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Have you read this paper?
Muñoz, Lucio, 2025. Rethinking democracy 109: Temporary authoritarianism versus normal liberal democracy competition under perceived capture and fully captured independent legal systems: When we should not expect a peaceful transfer of power and when not to expect a transfer of power at all? In: International Journal of Humanities Social Science and Management (IJHSSM), Volume 5, Issue 1, Jan.-Feb., pp: 806-827 ISSN: 3048-6874. Copy rights Lucio Muñoz
This paper is about normal liberal democracy versus temporary authoritarianism competition: Competition under a fully independent legal system, under a perceived captured legal system, and under a fully captured legal system.
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Mohammadamir, thanks for commenting. If you read the article you will see an outside the box, current view on those issues, then please comment again.
Respectfully yours
Lucio
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You see politicians and academics trying to understand the policies of Trumpconomics using traditional economic thinking means to conclude that they do not make sense perhaps without realizing that Trumpconomic markets blurr the wellbeing of the country/democracy with the wellbeing of the exism movement/Trumpism/Temporary authoritarianism, where loyalty to the exism movement over the loyalty to the country is paramount... And this raises the question, Why what makes sense in Trumpconomics makes no-sense in traditional economics?
Note:
This is an academic question, not a political one
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Stephen, what has happened in economics is what has happen in the political area post 2016 BREXIT and 2016 USEXIT THERE WAS A PARADIGM SHIFT IN THE LIBERAL ECONOMC SCIENCE BASED LIBERAL DEMOCRY LANDSCAPE BUT BOTH POLITICAL SCIENTIST AND ECONOMISTS missed the boat and did not adjurt their ideas to prevent the problem from spreading and to conteract the once that gain power.... There was a paradigm shift in the liberal democracy landscape as traditional normal decomocray politicians behaved and still behave as it they are compiting against ANOTHER NORMAL DEMOCRATIC OUTCOME....when they are not.... and there was a shift in the economic landscape from demand side/supply side economics to chained demand side/chained supply economics but they have behaved and continue to behaved as traditional economic thinking is competing with ANOTHER FORM OF TRADITIONAL ECONOMIC THINKING....when they are not. Think about model paradigm shift knowledge gaps that make A TIT FOR TAT have different meaning and consequences as if there was a tit for take between two normal democratic outcomes or a tit for tat between to traditional economies,,,,,
I am currently writing a paper that will help to see that TIT FOR TAT when normal liberal democracies compete with temporary authoritarianism in the economic domain may backfire on the welbeing of normal democracy populations and may help temporary authoritarianism to gain even more effective targeted chaos based power....
For traditional economists trumpconomics policies do not make sense, for non-traditional economists as they think outside the box,,,,,THEY MAKE SENSE in the inverse reality world....
Respectfully yours;
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Have you ever read this article?
Muñoz, Lucio, 2021. Sustainability thoughts 133: Stating the expected step by step road from majority rule based liberal democracies to permanent authoritarianism: The case of the 2016-2020 rise and fall of Trumpism, In: CEBEM-REDESMA Boletin, Año 15, Nº 5, May, La Paz, Bolivia.
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yes
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Interested in outside the box academic ideas on how exism movements can lead to the death of normal liberal democracy from within in the quest for permanent access to power?
Perhaps you should read this DRAFT paper
Rethinking democracy 107: Placing the post 2016 liberal democracy landscape under independent rule of law variability system to indicate when to expect peaceful transfer of powers and when not when parties lose elections(UNPUBLISHED).
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Subham, thank you for taking the time to comment. Your comment shows you really got the implications of my writings right on. I suggest to take the time to read the 9 articles already out there and if possible read them in order from rethinking 101 to rethinking 109 as each articles builds on previous ones so as to cover systematically the competition landscape before BREXIT 2016 and after, and doing it from different angles.... Notice that the position of any system in the picture gives you necessary and sufficient conditions for each system to come to exist and persist so if they are present or absent YOU CAN PREDICT.... Notice that by expressing the structure of each system in terms of present-absence effective targeted chaos and independent rule of law system allows you to predict by following the merging rules I share who will have access of power and when, under an independent rule of law system, under a perceived captured legal system and under a fully captured legal system. Also if you look at the situation backwards, you can see what needs to happen for paradigm flipbacks and for making more difficult, if not impossible, specific paradigm shifts...
