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EVOLUTION OF GDP GROWTH IN MOZAMBIQUE, SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA AND THE WORLD BETWEEN 2005 AND 2010 (EIU, 2010) 

EVOLUTION OF GDP GROWTH IN MOZAMBIQUE, SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA AND THE WORLD BETWEEN 2005 AND 2010 (EIU, 2010) 

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The report was commissioned by DAI and WWF on behalf of USAID. The document provides a state-of-the-art, snapshot in time of CBNRM in Mozambique. After outlining the history, scale, and impacts of CBNRM, the report identifies lessons, best practices and challenges and barriers. The best practice case studies of the Ndzou Ecotourism joint venture, a...

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... the war, the country had increasingly become dependent on foreign financial assistance from both the East and the West in the form of grants and loans. As a result, debt became another important driver of the country’s policies. Mozambique joined the Bretton Woods institutions in 1987 to gain access to international funds. Since then it has tried to apply the models promoted by IMF and World Bank (Abrahamsson & Nilsson, 1995; Hanlon, 1996). Between 1992 and 2010 Mozambique’s economy grew at an average rate of over 6% per year, more than the average of Sub-Saharan Africa ( Figure 3) (EIU, 2006) (EIU, 2009). Gross National Project (GNP) grew from US$2.6 billion in 1992 (Abrahamsson & Nilsson, 1995) to US$37.0 billion in 2000 to US$91.4 billion in 2009 (current prices) (World Bank Group, 2011). In April 1998, its rapid reform and recovery was rewarded with a debt pardon under the Heavily Indebted Poor Counties (HIPC) Initiative, making it the sixth country to benefit from this Initiative and ensuring some US$1.4 billion (in nominal terms) in debt relief (World Bank Group, 2011). The rapid pacification of Mozambican society and its strong macroeconomic performance have turned the country into a “donor darling”, receiving US$ 65 per person per year in aid. In comparison, Tanzania and Uganda (which have almost the same GDP per capita as Mozambique) and Malawi (which is much poorer) each receive only US$ 42 per person per year (Hanlon, 2010). Initially, economic growth was reflected in lower poverty levels. Between 1997 and 2003, the incidence of poverty – defined as the inability to meet basic nutritional needs – declined from 69% to 54% (GOM, 2004). Since then, poverty reduction has stalled, and in some regions the poverty incidence has increased, with the recent overall average at 55% (GOM, 2010). Economic growth and the reduction of poverty have important impacts on resource use. During the war, 3 the volume of timber extracted annually from the forests had dwindled from 110,000 m in 1986 to 3 3 50,000 m in 1991 (DNFFB, 1992). It plummeted again to 14,500 m in 1993. But with the end of warfare the forests became accessible again and extraction increased. Currently, the legally extracted volume of logs (round-wood ) i s about 120,000 m 3 per year, i.e., about the same as before the war (Figure 4). The graph in Figure 4 is based on data from the National Directorate for Forests and Wildlife (DNFFB, 1992), Falcão (Falcão, 2005) and the General Inspection of Finance (IGF, 2010). It shows the decrease in logging caused by the war and the rapid recuperation after the onset of peace. It also illustrates the changes in the licensed (and therefore registered) exploitation of the forests and woodlands for two other resources, firewood and charcoal, converted into Round Wood Equivalents (RWE). The first available 3 data refer to 1991, when the government registered the extraction of the equivalents of 11,540 m for 3 firewood and 8,310 m for charcoal. In 1997, the extracted volume of firewood was the equivalent of 3 3 almost 130,000 m and of charcoal more than 282,000 m . Since then, the registered extraction of firewood has decreased, and that of charcoal increased, to a value of more than 1.3 million bags or 3 470,000 m RWE. As a result, charcoal (measured in RWE) is currently the most important resource extracted from the forests. The current level of exploitation has given rise to a fierce debate about its sustainability. The Ministry of Agriculture (MINAG) has maintained that the current logging level is less than the annual allowable cut and is therefore sustainable (Anonymous, 2010). IGF, however argues that MINAG neglects the combined impacts of illegal logging, the concentration of logging on a small number of species such as Chanfuta ( Afzelia quanzensis ), Mondzo ( Combretum imberbe ), Messassa ( Brachystegia spiciformis ), and Jambire ( Milletia stuhlmannii ), and charcoal burning. IGF estimates that the real level of extraction is six times the annual allowable cut and therefore seriously jeopardizes the sustainability of forest resources in ...

