Science topics: Political Science
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Political Science - Science topic

Political science is a social science discipline concerned with the study of the state, government, and politics.
Questions related to Political Science
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I have data from European Social Survey (24 countries) and want to model a cross level interaction. Can I do this with a simple random intercept (fixed slope) model? Or do I have to model a more complex random slope model? And if so, are 24 countries sufficient?
I am not explicit interested in explain the different slopes on Level 2 due to the cross level interaction. If its possible I would do that, but I think I need more countries right?
But i definetely want to show, that trust in institutions (Level 1 variable) depends on the level of corruption (level 2 variable) in a country. Can I do this with random intercept fixed slope model?
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Can abstention be a way of paradox political participation? And if so, how could we "measure" or analyse it?
In many democracies, participation in elections is declining. In some cases, we can assume that non-participation/abstention in elections is a kind of political statement that expresses dissatisfaction with representative democracy. Would you agree and if so, how can we best analyse this phenomenon with our methods in political science? Qualitative research definitely, interviews, surveys, observation, participatory research? Looking forward to your suggestions.
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Political abstention has two-fold meanings/alternatives - one is very principal and honest - that You do not have any whom to choose - and You do not participate at all, the other is more practical - that You may choose the best from all bad - that is the one that is slightly better. This one is not an open, but, I think, "secret abstention", which needs to be explored by more "original" scientific research methods.
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I am looking for works dealing with Canadian-American relationships. I am mostly looking for books or articles accessible online written in the late Obama-Trump-Biden years (although any suggestion is welcome). Thanks in advance!
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Are student governments or student movements better at enacting policy change?
Some other aspects to consider:
How do these two concepts overlap? How are they different and how are they similar? What are some examples that would help provide answers to this question?
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Student unions the world over have often been a political force to be reckoned with – not least when the core issue at stake is the cost of higher education. In 2010, for example, the UK's National Union of Students managed to rally tens of thousands of students on to the streets in opposition to the Westminster governments plans to triple tuition fees in England while other countries – such as South Africa – have also seen their fair share of protests over fees from student groups. However, these days some student unions seem mired in an endless culture war stand-off with minsters over free speech, while in the UK and elsewhere others are questioning whether the shift of student interest towards single-issue campaigning has made such organisations irrelevant...
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Hello Seniors I hope you are doing well
Recently I've read some very good research articles. In those articles datasets were taken from V-Dem, Polity and Freedom House. Though they have shared the link of supplementary datasets and the process of how they analyzed these datasets in SPSS or R in brief but I couldn't understand and replicate these findings. It may be because I am not very good at quantitative data analysis.
So I want to know how could I better understand this Datasets analysis easily like V-Dem etc. Is there any good course online, lectures or conference video etc. Or good book?
Article links
Any help would be appreciated.
Thanks in anticipation.
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Please find some online course for learning R on Edx and Coursera platforms.
Thanks ~PB
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I am looking for a co-author and I wondering if you may be interested. The article was accepted in September 2021 for publication after peer review, but I don't have too much time to complete the process. Title of the Manuscript: Russia, Armed Groups and the Central African conflict African Journal of Political Science and International Relations Manuscript Number AJPSIR/10.09.21/1368 Current Status: First Revision Reminder
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I saw your question, if not too late, I would gladly participate. In addition, I could contribute to the content of the article.
Regards, Sergey
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There are a limited number of countries in the world (about 200) they are so different in my understanding most samples would not be representative. And due to the limited number many times, it is possible to collect data about all countries. So can we infere with this data? Say I am doing research about freedom of press form time 2010-2020. When I analyse the data I can in my understanding only give conclutions about this time span and the countries examined and not about the future, the past or countries that where not analysed. And technically if I have data from all countries I have a population and do not need any probability at all.
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Human rights point of view (not exactly related to the question) : Important rights often clash with each other, so that some must necessarily give way, at least partly, to others. Freedom of movement, for example, does not give a person unlimited access to another person’s private property, and murderers must generally lose their liberty to protect the lives and liberties of others. Individual rights and freedoms will also sometimes clash with a broader public interest—such as public health or safety, or national security.
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Hello,
I am looking for papers that talk about short term thinking in democracies/elected politicians. I remember reading something in democratic theory about this a long time ago which argued that elected politicians can be short term in their decisions because they need to win the next election and need to please people now. I am reading Stephen M. Gardiner's book The Perfect Moral Strom and he applies this argument to why Western democracies have failed to take action on climate change (The costs of climate action are mostly felt by the present generation and most of the cost of climate change are felt by future generations). My question is have people done empirical studies of this to see if politicians are short term in their thinking and what are some good essays in democratic theory on this? Thanks in advance!
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See the The Concept of Representationc by [Hanna_F._Pitkin]
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Distinguished colleagues,
I need your professional opinion for my ongoing research. Any input, support, publication links or comments will be highly appreciated!
Thank you in advance!
Best regards,
Dr. Vardan Atoyan
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Proust attended Tarde's inaugural lecture at the École libre des sciences politiques in 1896, and took some notes about it (now published in Proust's Essais [Gallimard, 2022]). I'm looking for any additional information about the Proust<>Tarde connection, both anecdotal and theoretical? Thank you!! a
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Thank you very much for the super-useful references, Hans-Georg Petersen !
a
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Dear All,
I and many scholars of my department have been receiving invitations for publishing with the journal "frontiers in Political Science"... I have found out that, actually, this is a broader group as there is a "frontiers in sociology", etc...
I tried to find out if this journal had any reference or indexation and I could not find any...
Though, is it a predatory one?
Anyone has ever published with them?
Thanks
Adrián
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Dear Adrián Albala , in my opinion, a new journal may not be indexed but could be indexed by google scholar or Scopus further when someone cites the papers.
Kind Regards,
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Dear everyone,
I am currently writing my master thesis and have stumbled upon an interesting finding, but I am having a hard time choosing which type of model to use.
I have timeseries data (18 months with timepoints for each month). What I want to test, is whether trust in the government (X) affect satisfaction with the covid-19 restrictions (Y) (as causally as possible). As "luck" would have it, the government of Denmark had a big (not very covid-19 restrictions related) scandal in November 2020, which makes for a good shock in my X-variable (causing less trust). Accordingly, I can see that my Y-variable is also affected by "something" at the same time (causing less satisfaction).
Therefore, my question is: How do I best test, whether trust in the government affects satisfaction with covid-19 restriction? And how do I best take advantage of the (more or less) exogenous shock to trust in the government (the independent variable X)?
I have previously used a VAR model and spiced it up with Granger causality and IRF. Do you think this would be the way to go? Or do you have any other ideas - maybe a simpler approach?
Thank you so much in advance!
Best regards,
Laurits / University of Copenhagen
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In responding to Laurits Lassen question.
If Laurits Lassen agrees to employ ARDL technique, then
In response @Oluwaseyi Ayorinde, your variables would be a mixture of I(0)and I(1)variables.
In response @Guy Melard, ARDL can run with a span of 18months (time) but note that you will need to add other variables as control variables for a good result.
All the best
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Dear reader,
I am about to embark on a PhD in political science focusing on left wing authoritarianism.
To what extent do left wing politics go too far in informing decision making in Western higher education?
Any and all faculty member's experiences are welcome.
Note: discussion on this thread is not for data gathering purposes.
