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More than 100,000 Jewish young adults from around the world have now traveled to Israel to participate in Taglitbirthirght israel’s ten day educational experiences. It is a time, not only for celebration of a milestone, but also for a sober assessment of birthright israel’s accomplishments. The present report describes the results of a survey condu...
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https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/india/2017-07-10/how-identity-issues-keep-india-and-israel-apart
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... Furthermore, almost every Jewish community demographic study asks a full slate of questions about attitudes toward Israel, and much has been made about claims that American Jews are feeling more "distance" between themselves and Israel (Cohen and Kelman 2010;Sasson et al. 2010). Meanwhile, evaluations of educational programs like Taglit-Birthright Israel crow about their successes at forging stronger bonds between participants and the State of Israel (Saxe et al. 2006(Saxe et al. , 2007Saxe 2008;Saxe and Chazan 2008;Kadushin et al. 2011). ...
Israel has unified American Jewish communal life for much of the 20th century. However, early in the 21st century, Israel may no longer serve as a source for Jewish unity but of division, and American Jews are increasingly having a difficult time talking about Israel inside of their institutions. This phenomenon has become something of a truism, yet there has been no in-depth case study that explores why this is the case. This article seeks to fill this gap. Over the course of 46 interviews with 55 members of a non-Orthodox congregation in the San Francisco Bay Area, we explored why this community found it so difficult to talk about Israel. Contrary to popular perception that would have predicted that Israel would play a central role in this community, it played hardly any role at all. Using Erving Goffman’s theory of frame analysis, we identified three frames that explain the relative absence of Israel talk. Congregants have absorbed the “problem frame,” which holds that talking about Israel would be potentially divisive and toxic, despite the fact that none of the congregants experienced conflict. They mobilized two other frames – the “resource frame” and the “local frame” – which are in conflict with one another. The “resource frame” holds that Israel is an important and beloved resource for identity, community, and practice. Yet, the “local frame” prioritizes more immediate issues or concerns above the more abstract commitment to Israel. The resultant tension between Israel as an abstract resource for Jewish identity and the more immediate ways in which people operationalized their commitments, suggests that beneath the problem frame lies a tension that is less communal than personal.
... Survey studies of Birthright conducted in collaboration with the Birthright organization suggest that participants are more likely to justify Israel's actions against Hezbollah in the second Lebanon war, agreeing with statements such as "The war was a result of Hezbollah's strategy to destroy Israel" and "Israel strived to minimize civilian deaths" (Saxe, Sasson, & Hecht, 2006). Birthright participants are more likely than nonparticipants to justify Israel's actions against Hamas and the Palestinians living in Gaza during the 2014 war . ...
Emerging adulthood is a time of identity exploration during which youth actively engage with beliefs and values that shape their political orientation. In this study, we examine the processes and consequences of young adults’ exploration of their Jewish identity as it is embedded in the Birthright trip (a free 10-day trip to Israel that is offered to Jewish American emerging adults). In a pretrip/posttrip survey, we found significant increases in Birthright participants’ endorsement of the Jewish root narrative on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict (Jewish people want to live in peace but must defend themselves), disavowal of the Palestinian narrative and understanding of the conflict, sense of collective victimhood, and understanding of the conflict as a zero-sum game. In a separate interview study, participants’ narratives of the trip suggested that identification with the Israeli soldiers as being “just like us” as well as border-making between safe (Jewish) and unsafe (Arab) spaces, led to an understanding of the conflict that was based on the Jewish root narrative. Our findings highlight some less examined consequences of identity exploration among emerging adults who are members of groups enmeshed in violent conflict.
