Table 2 - uploaded by Elisabetta Marinelli
Content may be subject to copyright.
Source publication
This paper studies the locational choice of Italian mobile graduates, tackling simultaneously three aspects. First it analyses the structural drivers of migration (i.e. the key regional characteristics that attract high-skilled migrants) and the social structures that underpin it (i.e the role of migration networks). Secondly, it compares the prefe...
Citations
... The mainstream economic theory highlights the selective character of the migration process, with skilled individuals being more prone to migrate, as they face a higher opportunity cost of unsatisfactory employment or unemployment. These two approaches to migration are often considered complementary rather than alternative, accounting both for the structural features underlying migration flows and the mechanisms that actually enable and sustain it (Haug, 2008, Marinelli, 2011. ...
... According to gravity models, physical distance plays a crucial role in explaining migration likelihood, but many studies on skilled migration focus only on the socio-economic features and neglect the spatial perspective. However, the distance deterrence effect is found both in regard to student flows (Sa et al., 2004, Gibbons andVignoles, 2012) and graduate migration (Marinelli, 2011). In the former case, a well-developed network of higher education institutions seems to diminish the role of distance in explaining the behaviour of prospective students (Alm andWinters, 2009, Gibbons andVignoles, 2012). ...
The aim of this article is to gain a better understanding of the patterns of human capital mobility in transition economies. It exploits a unique dataset from a Polish social networking website to develop a typology of skilled migration. Determinants of human capital flows are further elaborated using an empirical model of student and graduate migration. It is found that spatial mobility of human capital in Poland is low, and the distance between the home region and potential destination plays the most significant role in migration decisions. Migrations of skilled individuals favour metropolitan areas, which experience a net gain of human capital, while all other regions are subject to brain drain.
... Among all the possible factors, individual factors, such as, age [2], gender [11], educational background [2], ethnicity [12] and field of study [13], have been determined to influence the decision by graduates to migrate. Numerous studies have identified regional economic conditions [5,14], quality of life [6,[15][16][17][18] and innovation [4,14,19,20] as key elements of a location decision. Migration or location decisions may lead to the population redistribution of cities. ...
... These theoretical approaches,which can seen as the essential ways to understand human interaction activity, could inspire research into graduates' migration. In addition, the crucial role of social networks in the migration of graduates has been demonstrated in the literature [7,8,20,26]. Social networks provide necessary support and useful information for the migrants. ...
We investigate the intercity migration of Chinese graduates from their hometowns to their work destinations. Motivated by the gravity model, which is a common tool for predicting human migration and movement, we introduce a new model that considers the following three factors: economy, administration and study location. The resulting model can predict the migration flux of graduates in good agreement with the observed flux. The prediction results for the migration flux of graduates with different degree levels and the discrepancies among these graduates, with respect to the dependence of the flux on the three factors in the model, are obtained.
... According to gravity models, physical distance plays a crucial role in explaining migration likelihoods, but many studies on skilled migration focus only on the socio-economical features and neglect the spatial perspective. However, the distance deterrence effect is found both in regard to students' flows (Sa et al. 2004, Gibbons andVignoles 2012) and graduates' migration (Marinelli 2011). In the former case, the well-developed network of higher education institutions seems to diminish the role of distance in explaining the behaviour of prospective students (Alm andWinters 2009, Gibbons andVignoles 2012). ...
In this paper we use a unique, large dataset collected from a social networking website to
develop a typology of the educational and post-educational mobility in Poland, to identify
regions that are winning or losing in terms of human capital accumulation, and to elaborate on
factors of human capital migration using empirical model of interregional flows of students
and graduates. We find out that the mobility of Poland’s human capital is rather low, with
graduates being more prone to migrate than students while enrolling to universities.
The average Polish region manages to absorb one third of incoming students (born and raised
in other regions) on the local labour market, and it pulls back about 50% of students who
originated from the region, but studied elsewhere. However, only five of sixteen Polish
regions experience net gain of human capital in consequence of skilled migration. All of them
include big metropolitan cities – Warsaw, Poznań, Gdańsk, Wrocław, and Kraków. The
remaining eleven regions are subjects of a brain drain.
Physical distance between potential donor and destination regions is the most significant
determinant of human capital flow. Although distance plays crucial role in both student and
graduate decisions, it is more significant at student level. Students prefer to migrate to large
metropolitan cities, regardless of their economic performance. In turn, graduates are more
willing to leave the areas with low GDP per capita. They migrate to affluent regions, with
large central cities, although, as a qualified labour force, they don’t care much for
unemployment rate. The share of population with higher education is also a significant pull
factor.
This paper describes an investigation that used data from a census of Chinese graduates to understand the decisions made by graduates migrating from their home region to their first jobs after graduation. Employing a two-stage estimation method, we found that the economic conditions and social amenities are crucial determinants in attracting non-native graduates, and the improvement of innovation level can also help attract more graduates. In addition, low demand for graduates, low innovation level, and poor transportation conditions of cities are the main causes of out-migration of native graduates.
Since 2005, the Korean government has relocated national research institutes from the Seoul Metropolitan Area (SMA) to other parts of the nation. The main purpose of this relocation is to ameliorate disparities in population and economic power across regions. However, it turns out that only 27% of researchers in the SMA have actually relocated. This implies that researcher’s preference for a living environment should be reflected in the planning process. Hence, this paper attempts to specify the migration behaviors of researchers by comparing their preferences with those of general workers. Here, regional living environment is represented by a function of two attributes: regional labor market conditions and living environments. The paper shows that regional living environments have a more decisive impact on the migration of researchers, relative to general workers. Also, researchers are found to be slightly more sensitive to regional living environments especially crime than regional labor market conditions. Finally, the paper suggests a policy direction for balanced development among regions in Korea based on the results obtained.
This paper explores the factors that shape the location choices of formerly mobile graduates (FMGs) initially resident in Sardinia, Italy, a less developed European region. Combining qualitative and quantitative techniques the paper examines the reasons why some individuals decide to return after their studies, and the factors that shape their decisions and how these choices unfolded in space and time. It counters the literature, which suggests that migration is a one-off linear process driven only by wealth maximising behaviour positing rather that ac-cess to opportunities in open meritocratic job markets and circular migration trajectories are far more salient to FMGs. This suggests that policy makers should concentrate on promoting labour market opportunities and investing in social network promotion that will aid brain circulation.
I study conditions under which a low-skill economy can grow its skilled labor force in the presence of brain drain. This occurs when skill premiums are low, and there are individuals in the economy who can afford an education. The model is calibrated to data on 23 low and middle-income countries. For 22 of the 23 countries, any increase in the rate of skilled emigration leads to a decline in the steady-state proportion of skilled workers. This is because increasing emigration rates does not affect current schooling costs which are binding at the margin. I provide some empirical evidence that the cost of education is relatively high in these countries, and that costs are likely binding because of the (un)availability of student loan programs. For brain drain to lead to a net increase in human capital, reducing education barriers and relaxing credit constraints are important policy responses.