Thank you for taking the time to comment, if we keep thinking the way traditional democracy thinkers think normal liberal democracy will become a rarity as they simply up to this moment have missed the boat....Taking the competition normal liberal democracy vrs TEMPORARY AUTHORITARIANISM as a competition between democratic continuity vrs democratic erosion....where when normal democratic outcomes stay in power THEY LEAVE THE LAWS THE SAME INSTEAD OF STRENTHENING THEM as they think temporary authoritarianism is looking for a fair competition, when they should expect temporary authoritarianism when in power to take active steps to control the legal system and all independent systems while maximizing effective targeted chaos...An exism market is driven by an irresponsible perfect maximizer....so the extreme actions to be expected are rational actions from the point of view of the exism movement....
Feel free to pick up any point in my papers and you can give it your own spin!
Again, thank you for commenting.
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Sharing this 2025 article on RETHINKING DEMOCRACY that just came out, you can check it when you have time
Rethinking democracy 108: Democratic and non-democratic systems: How external and internal paradigm dynamics should be expected to work under changing present-absent effective targeted chaos and independent rule of law conditions and competition for power?
(PDF) Rethinking democracy 108: Democratic and non-democratic systems: How external and internal paradigm dynamics should be expected to work under changing present-absent effective targeted chaos and independent rule of law conditions and competition for power?
Rethinking democracy 108: Democratic and non-democratic systems: How external and internal paradigm dynamics should be expected to work under changing present-absent effective targeted chaos and independent rule of law conditions and competition for power?
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Kirk, read the paper when you have time and then feel free to comment and bring A ACADEMIC COUNTER ARGUMENT...against the ideas in this paper, it is about paradigm dynamics ideas..contrasting internal and external paradigm completion, all exism movements like Brexit/brecism, Usexit/trumpism, Brazilexit, italianexit, argentinexit..fall withing the ideas in this paper as it is an academic article, NOT A POLITICAL ONE.
Scientist usually read if the are not familiar with something before they make conclusions...
Thank for taking the time to comment!
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Have you ever read this article? They help to understand when exism movements like Brexit and Usexit should be expected to take power under majority rule liberal democracy thuinking
Muñoz, Lucio, 2018. True Democracy and Complacency: Linking Voting Outcome Expectations to Complacency Variability Using Qualitative Comparative Means, Boletin CEBEM-REDESMA, Año 11 No. 1, January, La Paz, Bolivia.
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Damian, all my articles have a list of operation concepts if you read the article covering the concepts being used to help readers GO BEYOND TRADITIONAL DEMOCRACY THINKING.... in the case of rule of law:
11) Independent rule of law system, the factual based system that ensures that the laws of thecountry are respected no matter who is in power or may come to power.
12) Non-independent rule of law system, the system that overlooks facts if needed to place ormaintain or preserve a specific movement or ideology in power (PDF) Rethinking democracy 105: Stating the structure of authoritarianism and democracy-based systems in terms majority rule driven voting systems under biding present-absent effective targeted chaos and independent rule of law qualitative comparative boundary conditions. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/386345334_Rethinking_democracy_105_Stating_the_structure_of_authoritarianism_and_democracy-based_systems_in_terms_majority_rule_driven_voting_systems_under_biding_present-absent_effective_targeted_chaos_and_ind [accessed Jan 11 2025].
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Using present-absent effective targeted chaos and independent rule of law theory where the true majority view(T) competes with the true minority view(M) for access to power, the structure of two forms of liberal democracies and permanent authoritarianism can be stated as follows,
where
E = effective targeted chaos present,
e = effective targeted chaos is absent,
I = Fully independent rule of law system is present,
i = fully captured independent legal system = Fully non-independent legal system
Normal liberal democracy = NLD = (T.M)(eI)
Extreme liberal democracy = ELD = (T.M)(EI)
Permanent authoritarianism = PA = (T.M)(Ei)
So the question: Can you see how the structure of the death of liberal democracies can be stated in terms of effective targeted chaos and fully captured independent legal systems?
What do you think?
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In my coming paper on Rethinking Democracy, the solution to this question using QUALITATIVE COMPARATIVE THINKING is:
(i)(ELD.NLD) = T.M(Ee)i = THE STRUCTURE OF THE DEATH OF DEMOCRACY
Can you see how to get there from the information shared above?