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Maybe it could be interesting to look into recent studies showing the political position of students to start with a general point of view:
I think it could also be interesting to look for the psychological traits of the far left, compared to the far right:
As for "specific examples of right-wing authoritarianism in higher education?", they can be found in active groups (emerging mostly from the ideology of Neo-nationalism) engaging in multiple acts of disruption or recruiting members in the higher education:
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The theory of social capital in the social sciences is well developed, considering not only sociology, but also political science and economics. However, in the modern world, which is called the period of formation and development of digital society, the question arises as to whether digital capital can exist? As a form of social capital, as a structure that reproduces social inequalities, as a mechanism for the institutionalization of social (and maybe digital?) Relations. What do you think about it? And how can digital capital be conceptualized in sociology?
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The operationalization of digital capital is crucial in order to research digital inequalities. Digital capital, according to the definitions of leading authors in the field of digital sociology, agrees very well with Bourdieu's analytical focus on how capitals convert into each other, which may explain how new forms are being created inequalities or maintain existing ones. As for concrete case studies in the digital sphere, digital capital offers some handy theoretical tools that are more appropriate and specific than classical Bourdieu notions such as habitus or cultural capital. Changing the nature of the Internet and modern technologies requires both flexible theoretical concepts, and existing one's definitions and conceptualizations of digital capital can serve as a potential response to challenges of digital case studies. However, digital capital needs to be further expanded to include elements of digital culture precisely because it could adequately encompass online culture and digital products, such as online memes that are becoming increasingly popular and diverse. Recent works dealing with digital inequalities in Europe and the world show that digital inequalities in many countries can be perceived through the same social factors.
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I am currently looking for relevant literature concerning international competition as I interested in the effects it may have on science diplomacy.
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The concept, object, index and measurement method of international competition should be clearly defined. Secondly, the variable factors of international competition can play a role in diplomacy, and in what changes.
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My article is about political sciences.
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This week, the fomer Chief Justice of Bangladesh has been convicted of grevious financial offences committed during his tenure. During his tenure, he played a key role in number of landmark cases where he demonestrated an extensive range of judicial activism on a wide range of issues. These judgments consist of numerous dicta on important political and historical events (which are more of his personal opinion, reasoned of course) which were widely criticized by both academic and political community.
As the judges are not any impartial machines rather they are the makers of law in one sense and a high level of moral integrity is expected from them, does his involvement in serious offences during the tenure when he provided these dicta, weaken the binding force of the judgment he had given?
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Law is a set of legal rules that regulate the life of society؟؟؟
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For a comparative study of legislative activity during the coronavirus pandemic, we are looking for experts who can report about the current operation of the legislature in their country.
We will be most grateful for links to relevant experts, particularly from countries outside Europe and North America.
If you can suggest relevant experts, please write me privately at Ittai.Bar-Siman-Tov@biu.ac.il
Thank you very much in advance,
Ittai
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Dear Ittai, have a look at these two websites:
Here you will find a whole lot of information on current parliamentary works, although you will need some Italian language skills to process the information.
Hope this was useful!
Best,
Anna
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Dear colleagues,
I am preparing questionnaires for online admission with a population of the final grades of elementary and second grades of high schools.
In the research design, I have a student questionnaire and parent questionnaire.
I am planning to use Google Forms as a platform for data collection.
My question is this: Which would be the best way to anonymously connect data from student and parent questionnaires?
Ivan
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Hi Ivan Beroš - is the nature of the questions very sensitive? I ask because generally you can offer to anonymise the results when you code the results and store any results with identifiers in an institution's secure cloud server.
Very best wishes, James.
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Is there any constitutional or statutory provision ensring multiparty politics in your country? Or Is there any anti-floor-crossing law in your country? I need to run a comparative study on this.
Anti-floor-crossing laws restrict members of the parliament from voting against their party's stand.
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نعم صحيح هذا الشي الاحزاب هية المسيطر على خيرات البلاد
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Specialization in political science, international relations and human rights.I wanted to stay on the subject of global crime organizations..
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You could deal with the relationships between rulers, economic policies, the media and justice actions in corruption. It would be very interesting.
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What is required for a social scientist to be considered a political scientist?
BSc/BA in Political Science w/ PhD in Political Science? Or only the PhD in Political Science is enough?
Can PhDs in International Relations be considered political scientists?
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Very interesting question. IR is different of Political Science. The object of IR is international relations. IR studies practice of international relations. the main object of IR is the "power" in french "puissance" what power? Power of States, the father of power in IR is Hans Morghentau. Also, IR is the unique science created for talking about international issues after lacking of several disciplines to explain exactly the causal of War ( World War I and II). But PS is domestic Science that talks about power betwen several actors in a State. the french name is "pouvoir". all of them are complementary. You can know well IR if you don't know well PS of each State that you want talk.
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Hi,
I came across to a relatively new theoretical frame work in Political science. I want to see how researchers are actually using it in their research.
Where are the main databases where I can see examples of the framework usage? I already tried cited papers in Google Scholar and ScienceDirect but the results weren’t enough.
Can you suggest other online search engines or databases?
Thanks in advance.
Regards,
Ehssan
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The theoretical framework is not something that is found readily available in the literature. You must review course readings and pertinent research literature for theories and analytic models that are relevant to the research problem you are investigating.
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Hi,
I have recently completed my Ph.D. from the Department of Government and IR at the University of Sydney. I am currently looking for a Post-doc position in Europe. My proposed project examines religiosity and support for radicalism among the migrants in Europe.
To begin my journey as an academician/researcher, what scientific and transferable skill should I have? Knowledge or training on which quantitative or qualitative methods or data collection softwares will benefit me in future?
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Hi Saimum, congrats on getting your PhD done! It is a great achievement.
If you want to engage in a project on radicalism, religion, and migrants, I'd suggest looking at qualitative research methods a bit more, as you would most likely be interested in talking to people about their experiences. Some interview/focus groups training or experience could be beneficial. Sometimes you can find community-run projects to acquire those skills. Learning SPSS and Nvivo is always good.
In addition, there is a growing tendency in Political Science to be working on big data. I'd suggest you have a look at the existing projects in your area that you find fascinating and see what approaches and software they used and why, and decide for yourself if you want to study it in your own time.
I'd be happy to answer any questions, and good luck!
Best wishes,
Ana
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What are some of the advantages and disadvantages of studying political science/international relations rather than pure history? Which is more useful for contemporary policy makers?
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History is good as a basis for a professional follow up degree. Political science would appear to be more related to government work or possibly a law degree. Studying international relations is a great way to gain a deeper understanding of global issues. It's an intriguing and important subject which places great emphasis on economics, culture, education, and political science and examines the impact they have on society.
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I recently had the pleasure of interviewing Professor Steven Lukes for an online series on explaining political science and political theory concepts organized by the International Association for Political Science Students (IAPSS). Having cited Professor Lukes' works on the concept of power in many an undergraduate essay, it was an honour to hear his perspectives on the application of his theory to contemporary phenomena and on the future of research on this topic. I hope that this video will be a useful resource for students learning about the third dimension of power theory in class. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gsYkduHaAQU
#politicalscience #theory #power #learning #highereducation
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Thank you for the Gaventa analysis and the ‘power cube’ approach.
What this analysis makes undeniably clear is that power is involved in creating social realities.
I would add that legitimate uses of power respect the right and ability of an individual consciousness to create its own reality. Illegitimate uses of power deny the existence of any reality but one.
The above paragraph deserves deep thought, because it is relevant to all that we see around us. E.g., the power of nature is legitimate!
Sincerely, Kurt
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I'm doing a research where I found strong correlations between variables of interest. I want to improve my research and try to show that there is, in fact, a causal relationship. But I don't have a random experiment. So I'm looking for methods to test causal relationships in this kind of situation.
