brains .19** 1
3. Burnouts .31** .01 1
4. Populars .56** .21** .21** 1
5. Alternative .04 .14* .34** .00 1
6. Average -.05 -.07 -.05 -.05 .04 1
7. BMI % .05 .03 -.06 .03 -.06 .04 1
8. Black ethnicity -.03 .06 .02 .05 -.08 -.09 .12 1
9. Peer dieting .10 -.12 .13* .16* -.02 .02 .14* -.15* 1
10. Peer pressure to be thin -.10 .11 .02 -.03 .10 -.02 .22** -.03 .33** 1
11. Peer teasing -.10 .04 .14* -.05 .13* .02 .16* -.01 .19** .28** 1
12. Body esteem -.24** -.14* -.02 -.22** .15 .02 .19** -.13* .31** .38** .39** 1
13. Weight satisfaction -.19** -.07 .03 -.13 .14* .02 .45** -.15* .37** .40** .43** .77** 1
14. Fear of negative evaluation -.12 -.04 .04 -.03 .10 -.01 .20** -.15* .40** .41** .30** .68** .57** 1
15. Dieting -.08 .02 .03 -.02 .08 .15* .43** -.13 .39** .48** .28** .52** .67** .53** 1
16. Bulimia -.09 .10 .11 .04 .08 .05 .23** .02 .11 .34** .31** .36** .43** .35** .55** 1
17. CDC weight control .12 .00 .03 .11 .15* .10 .37** -.07 .21** .22** .02 .26** .41** .23** .53** .18** 1
* p \ .05; ** p \.01
J Youth Adolescence
123
non-Black) girls and BMI retained adequate fit
(v
2
= 178.58 (83), p \ .001, CFI = .91, RMSEA = .07,
SRMR = .05; See Fig. 3). Black ethnicity was not related
to weight control behaviors, and was therefore set to zero
in the final model. However, it did predict less of girls’ own
concern with weight and perceived peer weight norms. All
hypothesized pathways between BMI and girls’ own con-
cern with weight, perceived peer weight norms, and weight
control were significant; specifically, higher BMI predicted
more concern with weight, perceived peer weight norms,
and weight control behaviors.
Overall, in the target model (Fig. 3), girls’ affiliation
with the Jocks predicted less of girls’ own concern with
weight and fewer perceived peer weight norms, whereas
girls’ affiliation with the Alternatives predicted more of
their own concern with weight. Girls’ identification with
the Average crowd had a direct pathway to increased
weight control behaviors. Girls’ affiliation with the Burn-
outs was related to more perceived peer weight norms.
Both girls’ own concern with weight and their perceived
peer weight norms significantly predicted more weight
control behaviors. Overall, the model accounted for 25% of
the variance in girls’ own concern with weight, 16% of the
variance in peer concern with weight, and 62% of the
variance in weight control behaviors.
Alternate Model Testing
To test an alternate theory explaining the relationship of
girls’ peer crowd identification with weight control
behaviors, the model reflecting a selection hypothesis (see
Fig. 2) was also examined. First, the pathways between
girls’ own concern and their peer weight norms, weight
control behaviors, and peer crowd identification were
examined. Pathways that were not statistically significant
in this model were set to zero; these were affiliation
with all of the peer crowds and dieting. The subsequent
model demonstrated poor fit (v
2
= 243.73 (90), p \ .001,
CFI = .86, RMSEA = .09, SRMR = .09).
Next, ethnicity and BMI were added to the model.
Although, as in the previous model, BMI was significantly
associated with girls’ own concern with weight, perceived
peer weight norms, and weight control, and Black ethnicity
was significantly associated with girls’ own concern with
weight and peer weight norms, the overall model continued
to demonstrate poor fit with the data (v
2
= 375.25 (116),
p \ .001, CFI = .78, RMSEA = .10, SRMR = .09).
Overall, the model that reflected a ‘‘socialization’’ process
was a better fit than the alternate ‘‘selection’’ model (Fig. 2).