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Are you concerned about the future of democracy, locally or globally?
What do you think the fundamental lessons learned for democracy are since 2016 BREXIT?
How can we come out with a permanent shield for the continuation of democracy regardless of type of future threat?
Perhaps they coincide with my thinking.
The question is: What are the 3 fundamental lessons learned from facing exism movements and dictatorship threats 2016-2024?
What do you think?
The answer should be short as my answer is short.
Note: I am currently putting these ideas together in one article.
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Some may be interested in the food for thoughts found in this article, related to the question:
Rethinking democracy 103: How can the present-absent effective targeted chaos and independent rule of law framework be used to point out key aspects related to the theoretical nature of democratic and non-democratic systems, their interactions, and implications.
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As all of you may know, we can take the experience of Trumpism(November 2016-January 2021) in the USA to explore questions such as when a democratic contest can lead to partial and permanent authoritarianism. The failure of the USEXIT/Trumpism to persist by losing reelection means that we just witness temporary authoritarianism, but it could have been worse as one more step was needed to move towards permanent authoritarianism in the USA and the lost of the most relevant normal democratic system in the world. Which raises the question, When can permanent authoritarianism take hold under majority rule liberal democracies?. Any ideas about what the missing step was to transition from temporary to permanent authoritarianism in the USA in 2020. Feel free to share your ideas.
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Robert, thank you for taking the time to write.
This is an academic question, not a political one: your description of the canadian problem in your view is the same as the description of the problem by holders of exism views like in the USA, Brazil, UK, Italy, Argentina,.,,,, My work explains how exism movements can come out of liberal democracies and how they can come to exist and persist or the condition needed for then to fade away.... From 2016 Brexit and 2016 USEXIT/Trumpism to the present, the expectations documented in my work seem to be consistent with the coming and goings of exism movements that come from majority rule liberal democratic thinking under independent rule of law rule.
Not to desviate, Robert, Do you have a view on the answer to this specific question: When can permanent authoritarianism take hold under majority rule liberal democracies?
As all of you may know, we can take the experience of Trumpism(November 2016-January 2021) in the USA to explore questions such as when a democratic contest can lead to partial and permanent authoritarianism. The failure of the USEXIT/Trumpism to persist by losing reelection means that we just witness temporary authoritarianism, but it could have been worse as one more step was needed to move towards permanent authoritarianism in the USA and the lost of the most relevant normal democratic system in the world. Which raises the question, When can permanent authoritarianism take hold under majority rule liberal democracies?. Any ideas about what the missing step was to transition from temporary to permanent authoritarianism in the USA in 2020. Feel free to share your ideas.
Respectfully yours;
Lucio
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State secret is a constitutional limitation reason for freedom of expression in Turkey. So I am looking for the laws or procedural legal principles which are balancing state secrets and human rights. I am searching laws about state secret privilege or state secrecy procedures.
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كنت اتمنى الإجابة على هذا السؤال
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  1. Dates and names of the relevant legislation, like the criminal procedure code, penal code, prison rules, and laws about the prosecution ( څارنوالۍ .)
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Thank you very much for your help, @Bishal Deb.
Profound regards
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Targeted chaos and misinformation are at the heart of extreme democratic outcomes as they are the active ingredients needed for them to come to exist, to persist, and to propagate. One example of extreme democratic outcome is USEXIT or Trumpism.
Targeted chaos and misinformation are mostly based on fake facts or an alternative facts, which raises the question “Are extreme democratic outcomes when in conflict and the rule of law in liberal democracies incompatible?
I think yes, what do you think? Why do you think so?
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In addition to previous comment, certain form of neoliberalism mainly in economic and social, as well as cultural matters, can be extreme. As , for example, the ideology and practise of Free Market institutes in Eastern Europe. But this neoliberal approach has other things to do if compare to trumpism. Anyway, the analysis of connection between trumpism and neoliberal/state/national aspects is very interesting for research. But it is another case than Yours, dear Lucio.
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Is it possible to find one rule applied all over the world??
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If your question is when should a rule (or practice) that seems to work (i.e. produce the desired result in terms of human behaviour) in country A be adopted in country B, read Nancy Cartwright’s and Jeremy Hardie’s short book on ‘Evidence-based Policy’. Even the first few pages will illuminate the issue.
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All modern constitutions contain and declare the concept and principle of popular sovereignty, which essentially means that the people and their representative organs (like chambers) are entitled to be involved into the legislation.