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Dear Marcus,
there are many ways to infer causality in Political Science, both through qualitative and quantitative research designs. So, before anything else, you should check:
  • Brady, Henry E. 2008. Causation and Explanation in Social Science. In: BoxSteffensmeier, Janet M., Brady, Henry E. & Collier, David (eds.): The Oxford Handbook of Political Methodology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 217-249
Since you are talking about correlations and random experiments, it is reasonable to infer that you are more inclined towards a quantitative research design. With this in mind, here are some readings that may be helpful.
  • Morgan, Stephen L. and Christopher Winship. 2007. Counterfactuals and Causal Inference: Methods and Principles for Social Research. Cambridge University Press.
  • Imbens, Guido W. and Donald B. 2015. Causal Inference for Statistics, Social, and Biomedical Sciences: An Introduction. Cambridge University Press.
  • Angrist, Joshua D. and Jorn-Steffen Pischke. 2009. Mostly Harmless Econometrics: An Empiricist’s Companion. Princeton University Press.
  • Rosenbaum, Paul R. 2009. Design of Observational Studies. Springer Series in Statistics.
  • Pearl, Judea. 2009. Causality: Models, Reasoning, and Inference. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2nd edition.
  • Freedman, David A. 2010. Statistical models and causal inference: a dialogue with the social sciences. Cambridge University Press.
  • Holland, Paul W. 1986. Statistics and Causal Inference. Journal of the American Statistical Association 81(396): 945-960.
  • Sekhon, Jasjeet S. 2004. Quality Meets Quantity: Case Studies, Conditional Probability and Counterfactuals. Perspectives on Politics 2 (2): 281-293
All these readings are a little daunting. So, for starters, I also recommend Duke University's Causal Inference Bootcamp. You can find it on YouTube.
But, as I said before, causal inference can also be achieved via qualitative research designs. Research tools like Qualitative Comparative Analysis, Coincidence Analysis and Process Tracing can be used towards this goal. So I also recommend:
  • Rihoux, B. and C. C. Ragin. 2009. Configurational Comparative Methods. Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) and Related Techniques. Applied Social Research Methods Series, Vol. 51. SAGE Publications Inc.
  • Baumgartner, M. (2015). Parsimony and Causality. Quality and Quantity 49(2): 839–56
  • Baumgartner, M. and M. Ambühl (2018). Causal Modeling with Multi-Value and FuzzySet Coincidence Analysis. Political Science Research and Methods: 1–17
  • Schneider, C. Q. and I. Rohlfing (2013). Combining QCA and Process Tracing in SetTheoretic Multi-Method Research. Sociological Methods and Research 42(4): 559– 97
  • Rohlfing, I. and C. Q. Schneider (2016). A Unifying Framework for Causal Analysis in Set-Theoretic Multimethod Research. Sociological Methods and Research 47(1): 37–63
That's a lot to take in, I reckon. But, at the end, that's what science is all about: systematic, robust, replicable research designs. Good luck!
Best,
Breno
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I read some discourse analysis studies on political science.
Some discourse analysis studies analyze only one example without coding, while others analyze a large number of examples and with coding.
What is the correct amount of data to do a discourse analysis?
For example , if I only have three samples, can I do discourse analysis?
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The amount of data needed for any research depends primarily on the nature of the question being asked. The role of data is to support a logical and reasonable answer to a question asked. The role of theory is to inform question development and formulation, and to make sense of data, since data does not explain itself, nor is self-evident.
In discourse analysis a corpus or corpora should similarly be chosen based on the research question. If you can devise a research that seems worthwhile and can contribute to knowledge (standard academic criteria for research publications) then your next question is how much data is needed to provided a reasonable answer to that question. This could be a single political speech dissected systematically and thematically manually, or thousands of media articles assessed using software (for example Nvivo) and coding techiques, or somewhere in between.
Hence there is no definable correct amount of data, absent the context of the research question. In the context of a specific question the criteria is: "does this data allow me to answer my question to an appropriate degree".
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Good day to all of us. I am thinking of a statistical analysis to be used as partial requirement for the research topic we're conducting. We are seeking to know the preference of students-respondents in selecting their political candidate. We used likert-type items to identify their intensity of preference of the political candidates qualifications (political party affiliation as opposition candidate or administrative candidate or independent, educational background, etc) from 1=Not Preferred to 5=Very Strongly Preferred. We proposed using weighted mean and standard deviation as analysis of preference in their individual options/variables. But we are trying to come up for the analysis in difference of voting preference according to demographic profile of the respondents (course, year level, sex). What can be the possible data analysis to be used in this situation.
Update: Okay, so the only problem we have is how are we going to analyze the significant relationship of different demographic profiles (sex, year level, undergraduate course) in their electoral preferences of the candidate(political generation of the candidate, number of years in service, party affiliation, political platforms, campaign strategy, socio economic status, educational background and family background). Does this needs bivariate or multivariate analysis. And what statistical tools we should need?
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In my opinion, the improvement of pro-development instruments of socio-economic policy is particularly important in a situation of a downturn in the economy.
Currently, this issue is particularly important in connection with the forecasted decline in the rate of economic growth in 2019.
In the context of the above issues, the following question is valid:
What pro-development instruments of socio-economic policy carried out according to the concept of Keynesian economics are currently the most effective in the area of economic growth as measured by, for example, the Gross Domestic Product index?
I invite you to the discussion
Dear Friends and Colleagues of RG
The issues of specific programs to improve the economic, financial, material and housing situation of households as key instruments of pro-development state intervention and significant components of the socio-economic policy of the state I described in the publications:
I invite you to discussion and cooperation.
Best wishes
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Multiplier impact: consumption
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The "Basic Feature" doctrine in constitutional law has its realistic origin in India. By the Kesavananda Bharati & Ors. v. State of Kerala & Anr. (Writ Petition (Civil) no 135 of 1970) it got final face in India. But it was adopted in some other countries as well (like Bangladesh and Pakistan). It makes some parts of a constitution unamendable. The normal process of amending the provisions of the contitution doesn't apply for these parts. And this theory is distinct from the French concept of "Constitutional Block" (established by the Constitutional Council in the case of (71-44DC)). However, this basic feature doctrine basically protects the fundamental basis of the constitution, like governmental form, fundamental rights, directive principles or preamble, to some extent.
But one question remains,if you think that a balance between extreme rigidity and extreme flexibility is preferred then what is your view on imposing an extra layer of protection over some constitutional dictrines which have the features to be called as the basic feature of a constitution?
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Rigidity in the Constitution is a distinctive that politically ensures its supremacy and transversality
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Watching this webinar on Leo Strauss by the International Association for Political Science Students (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KZqeefnTqsM&t=23s), has led me to wonder about what requires a text to be a great text in the Straussian sense. Do Straussians keep an agreed-upon list of works or authors that meet the criteria?
Which works do you think qualify as Straussian great texts? Are there particular prominent philosophical texts that would not make it? Why or why not?
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Although there may not be a consensus among Straussian scholars, we can put forward a group of thinkers inspired by him and congenial to his thought.
I would put French philosopher Michel Foucault at the top of the list and add Foucault's best reader, Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben as well.
Foucault himelf was a close reader of Strauss and recommended Strauss' Persecution and the Art of Writing to his last research assistant at Berkeley, Thomas Zummer, who passed it on to me when I was Zummer's student at the European Graduate School.
Regards,
Vincenzo Di Nicola
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I am interested in doing a quantitative analysis of voter turnout in multiple Canadian student unions (a sample size of about 80). Elections in these organizations are held annually. Would three election cycles (for example, 2019-2021 elections) be a long enough study period for an article or should I include more years in the analysis?
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I believe the 2019-2021 timeframe is enough. The legal framework must provide efficacious procedures and remedies for protecting electoral rights at all stages, including voter registration, parties and candidates, resource allocation and access to the media, campaign activities, voting, counting, tabulating and declaring results.
