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Past research has documented compromised development for teenage mothers' children compared to others, but less is known about predictors of school readiness among these children or among teenage fathers' children. Our multidimensional measures of high and low school readiness incorporated math, reading, and behavior scores and parent-reported heal...

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... address each in turn. Using estimates from Model 2 from Table 2 and Stata statistical software, predicted probabilities reported in Figure 1 compared hypothetical children who had average (for continuous variables) or modal (for categorical variables) values for the sample of teenage parents' children on all variables except those we manipulated. We then manipulated all variables that were significant predictors of readiness and/or unreadiness, analyzing one domain at a time. ...
Context 2
... example, for maternal education the "low" values were 10 years at Wave 1 and no education gain by Wave 3 (about four years later), and the "high" values were 12 years and 2 years of education gain. See the notes in Figure 1 for details. We excluded the analysis of parental relationship factors (Hypothesis 4) because of their lack of significance in multivariate models. ...
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... characteristics were the most accurate predictors of children's actual readiness, while socioeconomic resources best predicted unreadiness. Another way to look at the issue of various domains' importance is to see which domains gave children extremely low chances of being ready or unready in Figure 1. From this perspective, socioeconomic resources and care by adults were each particularly important for predicting school readiness: Without a basic level of protective factors from these domains, children have almost no chance of showing school readiness at age 4½ (2% and 0.005%, respectively). ...

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... Studies also suggest that education might work as a 'social vaccine' in HIV endemic environments, showing that length and completion of secondary education reduces the risk for HIV infection, especially for girls (De Neve et al., 2015;Pettifor et al., 2008;Stoner et al., 2017). Particularly maternal education is also strongly linked to the use of health services (Forshaw et al., 2017;Simkhada et al., 2008), child health and life expectancy (Huebender, 2019;Mensch et al., 2019), and might mediate the negative relationship between the mothers' age and children's IQ later in life (Barlow et al., 2011;Khatun et al., 2017;Mollborn & Dennis, 2012). Despite the importance of effectively promoting adolescent mothers' return to school, evaluated programmes to dateall from the USshow largely small effects (Harding et al., 2020;SmithBattle et al., 2017;Steinka-Fry et al., 2013), and there remains a lack of support for adolescent mothers within sub-Saharan Africa (Callahan et al., 2017;Groves et al., 2018;Toska et al., 2020). ...
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... Although children of adolescent mothers may have lower school readiness, there are modifiable factors related to higher school readiness, including maternal gains in education, maternal age of at least 18 years, lower rates of postpartum depressive symptoms, and receiving nonparental child care in infancy. 113 The following policy changes may improve school readiness: Children should attend on-site child care centers with qualified staff while their mothers attend school, and targeted pregnancy prevention services should be provided for school-aged adolescents who have not yet attained a high school diploma. 113 Despite studies showing concern for lowered IQ and long-term intellectual development of children of teen parents, 114 there are interventions that may improve cognitive development; specifically, interventions that were shorter in duration, conducted in smaller groups, or placed strong emphasis on the quality of parent-child interactions led to greater gains in cognitive achievement among the children. ...
... 113 The following policy changes may improve school readiness: Children should attend on-site child care centers with qualified staff while their mothers attend school, and targeted pregnancy prevention services should be provided for school-aged adolescents who have not yet attained a high school diploma. 113 Despite studies showing concern for lowered IQ and long-term intellectual development of children of teen parents, 114 there are interventions that may improve cognitive development; specifically, interventions that were shorter in duration, conducted in smaller groups, or placed strong emphasis on the quality of parent-child interactions led to greater gains in cognitive achievement among the children. 115 ...
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... [46] The age 20 cut-off has been adopted by the World Health, and used consistently in studies of adolescent motherhood. [47][48][49] Thus, any children born to mothers whose first child was born before age 20 are noted as having an adolescent mother, even if their mother was 20 or older when they were born. Age at first birth for mothers and grandmothers is identified through the Manitoba Insurance Registry. ...
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Background Children born to adolescent mothers generally perform more poorly on school readiness assessments than their peers born to adult mothers. It is unknown, however, whether this relationship extends to the grandchildren of these adolescent mothers. This paper examines the multi-generational outcomes associated with adolescent motherhood by testing whether the grandchildren of adolescent mothers also have lower school readiness scores than their peers; we further assessed if this relationship was moderated by whether the child’s mother was an adolescent mother. Methods We used population-based data to conduct the retrospective cohort study of children born in Manitoba, Canada, 2000–2009, whose mothers were born 1979–1997 (n = 11,326). Overall school readiness and readiness on five domains of development were analyzed using logistic regression models. Results Compared with children whose mothers and grandmothers were both ≥ 20 at the birth of their first child, those born to grandmothers who were < 20 and mothers who were ≥ 20 years old at the birth of their first child had 39% greater odds of being not ready for school (95% CI: 1.22–1.60). Children whose grandmothers were ≥ 20 and mothers were < 20 at the birth of their first child had 25% greater odds of being not ready for school (95% CI: 1.11–1.41), and children born to grandmothers and mothers who were both <20 at the birth of their first child had 35% greater odds of being not ready for school (95% CI: 1.18–1.54). Conclusions These findings suggest a multigenerational effect of adolescent motherhood on school readiness.
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Chapter
Cognitive processes, which involve thinking, behavior, memory, problem-solving, communication abilities, and other higher mental processes, are unique to humans. These along with non-cognitive skills shape the human competencies. Over the past decade, studies regarding development of cognition in children have been well-reported. These studies have linked the child’s cognitive functioning with the combined process of pedagogy. Along with the teaching and the method of processing information, age of child, size of the class, and other environmental factors, such as socioeconomic status, sociocultural orientation, parent’s education, nutrition, and health, also influence the development of cognition in children. The importance of cognitive development relies on the fact that cognitive functioning of children influences their social and academic performance across the lifespan. In an education system, teacher is the kingpin, and their main responsibility is to assess the child’s mental as well as physical capabilities and systematically plan and organize the instructional activities necessary for the overall development of a child. This review attempts to address the role of various pedagogical methods like kindergarten, Montessori, and play-way in support of development of cognition in preschool children. Going forward the chapter concludes with the influence of other determinants in cognitive development and necessary interventions required to enhance a child’s cognitive functioning.
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This study examined whether mother and father risk, child risk, family risk, and mother and father cognitive stimulation mediated the association between adolescent age status of co‐residential mothers and fathers and 48‐month child school readiness. Using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study‐Birth cohort, it was found that the children of adolescent mothers and fathers scored lower on emerging literacy and math than those born to adult parents. The findings showed that individual mother and father cumulative risk and cumulative family risk at various times during early childhood partially mediated the associations between adolescent parent status and child outcomes as well as between young adult parent status and child outcomes. These findings indicated that multiple domains of risk, including father, mother, and family risk should be taken into account in order to gain a fuller understanding of the effects of adolescent parenting (and young adult parenting) on child outcomes.