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Dear Valeria Tananska, thank you for your detailed answer.
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First hand information on the experience and suffering of a victim of hundreds of millions corruption and notorious corruption nexus in India is available for those who research and study on rule of law, good governance, administration of justice and reach and depth of corruption in India, and of course the status of victims of such corruption.
He is a lawyer in India having 21 years of experience who stood for good governance and against corruption is witch hunted for the last 5 years by the all powerful corrupt people and criminals including those who are supposed to give justice for not siding them. He was a law officer of a government of India autonomous body in Cochin Kerala India.
He also urgently needs assistance for survival, please
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I unfortunately have little power, influence or network--but I'll refer your friend's case to some people who are better connected than I am. Maybe one or another of them can help. [I'll keep my fingers crossed.] I am sorry to hear about such things, and I suspect such situations must be far more common around the world than most of us realize. [A friend of a friend of mine got chased out of Indonesia for researching the corruption there, e.g.] I wish you and your friend the best of luck on this.
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Is Judicial Independence a component or rather a pre-requisite of Rule of Law? Do we need to place the notion of Judicial Independence inside or outside the ROL framework? Which theoretical approach better deal with the relationship between the two concepts?
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In my view Judicial Independence is a tool that should comes before the Rule of Law. A precondition of it and not a mere component. Separation of Power in the Montesquieu tradition seems to be prior to the Rule of Law itself.
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Just think about it from the sustainability point of view, who should be expected to benefit locally and internationally and why when a dominant extreme democratic outcome like 2016 USEXIT takes place?. The local minority or majority? International normal liberal democracies or dictatorial systems/democracies/regimes?. What do you think?
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Dear friends, those interested in ideas about Trumpconomics may find some good food for thoughts in the following unpublished article and I am sharing it here:
The 2016 shift from normal liberal democracy to extreme liberal democracy in the USA: Pointing out the structure of Trumpconomics, its meaning, and its expected local and global implications, both analytically and graphically
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Dear all, I have a dynamic panel model and I'm testing for crime persistence, T=13 and n=134. My variables are:  dep var: log(homicide); explanatory vars: lag of log(homicide), log(Gini), log(GDPpc), unemployment rate, male 15-24yrs, pry educ, sec educ, rule of law, corruption and death penalty. Using xtabond2 in Stata13, lag of log(homicide) is endogenous and while other explanatory are weakly exogenous. I did the regression and my results are: N=1463, n=134, instruments=66, lags = 3, AR(1) = 0.009, AR(2)=0.068, Hansen=(0.101). I feel that I can accept this result by simply saying that 'I cannot reject AR(2) at 5% level of significance' will I be correct? or is there a way of correcting for AR(2)? I've read both Roodman's papers on this topic and I will greatly appreciate expert contributions. Thank you.
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Dear Ngozi, how did you resolve finally this issue related to the improvement of Ar(2). I'm facing the same issue. Thanks for your help.
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In empirical research, the studies use similar indicators for governance and institutions. For example corruption and rule of the law are the indicators of the construct of "institutions" and also used to represent the construct of "governance".
What are the technical differences between governance and institutions?
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There are many definitions of governance but all have to do with the processes of interaction—be they undertaken by, say, hierarchies, markets, or networks—through which control is effected over a social system: this usually has to do with who has power, who makes decisions, how other players make their voices heard, and how account is rendered. (And so, emphasis is usually ascribed to transparency, accountability, and participation.) It is the processes of interaction and what governs them that leads to the creation, reinforcement, reproduction, alteration, etc. of social norms and institutions, which may well be formal organizations. The insights at https://www.researchgate.net/post/In_governance_lexicon_what_is_the_difference_between_governance_and_institutions may be of interest.
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According to Dr Blocken’s, there is probably no rule as applicable to the activity of peer review as the so-called “golden rule” or law of reciprocity: do not treat others in ways that you do not want to be treated yourself. This holds for the relation of the peer reviewer to the authors, the editor, and even the wider scientific community.
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Hi - I think those of us who have been publishing for several years have come across this phenomenon. I'm not sure I have been the victim of a biased peer review (at least to my knowledge), but the other elements have cropped up from time to time. I often find that reviewers tend to take the point of view of reviewing papers according to how they would have written the paper rather than assessing it on its own merits. This is certainly something I have tried to avoid when reviewing for journals. Many journals now adopt quite prescriptive rules for reviewing which remove some of the problems noted in your question - but the anonymous nature of the reviewing process leaves a lot to be desired. All best wishes, James.