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I am trying to start a project on the subject and your help would be appreciated
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Conflict and Peace Building in Divided Societies 1st Edition , Anthony Oberschall
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Recently I decided to switch my PhD project to a cumulative form. I have already written an extensive methodological chapter about my adaptation of interpretivist methodology and ethnographical research methods (interactive observation, in-field-mapping, netnography) to my social-movement-studies/ political science question. I would like to publish these thoughts as a working paper, but I'm struggling a bit to find an appropriate working paper series or platform. Does anybody know a good one?
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I think the other journals recommended above are going to become relevant once I tested my methods in the field. I think I will come back to them then, to present some more hands-on practices following from the methodological reflection I have so far. Thank you all!
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In my ignorance, I think the whole situation has created a perfect scenario for China to emergence as a major power while launching the United States towards an accentuation of the country's already existing internal problems.
I would like to understand and hear the opinions of experts (perhaps from the economics field) who, according to them, has profited most from this situation, and how, if they have any clue, will be the future world scenario within 5 years.
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Several countries in almost all regions applied different models to try to stop the expansion of the coronavirus and all of them failed in their goals. Some countries have better control of the pandemic while in other the pandemic was and still is out of control. We have the USA models, the Chinese model, the Swedish model, the UK model, the EU model, among other models applied by developed and developing countries alike.
The information provided by governments on the situation of the pandemic within the country is important to be known by other countries because gives you a clear picture of what is really happening and if the measures adopted are really the correct ones. However, the correctness of this information does not stop the expansion of the pandemic in the country but the concrete measures adopted and, at the end of the day, everybody will know if the information provided by the government is the correct one or not.
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I'm looking for research on factors that influence the public acceptability / acceptance / support and the political feasibility of regulatory ("command & control") policy instruments mainly addressing / affecting consumers (not producers) - mainly in the field of environmental policy, i.e. instruments regulating consumption choices and behaviour regarding, e.g. energy use, mobility, food, waste; but also related fields from which lessons might be drawn (e.g. anti-smoking policies).
I would like to know more on the importance of different influencing factors such as problem characteristics, distributional issues, actor constellations, discourses & narratives, windows of opportunity, or policy design issues (e.g. tightening rules over time, accompanying measures...).
I'm aware of the general (mostly political science) literature on policy processes, actors, power, etc., of literature dealing with instrument choice and pros & cons of different policy instrument types, and of literature dealing with acceptance of environmental policy in general and of eco/CO2-taxes in particular...
... but it looks as there is hardly any literature that systematically compares public acceptability and political feasibility - and the role of different influencing factors on them - for different policy instrument types in comparison (apart from the simple distinction between hard and soft/voluntary instruments) and for "command & control instruments" in particular !!??
I'm looking forward to your comments and suggestions!
Best regards,
Dirk Heyen
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Dirk Arne Heyen, I have gone through your stated illustrations. In my point of view, based on your topic, it would be better not to limit your search based on "consumer perspective". If it would be only about policy acceptability then you could focus on the only stakeholder (i.e., consumers). But in your case, you also wish to identify the factors affecting feasibility of regulatory environmental policies, which involves another stakeholder (i.e., the governmental setup). The feasibility might depend on several non-consumer factors, including institutional factors, political factors, and producer-related factors. Therefore, I alternatively suggest you to narrow down your topic or problem statement. And then, target the literature accordingly. I suggest the following steps: a) first narrow down your problem statement, b) next, try to find the most related single article, c) read that single article and go to the bibliography of the same article, d) find the related articles from its bibliography, download them, and read them. I think it will facilitate your search for related literature.
One more thing I would like to suggest is that, at one time, you should stick to policy instruments related to one dimension, such as food, energy, mobility, waste treatment, etc. In this way, you will be able to get good command over them, enabling yourself produce good research works.
Good Luck!
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Hello Seniors!
Please guide me what are the names of the biggest databases of books, journals, conferences, etc for Social Sciences?
There are dozens of databases which are made for a specific field of science. Is there any specific database for Social Sciences like Political Science, International Relations, Sociology?
Thanks in advance.
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Dear Colleague,
are you interested in "the biggest" or the most relevant? You complain about "specific field of science" but ask for exactly such?
Yes, there are very general databases as well as a great number of more specific. International and national.
To guide you towards the most relevant one needs to know more about your interests.
I would rather suggest the following - if you are associated to any university (as a student, teacher, researcher) you should contact university library. Staff there conduct no research by their own, but usually is very competent in guiding students and scholars. You will learn there which databases are available for you (which are subscribed).
In short - a visit to your university library is a very good beginning.
Wish you luck
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Importance of concepts in political science
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Depending on the political phenomena You need not only political science theories (as left-right division of political parties - even if it is not so evident as earlier, democracy/authoritarianism relation, power relations, etc.), but other social sciences theories - from sociology, economics, public administration, management. You need also philosophical insights, as there are certain gnoseological, ontological and axiological (values) aspects of research. Saying shortly, interdisciplinary research of political phenomena is on the wave and mostly welcomed in teaching, research and publications.
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Hello,
I'm writing a book about managerialism as an ideology and I would like to have the most comprehensive and diversify perception of the phenomenon. Can you recommand me some readings to improve my knowledge about it? Academic literature (or not) in French, English or German will be welcomed and very appreciated
Thank you.
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try to read economic theory and build from there
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Dear Israeli students and researchers,
You are invited to post your studies on the subreddit for surveys/studies in Hebrew (for free):
Hopefully this website may become a useful resource for students.
Cheers!
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People are also welcome to post studies in English for Israeli participants on the website.
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The covid-19 lockdown(s) are an obstacle social and political science need to overcome (others as well, of course). Especially participation-based research (such as observations or workshops) is hard to compensate. At the moment I'm working on the research design for my PhD-project- this will include an online survey, as any contact-based research design is hard to realize right now.
This is the core of my question:
  1. Do you have experiences when it comes to spreading online surveys on a national scale? Which methods help in gaining a satisfying number of responses?
  2. Does anyone know any good tools to compensate for workshops that had to be cancelled due to covid-restrictions? We are looking for a tool that gives a 'conference-like' surrounding so people can interact with one another from the comfort and safety of their home (zoom and such are great for meetings but we feel like losing insights by their static interface).
I'm thankful for everyone's help. Stay safe!
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Hello Lucas,
I have some experience with large scale survey's.The best results came from designing a full 'marketing' strategy, including multiple 'messages' designed to attract a target population covering those indifferent to as well as for and against the topic. We also used personal delivery as much as we could. I recommend you search out and read the most recent publications (of any repute) on how to do market research in the social media era.
I have also had experience with research involving distance students - everything went via email, text and various online conference/ classroom calls. In those day, the main interactive tools were skype and adobe classroom. As you surmise, we had to limit numbers for group discussions so that all participants had the opportunity to provide input.My current experience with newer tools hasn't been much better (screen sharing has improved). Many people don't know how to use these tools adequately, even now.
The best advice I can give is plan your survey/workshop strategy carefully. Don't expect too much in terms of response and or participation. Take into account during planning that you will experience response bias.Every participatory encounter will experience technical difficulties so allow extra time for everything!
Good luck, Lorinne
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Why does your choice appeal to you?
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Which approach to climate change could help: technological innovation, institutional change, or individual repentance
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It is reported by NBC that "Up to July 9, just over 200,000 cases of COVID-19 had been diagnosed in kids and young people in the U.S. in total. But from July 9 through Aug. 6, an additional 179,990 pediatric cases were reported — an increase of 90 percent in just four weeks. What changed? is covid-19 changing or our early understanding of it was wrong?