-.20***
.12**
.16***
- .21***
.44***
.15*
.34***
.27**
.45***
.18***
-.22***
-.20**
.11
.07
.57***
Girls’ Own Concern
With Their Weight
Weight Control
Behaviors
Perceived Peer
Weight Norms
Body Mass
Index
Black Ethnicity
Body Mass Index
Burnouts
Jocks
Average
Alternatives
Body Mass
Index
Populars
Brains
Black Ethnicity
Fig. 3 Socialization model
predicting weight control
behaviors. * p \ .05;
** p \ .01; *** p \ .001
Table 3 Measurement model: standardized factor loadings
Factors Factor loadings Standard errors
1. Girls’ own concern with their weight
Weight satisfaction .97 .09
Body esteem .80 .06
Fear of negative evaluation .85 .07
2. Perceived peer weight norms
Peer dieting .55 .13
Peer pressure to be thin .62 .17
Peer teasing .45 .18
3. Weight control behaviors
Dieting .99 .34
Bulimia .55 .04
CDC weight control .53 .02
J Youth Adolescence
123
Discussion
Problematic weight control behaviors, such as excessive
dieting and bulimic behaviors, often begin in adolescence
and have serious long-term implications for women’s
health (CDC 1996a). Although peers exert a major influ-
ence on adolescent girls’ weight control strategies, the
effects of peers are not well understood. Drawing on the
Theory of Reasoned Action and peer ‘‘socialization pro-
cesses,’’ the present study examined a conceptual model
that, in a comprehensive manner, incorporated the potential
roles of adolescent girls’ peer crowd affiliations, girls’ own
concerns about their weight, and their perceptions of peers’
weight norms as important factors in their weight control
behaviors. This model proved to be a good fit for the data.
An alternative model, reflecting the possibility of peer
selection processes (i.e., that weight control behaviors
influence girls’ peer crowd affiliations) was also examined,
but did not fit the data well. Specific findings from the
conceptual model that received support are discussed
below.
Peer Crowd Affiliation
Peer crowd affiliation was an important predictor of girls’
weight control behaviors, and was related to girls’ own and
perceived peer weight norms. Unlike previous research
(e.g., Mackey and La Greca 2007), only a few key peer
crowds were linked to weight control behaviors. However,
consistent with previous findings and supporting study
hypotheses, girls affiliating with the Jocks appeared to be at
lower risk for engaging in weight control behaviors, as they
reported less concern about their own weight and fewer
perceived peer norms about thinness. In contrast, girls
identifying with the Alternatives reported more concern
with their weight and appearance than other girls and also
were more likely to engage in weight control behaviors.
This finding is intriguing, as the definition of the Alterna-
tive crowd reflects rebellion against social norms for
appearance. However, because there is often a strong
association between the Burnout and Alternative peer
crowds (La Greca et al. 2001), and because affiliation with
the Burnouts has been linked with high levels of health risk
behaviors, including poor eating, exercise, and problematic
weight control (Mackey and La Greca 2007), it is likely
that these findings reflect peer socialization processes for
girls affiliating with the Alternatives that support their use
of problematic weight control strategies. In fact (and also
supporting the study hypotheses) the more girls affiliated
with the Burnouts, the more they reported peer weight
norms emphasizing thinness and dieting (although they did
not report more of their own concern with weight than
other girls).
Girls identifying as Average, or not belonging to any
particular peer crowd, reported more weight control
behaviors than other girls, independent of their own or
perceived peer weight norms. Although there is relatively
little research on girls identifying with the Average crowd,
it is possible that these findings reflect the high rates of
weight control behaviors among adolescent girls in general.
It is also possible that other sources of influence, such as
the family or media (e.g., Stice 2002), might explain these
girls’ likelihood of engaging in weight control behaviors.
Future research should examine these potential explana-
tions of the findings for girls identifying highly with the
Average crowd.
Contrary to previous research, this socialization model
applying the Theory of Reasoned Action was not a good fit
for understanding the weight control behaviors of girls who
identified highly with the Brain or Popular peer crowds. It
is possible that alternative pathways might better explain
the higher rates of dieting reported by Brains and higher
rates of peer concern with weight reported by Populars in
previous research (Mackey and La Greca 2007). For
example, Brains may have a tendency towards perfec-
tionism, a quality that is strongly related to weight control
behaviors (Stice 2002). Additionally, girls identifying with
the Populars may be vulnerable to other sources of social
influence, such as those communicated by the media or by
dating partners. Although the potential influence of
romantic partners on adolescents girls’ weight control
behaviors was not examined in this study, this will be an
important source of influence to examine further, as ado-
lescents’ dating partners have been found to influence other
health risk behaviors such as smoking (e.g., Fidler et al.
2006; La Greca 2006).
Girls’ Own Concern with Weight and Perceived Peer
Weight Norms
Consistent with the Theory of Reasoned Action (Fishbein
and Ajzen 1975) and this study’s hypotheses, both girls’
own attitudes towards weight and perceived peer weight
norms independently predicted their weight control
behaviors. Specifically, girls who were more concerned
about their own weight (including body esteem, weight
satisfaction, and fear of negative appearance evaluation)
were more likely to engage in weight control behaviors.