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Basically, in a paper of mine I have investigated the relationship between crimes (extortions, contraband etc.) and some macroeconomic variables. The reviewer asked me to control for under reporting bias with Rule of Law, but I didn't understand what I have to do. For example, if I have to do OLS between Rule of law and data about crimes or other stuffs...
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Ok, the preceding conversation has confused me a bit, so maybe it's not necessary, but I add my answer anyway:
Undereporting bias means a bias introduced by the fact the the police recorded crime statistics do not represent the real number of crimes, as many go under reported. this can result in a measurement error, as the degree of which crime is underreported might be correlated with your macro variables ( poor regions reporting less crime for instance). What your supervisor suggests now is that you control for this by including another variable, "Rule of Law", in your regression. I guess the idea is that the higher "rule of law" is, the more crimes are reported, and so it can serve as a control for underreporting bias. I find this claim somewhat dubious, as I don't see how it deals wirth the possibility of macro variables affecting underrreporting which would therby create endogeneity and biased OLS estimates. Also have no idea how such a variable would be implemented, but you seem to have found something on that.
I hope that helped,
Tim
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Why doesn’t the eradication of global mega-corrupt feature prominently on the list of SDGs?
Is it an oversight or a deliberate act? Throughout the world corruption is the number one cause of underdevelopment and the number one enemy of economic justice. It is the root of all the evils that undermine infrastructural development, health, education, innovation, governance, social justice, rule of law and most importantly universal values such as truth. This is how institutions are weakened. The Panama papers and the West Africa leaks offer ample evidence about the profundity of this rot, and yet it is obscured in the SDGs instead of being among the main issues. I am just wondering why that is.....What do you say?
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I think on the contrary all the SDG's are indirectly tools to fight against corruption. It does not need to be mentioned as a separate SDG because it is coined in all the other SDGs. For example, quality and free access to both Primary and Secondary School education in Africa is still a major issue for government's to provide its citizens not because they do not have resources, but solely because of embezzlement and selfish ambitions of most government officials. Budget allocated for education is minimal and mismanaged in most cases. If governments can structure strict honest supervisory committees with the focus of providing quality education, there will be no corruption. That is, if the efforts and finances are invested towards ensuring the accomplishment of the goal, all individuals who might or have misused government funds will be sanctioned and excluded.
I think the non-realization of some SDGs is just because of the lack of political will. Some governments have and are condoning certain corrupt supposed high officials to misuse state funds. If governments can act like South Korea wherein the President was impeached and imprisoned even though she was not directly involved in the theft, I think it will serve as a deterrence and warning for future presidents and the public. Contrarily, Mugabe left the seat without an impeachment, that is a clear example of disregard of the rule of law. If the rule of law is enforced to achieve specific international obligations like the SDGs which indirectly uplifts the status of the country, then corruption will be compelled to die a natural death if strong policies are enacted.
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Drugs and migrants are, however, just two of the numerous illicit activities that feed the growth of local and transnational criminal organizations, and the establishing of a culture of quick and easy money that is progressively eroding the foundations of any sustainable and well balanced socio‐economic development. The pervasive power of the corruption of criminal organizations, coupled with a general crisis by state actors in the administration of justice and enforcement of the rule of law, contribute towards the progressive diminishing of the credibility of the state as the institution entrusted with the prerogatives of guaranteeing security.
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I agree with Dr. Hein Retter.
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(BY REQUEST, RE-OPENED). This is a social question, with immediate technical relevance. Cybersecurity, for example, depends on this question, and trust as "reliance on expected behavior" [1,2].
A positive answer can be reached through control, you just turn-off the offending user. But, when control is not possible (example, the Internet), or as when central control does not even exist, trust evaporates if it is based solely on control (or, better yet, fear of control). However, can trust be based on other factors in addition to control, or even fear of control? Does that pose a better future for a society that accepts it?
What is your experience, reasoned expectations, or theory?
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Hello,
Your answer seems to give good examples. Trust is earned, reciprocity is one way to earn trust, even in absolute monarchies in middle-age Europe.