... Thus, for example, longitudinal research on applicants from 2001 to 2006 indicates that participants are more likely than non-participants to feel a stronger connection to Israel and worldwide Jewry and, once they are over age 30 "more likely to be married to another Jew, belong to synagogues, celebrate Shabbat, and make charitable donations to Jewish or Israeli causes" ( Saxe et al. 2013). Among all applicants to Birthright Israel, participants are more likely than non-participants to engage in Hillel and other activities on campus ( Saxe et al. 2006Saxe et al. , 2009Saxe et al. , 2013). Evaluation data drawn from studies of Birthright Israel have also allowed for the exploration of opinions, knowledge, and behaviors of Jewish college students more generally. ...
The past two decades have witnessed a dramatic shift in the extent and focus of concerns about Jewish life on campus. The Jewish community is increasingly occupied with the education of the next generation and the rise of anti-Semitism and anti-Israel sentiment on campus. Outreach to Jewish students—from the expansion of Hillel and Chabad to the flourishing of Birthright Israel, as well as the growth of Jewish and Israel Studies—have engaged formerly uninvolved students with Jewish education and Jewish life. This article describes the situation on campus: the proportion of Jewish students, Israel-related activity, and perceptions of anti-Semitism. It discusses academic programs such as Jewish and Israel Studies and informal programs, such as Hillel and Chabad, that engage students in Jewish life. It also describes organizations and programs, both experiential and advocacy-oriented, that help students identify and combat attempts to delegitimize Israel and intimidate Jewish expression.
... In particular, these studies have shown how Jewish teenagers often struggle to make sense of the complicated, at times contradictory, messages they receive about Israel (e.g., Grant & Kopelowitz, 2012;Pomson, 2012;Zakai, 2011). Other research has focused on college-age students, showing how their experiences on campuses in the United States (e.g., Kopelowitz & Chesir-Teran, 2012;Sales & Saxe, 2006) and their trips to Israel (e.g., Kelner, 2010;Saxe & Chazan, 2008;Saxe, Sasson, & Hecht, 2006) have shaped their conceptions of Israel and their own Jewish lives. When viewed together, these studies indicate that there is an increasingly robust body of knowledge that sheds light on how American Jewish teenagers and young adults are taught about Israel, and how they attempt to make sense of what they have been taught. ...
What is Israel in the minds and hearts of young American Jewish children? Through interviews and photo and music elicitation exercises, this research uncovers how day school kindergarten students conceive of Israel. This study, part of an ongoing longitudinal project, shows how 5- and 6-year-old children are able to form a multilayered conception of Israel, viewing it as both a Jewish state and a place for those who live there, a dangerous place and a safe haven for Jews, and a place at once special and ordinary. Yet these children also have several misconceptions, conflating time, space, and languages in their reflections on Israel. By illuminating children’s understandings and misunderstandings about Israel, this research demonstrates how young Jewish children are building a multifaceted understanding of Israel even when they mix up particular facts and details.
... 1 Several dozen studies have now been conducted with multiple cohorts of Taglit applicants and participants to assess the program's impact. Typically, these studies employ quasi-experimental designs that compare participants and equivalent nonparticipant applicants both pre-and posttrip (see, e.g., Saxe, et al., 2004;Saxe, Sasson, & Hecht, 2006). A variety of measures have been used to assess the program's impact three months to nearly 12 years after participation in Taglit. ...
... For example, multiple studies have documented that when participants are compared to similar others who did not participate on the trip, participants are more likely to feel a stronger connection to Israel and to the worldwide Jewish community (Saxe, Kadushin, Kelner, Rosen, & Yereslove, 2002;. Other studies have provided evidence that these differences persist over time, from one to three years after the trip (Saxe, et al., 2004;Saxe, et al., 2006) and even five to 11 years after the trip . Evaluation studies also indicate that participants are more likely to report a stronger commitment to Jewish continuity. ...
... Evaluation studies also indicate that participants are more likely to report a stronger commitment to Jewish continuity. In both the short and the long term, participants are more likely to state that it is very important to them to marry someone Jewish and to raise their children Jewish (Saxe, et al., 2004;Saxe, et al., 2002;Saxe, et al., 2009;Saxe, et al., 2006;Saxe, et al., 2012). ...