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... This involves formalising an association and opening a bank account for the community. Nearly 600 communities have received 20 per cent shares of revenues from royalties and five districts in Niassa are among the beneficiaries (Brouwer, 2011). An assessment of the effectiveness of the process of devolution of 20 per cent to communities indicates that, from 2005 to 2011, more than Mt103 million or nearly US$350,000 has been given to 861 communities throughout the country. ...
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Mozambique has seen a huge rise in the volume of its timber exports to China in recent years. Meanwhile, reports of illegality and unsustainable logging have steadily grown. The governments of both Mozambique and China are currently reconsidering how to address this reality – to maintain their important bilateral relationship, and to improve the practices of Chinese timber traders and concession holders and their Mozambican partners. This report contributes by exploring what options exist for incentives that can put in place more sustainable forestry. It identifies six main areas of concern and outlines for each area possible incentives that might be developed to improve practice. Then it reports on the results of a prioritisation process with Chinese and Mozambican forest operators, the Mozambican government and civil society organisations – which has the ambition to identify a set of complementary and prioritised incentives that can be implemented as part of a carefully thought-through sectoral reform process.
... Namibia and Mozambique share several similarities with regard to their focus on using nature tourism to promote economic development and environment conservation. Both have nationally legislated ICDPs involving nature tourism in and near protected areas that require tourism enterprises to share their revenue with local communities and stipulate that residents of communities participating in ICDPs receive preferential access to tourism-related employment (Brouwer 2011;Silva and Mosimane 2013). Thus, areas with ICDPs should theoretically derive more economic benefits from wildlife and tourism-related revenue. ...
... Thus, areas with ICDPs should theoretically derive more economic benefits from wildlife and tourism-related revenue. Policy documents from both countries invoke the use of community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) and community participation as a central component of their programs (Brouwer 2011;GoM 2004GoM , 2012bGoN 1996aGoN , 1996bMinistry of Environment andTourism 1995a, 1995b). In developing countries more generally, many parks now incorporate aspects of CBNRM into their ICDP strategies to empower local communities by aiming to give them more voice in conservation decisions, build on local knowledge on sustainable resource use, and encourage their compliance with conservation-oriented regulations (Kumar 2005;Nelson 2009;Ribot, Agrawal, and Larson 2006). ...
... While africaTODAY 61(1) community partnerships with private tourism enterprises are encouraged, the main source of ICDP-related revenue is payments made by protected areas to local residents. Legislation requires protected areas and other tourism enterprises to pay 20 percent of their annual profits into a community fund managed by the Mozambican Ministry of Tourism and distributed annually to communities living within buffer zones (Brouwer 2011). All residents of delineated buffer zones are theoretically entitled to benefits, and all must comply with conservation regulations. ...
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Many countries in southern Africa promote nature tourism as a strategy for sustainable rural development. In Namibia and Mozambique, this strategy often involves integrated conservation and development programs (ICDPs) that aim to preserve the environment and improve economic well-being. We find some evidence that households located in areas with ICDPs receive more tourism-related economic benefits relative to households that are not; however, we fnd that higher economic outcomes do not necessarily correspond to more satisfaction with nature tourism. We find that conservation, although it is commonly viewed as a means of preservation, contributes to the disruption of landscapes and livelihoods. This study investigates the factors shaping local perceptions of conservation, and its findings can enhance the effectiveness of nature tourism as a sustainable development strategy.
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Since the mid-1980s, Botswana has relied on community based natural resources management (CBNRM) to incentivize communities to choose environmentally beneficial behaviour to advance conservation efforts. This approach has had some success, although it has not been as successful as had been hoped. Nevertheless, it is well acknowledged that CBNRM can play an important role in advancing conservation efforts. The state is therefore working to revamp the CBNRM framework so that it consistently yields beneficial results for communities and conservation. This article relies on regulatory theory and experience with CBNRM in Botswana to identify what it would take to establish an effective CBNRM regulatory framework there. It establishes that Botswana has failed to secure effective CBNRM consistently, due to the lack of a dedicated CBNRM law and inadequately resourced institutions. It recommends the promulgation of a CBNRM law with a community-centred and / or rights-based approach, and the establishment of an adequately resourced institution, charged with regulating CBNRM in Botswana.