In some societies, if there is as a rule (say) that if one lives in an apartment building with more than three stories, one cannot shower after 9 pm and before 5 pm, because of potential noise to neighbors, there is no explicit cost if one disobeys but hardly anyone does. That would be an example, or if everyone likely wants to disobey the traffic lights late at night, because of potential robbery and the streets are empty, but the law has cameras with heavy fines if one disobeys, a conflict of rights can ensue -- the traffic law versus individual right to life.
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Hi,
I am carrying out my first linear regression project at university. I have political stability as my DV and quality of infrastructure as my IV.  I am attempting to put together a list of control/confound variables to add to the model.
I am unsure though what exactly constitutes a control variable and am struggling as I believe some of mine may be mediators. So far I have chosen:
Freedom from corruption
Property rights
Policies toward foreign investment
Wastefulness of Gov spending
Rule of law
Annual population growth
Government debt.
I apologise if this is a silly question but any help would be much appreciated. 
Many thanks,
Joe
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You have several multicollinearity test. Try using Farrar & Glauber or CNT. So you check different options. 
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In some of the most outstanding cases across the world, Supreme Courts or the Apex Court of the country have used the words like 'conduct shocking to the judicial conscience.' Irrespective of the verdict, such a strong term used by the judge(s), indicates that he or they may have relied upon their individual value systems to temper the verdict, couching it otherwise in suitable judicial terminology. Larger justice may have been achieved but can we really discount individual opinion? So, the questions are:
1. What is this 'judicial conscience'?
2. Can we define it?
3. Is it an entity beyond the domain of law - a law by itself?
4. Is it subject to some law - perhaps the law relating to 'judicial discretion', if there is such a law?
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Dear Professor,
Undoubtedly, 'judicial conscience' word has often been using by the Judges. We should try to find its roots in word 'Common conscience". The Conscience is associated with the eternal feeling but we find sometime something which shocks our conscience. When it is associated with the common man it become 'Common Conscience" . When the matters is deeply related with the law and more particularly with the legal principles, which can affect the conscience of a person having knowledge or understanding of the principles of law, it become 'Judicial Conscience'.
So we may define it as "the conscience of a person of judicial mind'.
The word nowhere create anything beyond the  domain of law.
Sir, unfortunately it is not the subjectmatter of any specific law, but in my opinion may be the subject matter of "Law Lexicon"
It is a factor indeed while considering the application of judicial principles in practice.
Prof. Srinivasan, I am very much obliged to give me a new sight for viewing the law from a new angle. 
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The Worldwide Governance Indicators are: 
Voice and Accountability
Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism
Government Effectiveness
Regulatory Quality
Rule of Law
Control of Corruption
However, instead of observing the percentile rank for Brazil, for the purposes of my research, I need the data concerning the individual ranking of each of the 26 Federal States and the Federal District.
Any ideas?
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Unfortunately I am not aware of such indicators. But would be interested to know and compare those with the South Asian countries' indicators.
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We observe that the modern state is increasingly dependent the courts to carry out 
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On the one hand, Court decisions can be seen as one key instrument of checks and balances across the clusters of state power. On the other,  they may be a resource to redress injustices  and inequities of economic origin but also those deriving from other determinants such as racial, gender and sexuality constructs. Lastly constitutions and constitutional courts in ideal conditions may function as instruments to redress power imbalances between individuals and the sate, but also between citizens and other powerful institutions, such as corporations.
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I am working on an article provisionally entitled "Rule of Law in Kosovo - Why So Much Effort Has Achieved So Little". Any suggestions where specific data on specific programs can be found will be much appreciated.
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For United States aid, you could view the latest edition of U.S. overseas loans and grants.
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I mean: in a state of exception all legal categories collapse, and at the end of day the same act can deserve a medal or be deemed high treason. In this way it represents, according to me, a pure political world, where the law is suspended. 
From my viewpoint the law is to a large extent an ontology, a weaponed ontology, establishing the things composing the stuff of the world : goods, persons, properties, absolute rights, agreements, deeds, covenants, contracts, and so on.
Then it seems to me that a pure political state has no ontology, and as such is completely shapeless, and it works only through decision and mobilisation. 
This would also be practically important in the US constitutional law, since the Supreme Court maintains that a "political question" can not be justiciable.
As such the nature of the political seems to lie outside the law in a realm of pure ontological ambiguity where all things get confused, precisely at the opposite of a world governed by the rule of law, which needs, first of all, a fixed social ontology to establish its own domain.