... Consistent with the goals of the program, study findings since 2000 have shown that although most alumni agreed that the trip was fun (Saxe, Kadushin, Kelner, Rosen, & Yereslove, 2001), the majority also described it as "a group Jewish experience" or "an individual journey to my Jewish roots" (Saxe, Sasson, & Hecht, 2006). In addition, upon their return, participants overwhelmingly rated their journey as feeling like a "life-changing experience" . ...
... Evaluation studies conducted three months to three years post trip repeatedly showed that those who went on Taglit felt a stronger connection to Israel and the Jewish community worldwide, as compared to nonparticipants Saxe et al., 2006;. Participants reported stronger positive evaluations of Israel, saw Israel as a source of pride, and were more likely to strongly agree with positive statements such as "Israel is a refuge for Jewish people" and "Israel is a technological powerhouse" Saxe et al., 2006). ...
... Evaluation studies conducted three months to three years post trip repeatedly showed that those who went on Taglit felt a stronger connection to Israel and the Jewish community worldwide, as compared to nonparticipants Saxe et al., 2006;. Participants reported stronger positive evaluations of Israel, saw Israel as a source of pride, and were more likely to strongly agree with positive statements such as "Israel is a refuge for Jewish people" and "Israel is a technological powerhouse" Saxe et al., 2006). In addition to changing their perceptions of Israel, Taglit appears to have an impact on participants' comfort in explaining the current situation in Israel. ...
... Close to 40 percent of participants in the winter 2007-2008 cohorts reported having made plans to visit Israel after their Taglit trips. Prior research (see Saxe et al., 2009; Saxe, Sasson, & Hecht, 2006;Saxe et al., 2011) has demonstrated that connection with Israel and knowledge of news and events in Israel is high among Taglit participants. ...
... Participants reported stronger feelings of connection to Israel and the worldwide Jewish people than their peers who applied to the program but did not go (i.e. the control group; see Saxe & Chazan, 2008;Saxe et al., 2009;. Such feelings persisted several years after the trips (Saxe et al., 2009;Saxe, Sasson, & Hecht, 2006). The evaluation studies also consistently identified the mifgash as a major reason for the program's impact on diaspora participants (Ibid.). ...
More than 300,000 diaspora Jewish young adults and tens of thousands of their Israeli peers have participated in structured, cross-cultural encounters—mifgashim—in the context of an experiential education program known as Taglit-Birthright Israel. Drawing on field observations, interviews, and surveys, the formal and informal components of the encounters are described, and the meanings participants attach to the experience are analyzed. For North Americans, the encounters enable a personal and seemingly authentic experience of “the real” Israel, and make them feel welcome in the Jewish homeland. For Israelis, the encounters foster national pride, as well as identification with the transnational Jewish collective. Although program sponsors hoped the encounters would also create a forum for learning by Israeli participants about life in the Jewish diaspora, this latter goal was not typically achieved. This article explores the mechanisms by which the encounters generate identification with the homeland and the transnational Jewish collective, as well as the limitations of the encounters as a vehicle for reciprocal learning about diaspora culture and society.
... Evaluation studies of Taglit have consistently shown that the program is highly valued by participants and has substantial impact on their attitudes toward Israel and their Jewish identities (Saxe et al. 2002Saxe et al. , 2004Saxe et al. , 2006bSaxe et al. , 2007Saxe et al. , 2009b). Previous research on the impact of Taglit identified significant differences in the importance participants and nonparticipants placed on marrying a Jew and raising children as Jews. ...
... 14 The odds of a participant indicating that raising Jewish children is very important were 121 percent greater than for a nonparticipant. This effect is greater than the short-term impact of Taglit for these cohorts (Saxe et al. 2004Saxe et al. , 2006b). The effect size was even greater for Notably, even those who said they had or would be willing to marry a non-Jew stressed the importance of raising a Jewish family. ...