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Mahmoud Moghavvemi Worrisome matter!
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Accusation between the US and China is becoming a daily affair and gaining momentum. The two economic and military superpowers are moving away from collaboration and inching towards confrontations in most issues.
is the problem "unfair trade"only ? or, there are other issues? Is China becoming powerful enough that Washington feel threaten?
How is this going to affect the rest of the world?
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"You can not start a fire without a spark"; we have now seen many sparks - but no fire. Why is that?
Lou
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Last weekend millions of Poles went to the ballots to vote in the presidential election. The election was in many ways a crossroad for Poland, will Poland go down the road of liberalism or continue down the road of conservatism and nationalism? Will Poland rejoin the European family of nations or will they be the travel companion of Hungary on a path towards further nationalism and isolation?
The implications of this elections are many and most of them are related to issues such as the future relation to the EU, the independence of the judiciary, independence of the press and in the long run, perhaps even the future of Polish democracy. I wrote an article on the subject that was published and syndicated in news outlets across Africa and the Middle East and I will share it with you, in case you are not familiar with the subject, I received many comments and questions from readers so I thought it might be an interesting debate. The article can be found here.:
What are your thoughts about the future of Poland, the EU and the issues laid out here in this text? The words is free..at least for now.
Best wishes Henrik
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Unfortunately, some are doing everything to steal European identity. Such threads are obliging Poland and other countries to draw the specifed and private identity .
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Hello, i have a data set with only categorical variables. I am interested to examine the factors that affect voters to vote & the factors that affect voters to vote particular candidates. I want to run two models:
1.) My dependent variable (DV) is a binary variable of vote/no vote
2.) My DV is a categorical variable that holds the name of the candidates
My independent variables are all categorical variables such as: age bins, sex, geographic location, annual income bins and more.
I was thinking to use a logistic regression for the first model and a multinomial logistic regressionvfor the second one but i am not sure if that's the best option. What do you think?
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If I would be you, I would have followed the same models. Categorical variables, I feel are best shown by the help of logistic regression.
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It seems most political science PhDs and professors tend to use LaTex to write research papers. However, as an undergraduate majoring in political science, do you think LaTex is better than Microsoft Word for writing short papers (less than 10 pages) in undergraduate political science courses?
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I think LaTeX is a good program, and it can be used effectively in political science but to replace Word.
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Distinguished colleagues,
I need your professional opinion for my ongoing research. Please briefly state your opinion on this issue.
Thank you in advance!
Warm regards,
Dr. Vardan Atoyan
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Vardan Atoyan, Welcome.
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Good morning everyone,
I would be interested in assessing the prejudice of researchers (especially in social psychology and political science) and of the media towards populism. I was wondering which tool I could use to assess this prejudices if any and how to select the participants.
Thank you in advance for your help.
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When you say researchers you mean researchers on prejudice or just in general? You would need to clearly define your terms, especially prejudice. Populism is various countries will be expressed differently, so make sure you define it, is it West specific etc? You can use self report measures, it would be best for this type of research. Have a look at Blatant and Subtle scales in prejudice. In terms of participnats you would need to conduct your study online and find researchers willing to participate. I would suggest students during their masters or PhD courses, as they will be more willing to particpate.
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I am writing a paper on social capital and political trust. I will be using the ESS data for some statisitical analyses, which will include comparisons between countries. I am planning on constructing two scales, one for social capital and one for political trust. How can I make sure, that these constructs are valid for all countries that are included in the dataset? I am looking for a solutions that I can implement using SPSS or AMOS. I am just an undergrad student, so I need a quite simple solution. Any help will be greatly appreciated.
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You can use Confirmatory Factor Analysis to assess measurement equivalence, but you it would not work for comparing "every country," because you have only one set of measures for each country. One alternative would be to group countries into "sets" that might be hypothesized to have different measurement structures for your scales.
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Distinguished colleagues,
I need your professional opinion for my ongoing research. Any input, support, publication links or comments will be highly appreciated!
Thank you in advance!
Best regards,
Dr. Vardan Atoyan
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My favorite ones are comparison, case studies, and interviews.
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but also rejecting its first confederate system after the failure of the Articles of Confederation
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These state constructions obeyed historical realities, particularities and circumstances. They still seers, yes. What should be discussed? If its way of functioning has implied an improvement in the quality of life of its members.
The unitary state model is a top-down construction (Colombia case), federalism is a state model built from the bottom up (US case). What have they lost? In which power has been stifled, and democracy in its classical sense has not been seen, has been manipulated mediately; and the general well-being has had not very good results.
It would be interesting to analyze the state model and the most appropriate form of government in each case, territory and region. Converting each territorial space into a micro State organized according to its own realities should be our goal.
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Distinguished colleagues,
I need your professional opinion for my ongoing research. Any input, support, materials or comments will be highly appreciated!
Thank you in advance!
Regards,
Dr. Vardan Atoyan
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I think some of the key issues are
- availability of big data
- availability of analytic tools that allow data to be used
- ability of think tanks to work virtually with web conferencing world wide and for workers to work remotely
- use of digital platforms to collect stakeholder and public views including public participation in creating and testing solutions
- connected to this greater ability to use international as well as national learning
- increased competition in the space occupied by think tanks means brand value and quality/perceived quality of the agency will be critical to ensuring stakeholders listen
- distrust of experts
- need for visible leadership that is tech savvy but also credible
- need to tailor messaging precisely to the target audience and deliver in the correct medium
- need for leaders at various levels in think tanks that are credible with different audiences and adept with digital and analogue channels
- ability to deliver quick, timely, analysis to meet stakeholder needs
- ability to work in partnership and share platforms with other credible stakeholders
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We often perceive that policymakers (and sometimes other practitioners too) understand problems and solutions to policy issues in a way that's very different to that of people 'on the ground'. This is problematic and I have the feeling that there must be literature discussing this gap or disconnect. But I cannot find a good lead to start discovering such literature.
Can you think of a paper that discusses this disconnect?
It doesn't have to be in the sustainability or environmental domains, it can be elsewhere in political science etc.
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Brilliant Akhmad Solikin Akhmad Solikin, I hadn't made that connection. But it makes all sense: this disconnect can lead to a principal-agent problem (related to moral hazard), where policymakers are the agents deciding on behalf of the principal (society), but with misaligned priorities. Christoph Schulze, sounds fantastic. Looking forward to hear more about your results. I suspect there must be more Q literature looking at this classification of respondents (policymakers vs the rest). Will keep digging... Thanks also Promila Kapoor-Vijay and Andreas. Andreas Vassilopoulos, What sort of literature are you looking at?
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I am well aware that all infrastructure and water management planning functions are to some extent political in nature. Apologies for a very broad question, I am interested in other researchers opinions and experiences.
I am interested in (a) how damaging can 3/4 year election cycles be on water sector outcomes? (b) have any attempts been made anywhere to protect public water sector from political cycles? (c) sometimes I'm sure political champions are a great benefit to water sector outcomes, what are some good examples of this?
I welcome both links to research, and also personal opinion and experiences.
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Hallo from Peru - you are describing actually the very same situation we are facing here. Almost all Utilities are municipal. Some 10 years ago the 6 members of the supervisory boards where apointed directly by the municipalities. Since then there where 2 steps forward, that didnt solve the problem at all, but helped:
(1) The supervisory board are now composed by 5 members: 2 from municipal governments, 1 from regional governments, 1 from the professional asociations and 1 by the civic society. That made it somewhat more difficult to change all the professional staff by unexperienced friends of the mayors. (2) The second step was, that for many positions in the utilities are now a minimum of experience and academic degrees are requiered.