Is such a sharp opposition between the legal and the political, in ontological terms, sustainable or not ? And where it can bring us to?
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Dear Pier Giuseppe
Let me share with you just some general approaches.
1) I am not very fond to think in terms of "ontologies", just because it usually means immutable essences, and therefore also liable to absolute truths. Beyond that, I can understand the approach that seeks a deeper understanding of this problem.
2) the problem you pose is about the relationship between politics and law. Generally, it is assumed that politics and law are independent and excluding experiences. Under this assumption, of course, states of emergency mean a collapse of rule of law.
3) however, in my view, it should be seen from another perspective: in any case public power corresponds to the policy. The policy can be exerted in a wide range of possibilities: through brutal ways (war) or through more rational ways (under rule of law), including intermediate or mixed forms.
4) keeping this in mind, it allows us to remember that : (a) even under the rule of law, politics is present everywhere, it's only a matter of degree; this includes the case where a judge decides when it should make an exception to the general rule for reasons of inapplicability or reasons of equity (b) is always risked falling into less civilized ways of exercising power (c) even when politic power exerted by violent means (uncivilized), the expectations of legitimation of power -in today's world- compels rulers to respect -as much as possible- legal forms, or at least, to promise to do so. Therefore, I think that the states of exception are instances in which the holders of power whereas interpret that must resign certain legal forms for the benefit of desirable outcomes, including to satisfy public opinion, hoping to legitimize power. Naturally, the less intense the withdrawal of legal forms and the more credible its exceptionality , the greater chance of being accepted. In those terms, states of exception (emergency) can be interpreted even as been part of the experience of a (legal) civilized politics, perhaps to the least extent, or perhaps on the way to stop being so.
Otherwise, I agree with the theoretical references that mention our colleagues.
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The latest revelations about CIA torture methodologies demonstrates that medical doctors took part in what is euphemistically described as Enhanced Interrogation Techniques.  How is it that an international doctrine prohibiting medical doctors from involvement in torture has failed in one of the countries that presided over the Nuremberg Trials?
Can we trust any nation that employs doctors in torture to simultaneously apply the principalist ethic Primum non Nocere in its hospitals and medical practice generally?
Should those 'medics' be identified and disbarred for life from medical practice? 
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The big conundrum with the Nuremberg Doctrine is that it banned the use of data obtained in Nazi concentration camp experiments entirely.  It is well known that the majority of so called scientific research in the camps was of no scientific value whatsoever and was the product of fantasist race theory but some was of obvious use.
The US and Soviet space programmes relied heavily not only on Nazi rocket engineers but on some of the medical experiments carried out on unwilling prisoners. The rationale behind the Nuremberg Doctrine was that to use this data would in someway justify the appalling brutality that was used to obtain it.
Returning to torture and the involvement of medics there is no justification for torture at all and no exception to the international law that the US and the Allies imposed on the World in 1945.  Torture is not even efficient and many people give information under torture that is false simply to make the pain stop.  Many tortured actually do not know anything anyway.  
In the GDR sleep deprivation was the most common form of what is euphemistically described as EIT.  The victim was sat in a chair facing an interrogator and kept awake for many hours under constant interrogation.  The interrogators changed shifts but the interrogation continued until the victim gave the information the Stasi wanted.  Incidentally it did not need to be true, only what they wanted to hear which was usually the denouncing of others.
No one was able to resist for long and this technique can't be beaten by training.  The problem with it is that many victims were so disorientated and confused by the lack of sleep that their answers were useless in terms of information of real value.  Any psychiatrist or clinical psychologist could have told the torturers that.
The psychiatrists, psychologists and other medics involved in torture or EIT or whatever other euphemism is used for brutality are not only condoning it but facilitating it.  Those doctors are themselves torturers and there is no convenient excuse for it.  
The Nazi doctors at Auschwitz and other facilities in the 3rd Reich believed what they were doing was for the good of humanity too.  The KGB and the MfS believed that they were protecting socialism for the good of mankind.  Its always easy to find an excuse but impossible to justify one.
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The four coups to date and the perception of a generational ‘coups culture’ are they only the symptoms to much wider issues?