... Taglit's impact on attitudes toward marrying Jews has been among its most consistent effects in short-term (three months post-trip) evaluations. Medium-term evaluations (conducted one to three years post -trip) demonstrated that the differences between participants and nonparticipants grew over time (Saxe et al. 2004Saxe et al. , 2006b). These data on the importance of marrying a Jew from three months to three years posttrip and on spousal choice five to seven years post-trip suggest there is a carry-over from attitudes to behavior. ...
The focus on Jewish continuity has shifted in the last two decades, from concern with anti-semitism to anxiety over the threat of assimilation and, in particular, intermarriage. Scholars concur that the intermarriage rate has risen to about 50 percent but disagree about the significance of the phenomenon. Those in the outreach camp hold that little can be done to lower the rate of intermarriage and, instead, want the community to promote efforts to integrate non-Jewish spouses into the Jewish community. Those in the inreach camp, in contrast, hold that little can be done to increase the propensity of intermarried parents to raise Jewish children and instead promote efforts to encourage inmarriage and conversion. This paper examines the impact of Taglit-Birthright Israel (Taglit), a program that sends Diaspora Jewish young adults on fully subsidized educational tours of Israel, on intermarriage, conversion, and attitudes toward raising children as Jews. Drawing on several surveys of Taglit applicants, including participants and control groups of applicants who did not participate, the study isolates Taglit's impact and compares Taglit's influence to other educational interventions and background characteristics. Taglit has substantial impact on participants' propensity to marry a Jew, increasing the odds ratio of a non-Orthodox participant being married to a Jew several fold. In addition, the program strongly increases participants' regard for the value of raising Jewish children. The study concludes that both the intermarriage rate and the motivation of intermarried parents to raise Jewish children are highly tractable. The study points to the possibility of establishing common ground between advocates of inreach and outreach on the vital importance of Jewish education to the goal of Jewish demographic vitality.
... AQ3 Supplementary schools before Bar/Bat Mitzvah exert little impact and one-daya-week schools seem to even promote intermarriage later in life, probably by reinforcing the weak Jewish commitment of the youngsters whose parents provide them only with a one-day-a-week education. At the same time, positive effects (not quite in the range of day schools) are associated with other forms of Jewish education: supplementary school in the teen years and youth group participation (Cohen, 1988, 1995 Cohen & Kotler-Berkowitz, 2004), trips to Israel (Mittelberg, 2007; Sasson, Saxe, Rosen, Selinger-Abutbul, & Hecht, 2007; Saxe & Chazan, 2008; Saxe, Sasson, & Hecht, 2006; Saxe, Sasson, Phillips, Hecht, & Wright, 2007) and attending Jewish overnight camps in the summer (Cohen, 2000; Keysar & Kosmin, 2002, 2005 Sales & Saxe, 2002 ). Still other studies point to the long- AQ4 range impact of Jewish pre-schools, as well as to the lasting effects of taking Jewish Studies classes and participation in Hillel or other such campus-based activities. ...
Researchers have solidly demonstrated the impact of several forms of Jewish education upon several expressions of adult Jewish
identity, even after taking parental and other background variables into account. This chapter examines the impact of Jewish
social networks (in-married parent and high school Jewish friends) upon adult identity outcomes, alongside parents and Jewish
education. Drawing upon the 2000–2001 National Jewish Population Study, conducted in the United States, the analysis demonstrates
the powerful long-term effects of pre-adult Jewish social networks. The magnitude of effects rivals that of several forms
of Jewish education, formal and informal, taken together. They are particularly pronounced with respect to in-marriage and
forming Jewish friendships in adulthood. The powerful effects of Jewish social networks argue for educators and educational
policymakers recognizing and valuing the bestowal of Jewish friendships as an explicit act of Jewish education. In the twenty-first
century, Jewish education needs to understand, utilize, and nurture the power of Jewish social networks to inhabit, express,
and sustain various forms of Jewish involvement.