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The concept of corruption
(Opening for a draft paper)
Corruption is a matter of “dishonest or illegal behavior especially by powerful people,” including, for instance, government officials or the police; and primary examples of corrupt behavior are bribery and any other inducement by improper or unlawful means.1 The varying forms and expressions of corruption may, in fact, form an unending list, since new, more sophisticated, subtle or covert forms are pretty sure to arise. The more corruption is exposed at any given time and place, the more subtle and covert it tends to become. Partly in consequence, attempts at definition and demarcation of corruption vary and are often problematic or incomplete; “the class of corrupt actions comprise an extremely diverse array of types of moral and legal offences undertaken in a wide variety of institutional contexts including, but by no means restricted to, political and economic institutions.”2
As Lincoln Steffens put a similar point, directly concerned with Gilded Age corruption in St. Louis, Missouri, one had to fear that, “… the exposures by Mr. Folk will result only in the perfection of the corrupt system.”
For the corrupt can learn a lesson when the good citizens cannot. The Tweed regime in New York taught Tammany to organize its boodle business; the police exposure taught it to improve its method of collecting blackmail. And both now are almost perfect and safe. The rascals of St. Louis will learn in like manner; they will concentrate the control of their bribery system, excluding from the profit-sharing the great mass of weak rascals, and carrying on the business as a business in the interest of a trustworthy few.3
In the wake of exposures of corruption in the press, indictments and convictions due to the work of St. Louis public prosecutor Joseph W. Folk, if the good citizens of the city would not or could not take things in hand, then corruption could simply mutate into some as yet unexposed or covert forms. As a general matter, though, in spite of the tendency toward subtler and more sophisticated forms, the old familiar patterns are always being rediscovered and deployed somewhere or other; they never completely die away.
The etymological source of the English word “corruption” is theological Latin,4 which followed traditions of translating ancient Greek moral and political thought. This background is reflected both in the call on moral standards involved in the condemnation and prosecution of corruption and in the broader usages of the word. Corruption, in a secondary sense, is a matter of departure or deviation from an original, or from what is pure, ideal or correct, as in “corruption of a text,” and “corruption of computer files”—where no moral evaluation need be involved. In their original Greek setting, Aristotle’s three “degenerate,” “digressive” or “perverted” (παρεκβάσείς, parekbasis) forms of government, viz., tyranny, oligarchy and (extreme) democracy, are regarded as degenerate precisely because they deviate or “swerve” from proper concern with the common good. They might therefore equally be said to be corrupt forms. As political scientist Samuel Huntington makes a narrower point, “Corruption is behavior of public officials which deviates from accepted norms in order to serve private ends.”5 But not all corruption is political.
1. Cf. “Corruption” in Merriam-Webster.
2. Seumas Miller 2018, “Corruption” in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. p. 6.
3. Lincoln Steffens 1904, The Shame of the Cities, H.G. Callaway ed. 2020, p. 39.
4. Theological Latin is mentioned in the great Oxford English Dictionary. In consequence of the Latin source, one finds cognate forms in many European languages: English, corruption, French, corruption, German, Korruption, Italian, corruzione, and Russian, korruptsiya. The English “corrupt” derives from Latin, corrumpere = co- + rumpere, “to break.”
5. Cf. Samuel P. Huntington 1968, “Modernization and Corruption” in Huntington 2006, Political Order in Changing Societies, p. 59.
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In spite of our understandable and frequent focus on monetary exchanges involving government officials and favors, corruption need not involve exchange of money and may be either public or private. Public officials accepting envelopes stuffed with cash to favor bribe-givers in the exercise of official powers is perhaps the central, paradigm case of political corruption. Yet, surely, corruption may still exist where no money changes hands. Favoritism toward particular persons, groups or interests might be exchanged for other sorts of “inducements,” for instance, reciprocating preferences in hiring, employment advantages or promotions; and favoritism may involve exchange of useful “insider” information.6 “In some corrupt exchanges, such as patronage and nepotism” argues political scientist Michael Johnston, “considerable time may elapse between receiving the quid and repaying the quo, and the exchange may be conditioned by many factors other than immediate gain.”7
When illicit favoritism is practiced within a particular insider group involving partiality in dispensing jobs, opportunities and other advantages to friends, supporters or trusted associates, this favoritism is called cronyism. Favoritism and partiality toward one’s own family and kinship, nepotism, is illegal in American Civil Service employment practices, and restricted by the requirement to report possible conflicts of interest to stockholders in publicly traded firms. The charge of nepotism fails of legal application in privately owned firms. It is worth remarking, however, that the distinction between “public” and “private” agents and resources is not always entirely clear and straightforward.
The point is reflected in the history of corporate charters. For example, the British East India Company and the Hudson’s Bay Company long effectively ruled large areas of India and Canada respectively. Were these private trading corporations or colonial sub-polities of the British crown and government? Being both, of course, they could legally govern their respective geographic domains with priority and preference given to their own economic and trading interests and profits. The East India Company even had its own army which was effectively deployed in the Seven Years’ war (1756-1763).8 Chartered trading companies acting as sub-polities was a compromising configuration, though it long persisted. Again, while colonial Americans saw their chartered colonial governments as their own, requiring their representation and subject to “the consent of the governed,” the view from London was that they could be modified or abolished by parliament like any corporate or municipal charter in the kingdom.
Lincoln Steffens distinguished several classifications of municipal corruption. This is partly a matter of where to look for corruption. His typology includes police corruption which was especially prominent in the scandals of Minneapolis, and also found elsewhere, for instance, as reported in the Lexow Committee’s exposures of police corruption in New York City. Police corruption involves “protection” of and extortion from illegal but tolerated gambling and vices. Steffens sometimes found municipal corruption, centered in the mayor’s office, the executive and administrative departments and sometimes centered in the municipal legislatures. With corruption centered in City Council, the political bosses could often afford to tolerate a “clean hands” mayor. Steffens also describes financial corruption, for example in St. Louis, which involved “not thieves, gamblers, and common women, but influential citizens, capitalists, and great corporations.”9 Political bosses of the Gilded Age often enjoyed quite cozy relations to large financial and industrial firms or even owned banks themselves. Generalized civic corruption, exemplified by Philadelphia, “corrupt and contented,” involved direct ...
6. Cf. Sung Hui Kim 2014, “Insider Trading as Private Corruption,” UCLA Law Review, Vol. 61, pp. 928-1008: “Private corruption” is defined as “the use of an entrusted position for self-regarding gain.”
7. Michael Johnston 2005, Syndromes of Corruption, p. 21.
8. Relevant in comparison is the literature of Edmund Burke’s later speeches and documentation in the long impeachment process against Warren Hastings (1732-1818), the East India Company’s Governor of Bengal. See, e.g., Isaac Kramnick ed. 1999, The Portable Edmund Burke, Section V. “India and Colonialism,” pp. 363-406; Frederick G. Whelan 2012, “Burke on India.”
9. Steffens 1904, Shame of the Cities, H.G. Callaway ed. 2020, p. 71.
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partisan manipulation of the electoral system and vote counts, integration of political patronage, federal, state and local, with favored business interests plus institutional and popular acquiescence in boss led, machine politics. Even people not directly involved in corruption, still prevalently “went along,” and adopted protective affiliation and coloring of the dominant party in order not to fall into
direct opposition to the party bosses and the machinations of the corrupt system. Even “heads of great educational and charity institutions ‘go along,’ as they say in Pennsylvania, in order to get appropriations for their institutions from the State and land from the city.”10
Though acceptance of bribes among political office holders is the paradigm, corruption also exists in other institutional contexts. For example, embezzlement by a business partner or favoritism in the allocation of funds by a corporate treasurer show the possibility of corruption in private spheres; and “insider trading” of stocks and bonds on the basis of privileged information is criminal in many or most important jurisdictions. Bribery may exist even in “non-profit” sports organizations, influencing the outcome of games or the award of sports events to particular localities. “Corruption involves the abuse of a trust,” writes Michael Johnston, “generally one involving public power, for private benefit.”11 But the involvement of public power and public financing may be more or less remote, unobvious or even absent. The fundamental objection to corruption is moral, whether or not particular forms of corruption are also legally prohibited—though not every moral failure counts as corruption. Corrupt actions are those that disrupt or strongly tend to disrupt moral habits of good character and/or the practices constitutive of the normative and governing purposes of institutions.