Was Mr Bainimarama ‘grasping at straws’ with his “Look North Policy” in an attempt to generate external means to support the Fijian Government, or are these policies a politically naïve attempt to re-engage with Australia and New Zealand on more equal terms?
In order to achieve peace and stability in Fiji – is this best conducted internal to the country or with external assistance sanctioned by all key players in an attempt to better understand and resolve the drivers to the ongoing conflict?
Does not the depth of ingrained racial tension in current time lead to a continuance of previous colonial and post-colonial (1970-1987 and then building up to the 2006 Coup) attitudes?
If restorative justice has not been successful in the past, and the rule of law has not worked where the continuance of Militocracy continues, what alternative avenues are there within a South West Pacific environment that may be considered acceptable as a method of resolving this conflict?
How do you set about resolving such ingrained historical grievances in Fiji where there is little desire for them to be resolved in an impartial manner in the first place?
What do you consider to be the drivers to seeking a path of resolution in the current climate of Fiji?
What would be the result if the UN turned to the interim Govt of Fiji and said – resolve your democracy issues and maintain a free and fairly elected government or we will no longer accept Fijian military personnel on UN missions in any capacity?
How can Fiji resolve its own issues constitutionally, particularly where there is continual change to the constitution based on personal whim by a few key actors in this crisis?
In the Fijian example, would an open invite would need to be issued by the Fijian President with concurrence from the Prime Minister and Commander RFMF to provide clarity for any group providing governance assistance? If so, to what countries would Fiji look toward in the provision of governance assistance, particularly as the September 2014 elections draw closer.
With the sanctions imposed by Australia and New Zealand having essentially failed, is there any hope of return to 'normalcy' in political relationships between Fiji, Australia and New Zealand?
Will Mr Bainimarama accept the election results of the 2014 elections if his party not win the people’s vote or will he revert to Militocracy?
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Yes. it is unstable and driven by racial requirements. The structure of the population is basically made up of Fijians, Indians ad others. The problems are mainly between the Indian and Fijians with the Fijian population owning the land and the Indian being mainly the business people and sugar growers.  Unless this can be addressed we will continue to see one coup after another. The solutions rest with the Council of Chiefs and the leaders of the Indian community. 
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I have a homicide model with the following variables: my dependent variable is the log of intentional homicide rate while the explanatory variables are: Gini Index (log), GDP per capita (log), Trade, Unemployment, Rule of Law index, Corruption Index, Urban population and Government Expenditures across 6 regions - Latin America, North America, Europe, South & East Asia, Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa.
Please I need ideas on which of these variables can be interacted that will make intuitive sense. I have some results already, I only want to enrich my results. Thanks in anticipation.
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My understanding is that you want to create an interaction term (s). However, your question is actually two-folded: an interaction term and a collinearity issue. It appears that you want to introduce Rule of Law Index and Corruption Index, possibly both from World Bank’s World Governance Index (WGI). Theoretically, Rule of Law and Corruption Index are highly correlated because a country with a good rule of law is highly likely to have a low corruption.  You can check it by conducting a bivariate correlation analysis between those two variables.
An elevated correlation may also exist between GDP per capita with either rule of law or corruption index. A highly developed country in general has a high level of rule of law, while having a low level corruption.
Another concern may be collinearity between those variables. You can conduct preliminary OLS regression analysis and check variation inflation factors for those variables as well as the bivariate correlation among them. If you confirm a collinearity issue, you cannot introduce those variables in a same regression model. Instead, you can introduce them in separate models.  Alternatively, you can create a combined index out of those two variables: rule of law and corruption index, if it is theoretically supported.
If you are indeed using World Babk’s WGI, you need to be aware that one element of Rule of Law is government’s ability to enforce the law. It is possible that a citizen perceives a high level of rule of law in his or her country when the country experiences a low homicide rate.  In other words, there may be a causal direction problem between rule of law and homicide rate.
Another variable requires an attention is death penalty. Some countries have death penalty laws, but they have not executed for the last few years and abolished death penalty by practice. How did you classify death penalty countries and non-death penalty countries? For example, should the country, that has not executed death row inmates for the last three years, be considered non-death penalty country?  
Additionally, there are many existing studies that already introduced the variables you mentioned. For example, an abundance of cross-national studies tested the relationship income inequality and homicide rate. Thus, I strongly suggest that your research must be driven by theories. Please thoroughly read previous research on the subject and make an adjustment in your research design, including the independent variables.