These findings complement previous research (e.g., Baker
et al. 2003; Lundgren et al. 2004; Stice 2002
), which found
that girls’ concern with weight was cross-sectionally and
longitudinally related to weight control behaviors and
disordered eating. Further, girls who perceived their peers
to be concerned about weight also reported more weight
control behaviors. Such findings suggest that adolescents
who have friends who diet or place importance on weight
J Youth Adolescence
123
and appearance are likely to engage in weight control
behaviors themselves (Lattimore and Butterworth 1999;
Stice 2002).
In general, the data supported the proposed conceptual
model of girls’ peer crowd affiliations ‘‘influencing’’ their
weight control behaviors. However, because the study was
cross-sectional, it was not possible to establish firmly that
girls’ own and perceived concern about weight mediated
the relationship between peer crowd affiliation and weight
control behaviors. Future research is needed that examines
these relationships prospectively over time.
BMI and Ethnicity
As expected, the present study found that girls with a
higher BMI were more concerned with their own weight,
perceived their peers to be more concerned with weight,
and reported more attempts to control their weight; that is,
girls with higher BMI’s reported greater perceived social
pressure to be thin. These findings are consistent with
previous research suggesting that BMI is an important
contributor to girls’ weight concerns and weight-related
behaviors (e.g., Neumark-Sztainer et al. 2003). It is
apparent that girls with high BMI’s should be a priority in
research and clinical efforts aimed at promoting healthful
weight control and preventing body dissatisfaction and
disordered eating.
Consistent with previous findings (e.g., Nishina et al.
2006), Black girls reported less concern about their weight
and appearance than others. Black girls’ relatively lower
levels of concern about their own weight might indirectly
prevent them from becoming involved in serious efforts to
control their weight, which may contribute to the higher
rates of obesity and overweight observed in this population
(e.g., Fitzgibbon et al. 1998). No significant differences
were found for White or Latina girls (compared to non-
White and non-Latina girls), consistent with previous
research that found these ethnic groups to be similar to one
another with regard to weight control attitudes and
behaviors (e.g., Abrams and Stormer 2002; Shaw et al.
2004). These findings suggest that future research needs to
focus on Black girls to elucidate the unique attitudes and
behaviors in which they engage in order to develop
appropriate prevention and intervention efforts for being
overweight and obesity.
Clinical Implications
The current study represents an important step in eluci-
dating the relationship between peer crowd identification,
girls’ own concern with weight, their perceptions of peers’
weight norms, and weight control behaviors. Understand-
ing these pathways has a number of implications for
prevention and intervention programs, as well as informing
future research. Potential applications of these findings for
prevention and intervention efforts are described below.
Two of the most important arenas in which to employ
intervention and prevention programs are in schools and
primary care settings (CDC 1996a; Ma et al. 2005; Neu-
mark-Sztainer 2005). In primary care settings, researchers
have noted that health promotion would be improved if
pediatricians were able to target groups of adolescents at
higher risk for health problems (Ma et al. 2005). Similarly,
in school settings, targeting groups at highest risk also
would allow for more focused and cost-effective programs,
although the feasibility of such interventions has not been
studied and needs further research. Findings from the
current study suggest that health care providers and school
personnel might ask adolescent girls about their peer crowd
affiliations in order to help identify adolescents with the
highest levels of risky health behaviors. In particular, girls
identifying with the Alternative and Burnout peer crowds
reported greater use of weight control behaviors and may
be appropriate risk groups to target; in contrast, Jocks
report less concern about weight and appearance than other
girls, and thus might benefit less from school or primary
care interventions.
Because the findings also indicate that girls’ own con-
cern with weight is related to their use of weight control
behaviors, girls’ body and weight dissatisfaction is likely to
be an important component of weight control interventions.
It is notable and somewhat surprising that current guide-
lines for school-based interventions (CDC 1996a) do not
address adolescents’ own weight concerns as an interven-
tion component. In fact, other research also suggests that
targeting girls’ own weight and appearance concerns is
useful in preventing bulimic symptoms (e.g., Bearman
et al. 2004).
Guidelines for school-based intervention programs do
include the importance of targeting peer pressure and peer
concern with weight (CDC 1996a), as well as modeling
healthful eating by popular peers (Evans et al. 2006). The
current findings support this recommendation, particularly
for girls who identify with the Burnout crowd. Future
research examining peers’ actual behaviors, not just girls’
perceptions, will be important in determining more specific
links between peer behavior and girls’ weight control that
will help to inform prevention and intervention efforts.
