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... concludes that, although time-stressed, with women having more stress than men, employed parents are satisfied with life overall. Returning to the entire population, Figure 2 shows patterns of paid and unpaid work by age for 2005. These measures are using the broad definition of paid and unpaid work, including education and time spent driving to and from work. ...
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... For persons in couples where neither spouse is a full-time student nor retired, there has been a decrease in complementary-traditional arrangements, along with an increase in men's double burden arrangements and in shared roles arrangements (Beaujot et al. 2009). Surveys indicate an increasing preference for the sharing of housework and child care (Gil Alonso 2005; see also Beaujot 2007). ...
Among the factors that are responsible for low fertility, the risks experienced by young people are particularly relevant. In that context, it is noteworthy that fertility is rising most in Alberta and Quebec, that is in provinces where young families have had the security of either good job opportunities or supportive social policy. The fertility trend in Canada has seen a low point of 1.51 in 2002, rising to a total fertility rate of 1.66 in 2007. The trends and differences are placed in the context of family and work questions, including the division of paid and unpaid work by gender. By marital status, family structure and work orientation, fertility is highest for women and men who are married, with no step children and intermediate work orientation. We summarize the changing policy context, proposing that social policy has become more supportive of families with young children, especially in Quebec but also in the rest of Canada.
... The role-sharing model of 26.5% shown in Table 2 is an indication (also implied in Table 1) that men's taking on an equal share of unpaid work is not yet as widespread as the complementary-traditional. This model is most common when both are working full-time (Beaujot, Ravanera, and Liu, 2008). Risman and Johnson-Sumerford (1998) have called this role sharing model a " postgender marriage. ...
Canadian families have changed, in part due to an economy that provides more work opportunities for women, and a cultural orientation that values equal opportunity and diversity in families. In spite of the change, both quantitative and qualitative evidence suggest a continued preference for mothers to spend considerable time with children, especially in the infant and toddler years. Thus, in an average couple, the presence of young children in the home brings wives to reduce their paid work and husbands to increase their paid work. Our reading of parental preferences suggests an interest in more services for young children in the form of early childhood education and child care, but also an interest in policies that would allow parents to spend more time with children through parental leaves, part-time work with good benefits, and subsidies that supplement market income. Many options available to two-parent families are often less feasible for lone parents, giving a higher priority to child care.
... For persons in couples where neither spouse is a full-time student nor retired, there has been a decrease in complementary-traditional arrangements, along with an increase in men's double burden arrangements and in shared roles arrangements (Beaujot et al., 2009). Surveys indicate an increasing preference for the sharing of housework and child care (Gil Alonso, 2005; see also Beaujot, 2007). ...
Among the factors that are responsible for low fertility, the risks experienced by young people are particularly relevant. In that context, it is noteworthy that fertility is rising most in Alberta and Quebec, that is in provinces where young families have had the security of either good job opportunities or supportive social policy.The fertility trend in Canada has seen a low point of 1.51 in 2002, rising to a total fertility rate of 1.59 in 2006. The trends and differences are placed in the context of family and work questions, including the division of paid and unpaid work by gender. Actual and intended fertility vary especially by marital status and family structure, with lower fertility in situations of less stability. Given the concurrent models of family and work, fertility varies less by women's work status. We summarize the changing policy context, proposing that social policy has become more supportive of families with young children, especially in Quebec but also in the rest of Canada.The further policy support for families needs to pay attention to the heterogeneity in the population, and thus to include subsidizing the direct costs of children, along with parental leave and child care. Family formation will also be enhanced through approaches that reduce the risks experienced by young people, and thus the importance of employment security, job satisfaction and affordable housing.
This paper examines possible determinants of models of the division of earning and caring activities in Canadian couples. Using the General Social Survey on Time Use, we identify five models of the division of work: complementary- traditional, complementary-gender-reversed, women's double burden, men's double burden, and shared roles. While the complementarytraditional model is declining, it still represents a third of couples. Women's double burden is the second largest category, representing 27 percent of couples in 2005, with men's double burden representing another 11 percent. The shared roles account for about a quarter of couples. Building on these typologies of earning and caring, we analyze the relative importance of life course, as well as structural and cultural factors as determinants of the division of paid and unpaid work within couples. We find that the complementary- traditional and women's double burdens are more likely for older persons, and for persons with young children. Alternative models are more common when women have higher relative resources, for younger persons, and for persons living in Quebec and in urban areas.