Structures favorable to “economic elite domination”12 may be public, semi-public or private. But in any case of corrupt, domination over public or private interests, there will likely and typically be some “ring,” “combine,” “boodle gang,” syndicate or circle (however tightly organized or tacit and diffuse) of self-serving insiders who ignore or discount the common, public interest or the overt, declared and approved purposes of semi-public or private organizations. More generally, “The pattern of corruption … exists whenever a power-holder who is charged with doing certain things, … is by monetary or other rewards, such as the expectation of a job in the future, induced to take actions which favor whoever provides the reward and thereby damages the group or organization to which the functionary belongs, … .”13
Although legal definitions enter into our concept of corruption, the concept is basically moral and normative. “No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause,” wrote James Madison in Federalist Papers, No. 10, “because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity.”14 The law, a judge and jury are there to see to it that no one is the judge in his own legal case; and we need to be morally concerned with anyone being the judge in a moral conflict of interests to which the same person is also a party. This has a corrupting effect on personal integrity.15 Some degree of cognitive or emotional bias seems to come with the limits of human intelligence and moral sympathy, but persistent, conscious habits and policies based on acceptance or acquiescence in insider bias and favoritism contribute to corruption of every sort.
10. Steffens 1904, Shame of the Cities, H.G. Callaway ed. 2020, p. 141; 141n. The contemporary colloquial phrase in Philadelphia, often critical, is “to go along in order to get along”: a matter of acquiescence.
11. Michael Johnston 2005, Syndromes of Corruption, p. 11.
12. See Martin Gilens and Benjamin I. Page 2014, “Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens,” on usage of this term.
13. Cf. Carl J. Friedrich 1972, “Corruption Concepts in Historical Perspective,” in Friedrich 1972, The Pathologies of Politics, pp. 127ff:
14. James Madison 1787/1937, in The Federalist Papers, No. 10, p. 56.
15. Cf. Zephyr Teachout 2014, Corruption in America, p. 9, Giving a sufficient condition: “a person is corrupt when they use public power for their own ends, disregarding others.”
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“You could never convince a monkey to give you a banana by promising him limitless bananas after death in monkey heaven.”
Yuval Noah Harari, Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind
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I'm a master's student in Political Science researching presidential interruptions; and, in order to analyse these events, I'm running logistic regression. The thing is, I'm not sure if I should include performance metrics (confusion matrix and precision-recall curve for a model with 18 positive and 86 negative events) in the final paper. It's not a machine learning type of work, and I've never seen a researcher in my field using these kinds of metrics. Are they important for a social science research not related to data science?
Thanks!
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Breno,
In general, the metrics such as ROC, AUC and the indexes of Precision, Sensitivity, F1 recall etc., have been seen to be implemented for machine learning classification results.
That being said, it is not limited/restricted to machine learning at all. As you describe, you have two classes of data. Thus, you will end up with a 2x2 confusion matrix (TP, TN, FP and FN) which can be used to interpret the performance of LR for better understanding. So, using Precision, Recall etc is certainly plausible
Moving to the second point, AUC gives the rate of successful classification a model (which, in your case is the Logistic Regression). And to be frank, LR is susceptible to overfitting. Thus, you can use AUC and/or ROC to demonstrate that.
And how useful are these indexes in Social Science research, I cannot say as I am not from the field. But my honest guess would be, by using such indexes, you can make it easier to understand your work for a reader.
Good luck!
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I am looking for either empirical or theoretical works that challenge or question the relationship between the effective number of parties and democratic performance.
Several years ago I read an article criticizing Lijphart's work in this area with the argument that most measures of democracy are biased toward more fractionalized party systems but I just cannot remember the author or the titles of the article.
This or any other works would be welcomed!
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where I argue that for local governments, there are no differences for democratic performance whether party A or B is in charge. That might go in the direction you are looking for.
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Dear all, I am planning to analyze the effect of a change in legislation on behavior in different countries. All countries of interest adapted the same legislation at different points of time (in different years). I now want to investigate whether changing the legislation had an effect on certain behaviors (e.g. crime rate) in the respective country. However, there are many other factors that might influence the behavior of interest that I would like to control for. If possible, I would also like to assess an effect across all countries. The data I have available is the absolute crime rate per year for at least 3 years before and 3 years after the change in legislation. How would one go about to answer this question? Is there something like a "standard procedure" that is being used for example in political sciences?
The first idea that came to mind was conducting a time series anaylsis.
Thanks for your help!
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Lisann -- conventional pre- post- test designs do not require more than 3 years of data; they require untreated comparisons groups and an experimental group. The comparison groups need to be similar to each other and the experimental group, and in the quasi-experimental format, the subjects/units are not randomly assigned (that would be a true experimental design). In the case of the quasi-experiment, the pre-post tests are conducted within each group comparing the pre-post periods, and then across groups in the pre-periods, and the post-periods to ensure that the groups were similar when they started, and to rule out the fact that the changes, if any, for the experimental group, where due to nonexperimental condition changes. This is a basic model, and can be found in Campbell and Stanley's classic book, Experimental and Quasi-experimental designs for research (1966); or in the more recent, Shadish, Cook and Campbell, Experimental and Quasiexperimental designs for generalized causal inference.
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Among the features considered as a hallmark of the researcher is impartiality (objectivity, neutrality). Many scholars have got clearly defined political views or are followers of a religion. Does this not interfere with the study of politics in their own country or their religion/denomination? Is it possible to reconcile one's views with objectivity in the study of these areas? Can, for example, an American researcher, a Republican, objectively analyze the political program of the Democratic Party, and vice versa? Can, for example, the Protestant objectively examine the principles of their denomination?
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I think a similar question of bias could be asked about scholars who study the politics of countries and case studies outside their own. Would they be bringing unique perspectives to the issues they're researching or would they be imposing a framework that may not account for all the subtle nuances of a particular country or case? As has been iterated above, I think being able to address one's own biases when conducting research would be a good step towards producing quality works of scholarship
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From the Gilded Age to the Progressive Era.
What were the chief problems, and what new federal legislation was passed to meet those problems? What did these problems have to do with the rapid post-Civil War industrialization of the country? What roles did the American Civil War play in the emergence of the Gilded Age (1870-1890)? Why did the Gilded Age give rise to populism and wide-spread protests? And why did populism ultimately pass over into (1890-1920) progressivism? Does the sequence of reform legislation hold any possible lessons for contemporary politics? Who were the chief American populists and the leaders of the progressive movement? What did they accomplish and how did they do it?
Please document your contributions and answers so far as possible.
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One person's reform is another person's repression.
In the late 1950s the top tax rate in America was 90%, President Kennedy dropped this significantly, and what followed in the 1960s the American economy boomed. Is cutting the top tax rate a reform? Or does it just aid the richest Americans?
In 1919 the government made the sale of alcohol illegal. It was considered at the time to be part of the great reform and progressive movement. It led to the undying establishment of nation-wide organized crime that is still with us.
Why is no one discussing the great reform of putting an end to endless money-printing? Is that a reform that is needed? Or would that slow down the economy?