Limitations and Future Directions
Although this study provides information that will be
valuable for understanding the weight control behaviors of
adolescent girls, several limitations need to be addressed in
future research. First, because the sample included ado-
lescent girls from ethnically diverse high schools in urban
J Youth Adolescence
123
areas, the findings can best be generalized to this popula-
tion. Although this represents a substantial number of
adolescents, future research might examine the potential
influence of peer crowd affiliations in other samples of
adolescent girls, as well as adolescent boys. For example,
adolescents from rural areas and those in schools with a
different ethnic composition may differ in their school
culture, conceptions of beauty, or the relative status of peer
crowds, which in turn may yield different findings. In
particular, future research might address the role of school
culture (e.g., the degree of emphasis on sports or academics
or on a healthy lifestyle), as research suggests the school
environment may influence adolescents’ weight control
behaviors (Eisenberg et al. 2005). In addition, future
research that addresses potential heterogeneity within the
larger ethnic groupings of Black and Latino youth would
also be valuable.
Second, although about half of the eligible girls partic-
ipated, exact participation rates were difficult to determine
in the current study because the active consent process
relied on adolescents taking the forms home, discussing the
study with a parent, and returning a signed consent form to
school. However, of the forms that were returned, the
participation rate was very high (99%). The estimated
participation rate in this study was similar to other com-
munity based studies of adolescents (e.g., Mackey and La
Greca 2007), and the girls in this study also reported levels
of peer crowd affiliation that were similar to those of
previous studies (e.g., La Greca and Harrison 2005; Mac-
key and La Greca 2007). Nevertheless, it is possible that
different results would be obtained if a larger percentage of
adolescent girls participated, and future research should
address this issue.
Third, information for this study was obtained primarily
from adolescents’ self-report. Adolescents are considered
to be the best informants for many of the constructs mea-
sured in this study. For example, adolescents are the best
informants for their own peer relations and for their self-
care behaviors (La Greca and Lemanek 1996), which may
include weight control. In addition, several measures (e.g.,
girls’ own weight concerns, girls’ perceptions of peer
weight norms) were intended to reflect adolescent girls’
perspectives. For other measures, such height and weight,
physical measures were obtained on a subset of the girls,
and these measures correlated highly with girls’ self
reports. At the same time, future studies might benefit from
considering additional measurement strategies, such as
diaries or behavioral logs of weight control behaviors, and
obtaining reports from peers regarding their dieting and
other weight control behaviors.
Fourth, firm conclusions about the conceptual model
that was evaluated in the current study cannot be made
because all data were collected at a single point in time.
Future prospective research that examines potential bi-
directional influences between peer variables and adoles-
cent girls’ weight control behaviors would be important
and desirable. Finally, given the multiple influences on
adolescents’ weight control (e.g., Stice 2002), such as
family and school culture, among others, future research
could extend the present findings by examining even more
complex models of adolescents’ weight control behaviors.
Therefore, in order to evaluate these complex systems of
influence, studies that examine multiple systems of influ-
ence in a longitudinal fashion would be of particular
interest.
Conclusions
The current study highlighted important factors contribut-
ing to adolescents’ weight control behaviors, and found
that, consistent with the Theory of Reasoned Action and
with socialization processes, girls’ peer crowd affiliation,
and their own and perceived peer weight norms are
important predictors of girls’ weight control behaviors.
This study was unique in that it included a large, diverse
sample of adolescents and examined two a priori models to
determine which represented a better fit for the current
data. The results of this study may be useful in informing
intervention and prevention efforts, as well as in guiding
future research that can further elucidate the influence of
peers on adolescents’ health risk behaviors.
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Author Biographies
Eleanor Race Mackey is a postdoctoral fellow at Children’s National
Medical Center. She received her Ph.D. in Pediatric Psychology at the
University of Miami. Dr. Mackey’s research centers on adolescent
eating and exercise behaviors, with the goal of developing programs
aimed at preventing obesity and eating disorders.
Annette M. La Greca is a Professor of Psychology and Pediatrics
and Director of Clinical Training at the University of Miami’s
Department of Psychology. She received her Ph.D. in Clinical Psy-
chology at Purdue University. Dr. La Greca’s research program
includes: children’s and adolescents’ peer relations, friendships, and
romantic relationships, as they pertain to psychological and physical
health; children’s reactions to trauma, including natural disasters
(hurricanes) and community violence; social anxiety in children and
adolescents; family and peer issues in the management of type 1
diabetes in youth; and preventive interventions.
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