So what these reforms that people are hinting at? Can anyone spell them out?
Or is "reform" just a slogan .... and the less said about it, the more we can all imagine it is a good thing?
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I have conducted a survey experiment with two treatments and a control group. When I run my bivariate regression one of the treatments is significant. I then add an interaction. The interaction variable turns out not to be significant but the treatment that was significant before is now not significant anymore. How can that be?
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Thanks! I'll look into that
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In some countries a minimum guaranteed income for citizens is introduced. In individual countries, various arguments are given for such a socio-economic policy. I described the key arguments in favor of introducing the Family 500 Plus Program in Poland, which is a kind of social policy instrument of this kind.
Do you agree with me on the above matter?
In the context of the above issues, I am asking you the following question:
How would you rate the introduction of minimum income as part of the socio-economic policy of the state?
Please reply
I invite you to the discussion
Thank you very much
Best wishes
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I personally do not like distinctions between deserving and undeserving poor as they try to suggest that poverty is self selected. I think that poverty has structural causes and not everybody who wish to work is able to find employment. In the USA there is also the phenomena of the working poor, meaning that at times an income does not take people out of poverty. Not sure, if it is correct, but I heard of cases where people need at least two jobs to escape poverty. Maybe those who are more familiar to conditions in the USA can contribute....
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The value of life is an economic value used to quantify the benefit of avoiding a fatality. It is also referred to as the cost of life, value of preventing a fatality (VPF) and implied cost of averting a fatality (ICAF). In social and political sciences, it is the marginal cost of death prevention in a certain class of circumstances. In many studies the value also includes the quality of life, the expected life time remaining, as well as the earning potential of a given person especially for an after the fact payment in a wrongful death claim lawsuit.
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Thank you Professor
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Aristotle wrote in Politics III the following sentences:
"But there are difficulties about these forms of government, and it will therefore be necessary to state a little more at length the nature of each of them. For he who would make a philosophical study of the various sciences, and does not regard practice only, ought not to overlook or omit anything, but to set forth the truth in every particular. Tyranny, as I was saying, is monarchy exercising the rule of a master over the political society; oligarchy is when men of property have the government in their hands; democracy, the opposite, when the indigent, and not the men of property, are the rulers. And here arises the first of our difficulties, and it relates to the distinction drawn. For democracy is said to be the government of the many. But what if the many are men of property and have the power in their hands? In like manner oligarchy is said to be the government of the few; but what if the poor are fewer than the rich, and have the power intheir hands because they are stronger? In these cases the distinction which we have drawn between these different forms of government would no longer hold good."
Do you think these three forms always apply to current governments? Are not some of these governments uncorrectly called democracy, for example, as they are really oligarchies? Are there new forms of government which Aristotle omitted?
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Philadelphia, PA
Dear Mendez-Esteban & readers,
This distinction between corporatism and neo-corporatism has some importance in contemporary political analysis, especially in international comparisons. I have argued that corporatist or neo-corporatist forms may work better in smaller more homogeneous societies, but that they are less suited to larger more heterogeneous societies. Its implausible to transfer social and political models between societies of different sizes and degrees of internal social complexity; and the attempt often rests on comparatively superficial resemblances.
The basic problem is that corporatist forms tend to become excessively rigid, because they emphasize grouping people together and (official or quasi-official) representation on the basis of economic interests. This contrasts with traditional geographical representation which crosses diverse economic interests within a given geographic area of electoral district. In deciding on representation, the people within a geographic district are able to debate and sort out economic issues locally. The representatives they select locally are more likely to reflect the range of economic interests within the area.
We have been discussing a certain suggestive analogy:
Aristotelian aristocracy is to oligarchy
as
contemporary political elitism is to X.
I think it simply short-circuits the comparison and the examination of the analogy to immediately substitute "oligarchy" for X. The allegation or accusation of "oligarchy" is easy enough--it appears in many varieties of conspiracy theory. The proof is, of course, somewhat more difficult. But we need to ask, for instance, how ancient aristocracy differs from contemporary political elitism. One aspect of this is the important contemporary role of institutions --as contrasted with great families.
The idea of corporatism certainly suggests high-level coordination among economic interests. But even here, the coordination may or may not be dominated by special interests. That is a danger of which we should be aware. In consequence, I have posed the question of the prevalence of "oligarchic structures," --those that may contribute to establishing or maintaining --let us say--"economic elite domination." In this connection, I have also suggested the examination of the traditional theme of the "Iron law of oligarchy." But the theme is yet to be taken up on this thread. In fact, there are important counter-examples to the so-called "Iron law," and by examining the exceptions one may gain some insight into the social and political factors which contribute to the plausibility of the "Iron law." Though "oligarchy" is not inevitable, it is important to understand and avoid those "oligarchic structures" which make it more likely.
H.G. Callaway
---you wrote---
Corporatism is a political ideology which advocates the organization of society by corporate groups, such as agricultural, labour, military, scientific, or guild associations on the basis of their common interests. The idea is that when each group performs its designated function, society will function harmoniously — like a human body (corpus) from which its name derives.
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Hi,
I hope you are all well. I am looking for any suggestions out there about books or journal articles which are highly recommended for research methods in political science or electoral studies topic?
Any tips would be appreciated. Thanks!
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I would also recommend King, Keohane and Verba, but if you're looking for a newer source, this one might be good to consult as well:
Denzin, N. K., & Lincoln, Y. S. (2008). The Landscape of Qualitative Research. SAGE.
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The world witnessed a marginalisation of normative perspectives in disciplines and an emphasis of positive perspective as the norm upon which disciplines should be developed. This caused much destruction in material and non-material sense. What does the future hide from us?
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I've often heard people say things like, "That's not a moral issue, that's an economic issue". To me that's always sounded confused. What such people are implying is, that we ought to base a decision on economic principles, or that it is better to base a decision on economic principles, which to me sounds like a moral decision or a normative stance after all. What I think is going on underneath is some sort of view of morality being limited to some set of fixed rules, whereas in reality such rules are just rules of thumb that can be overridden in various circumstances. Morality at it most general level may converge with economic principles as expressed by a utilitarianian calculus -- theoretically, anyway. The problem is that too many things of value are often left out of consideration in classical or typical cost-benefit analyses. It's not so much a positivistic lack of normativity as a narrowly conceived set of values.
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I'm applying a linear Correlated Random Effect model (Wooldridge, 2018, J. Econometrics) to an unbalanced panel of electoral data from Italian municipalities. I found Bell & Jones (2015, political science research and methods) publication while looking for interpretative issues of CRE coefficients (FE-equivalent coefficients for time-variant variables & time-average coefficients). I think your paper is very clear and I would like to know your opinion about the CRE framework applied to unbalanced panel data. Do you suggest me to apply your RE formulation (within-between, equation 12 in your paper) rather than the CRE approach (Mundlak-like) also in the unbalanced panel case? When interpreting Mundlak-like coefficients for the mean variables (at the municipal level), how can I practically explain the contextual effects (i.e., as you noticed, the difference between within and between effects)? Can you suggest me some paper that clears this point?
Thanks a lot for sharing your knowledge. Best, Lisa Sella
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I propose a discussion limited to political philosophy.
Can the Academic Community help understand social turmoil in France and propose a rational answer? Or help understand one aspect of the French crisis of the “Gilets jaunes”? Is French president Emmanuel Macron, while presented as educated and intelligent, in fact a simple, even “second class » intellectual at the wrong place ?
He was an average student, never involved in any academic achievements, with no university career, no publications and no evidence of any particular intellectual, cultural or scientific achievements. In history, number of statesmen were similar to Mr. Macron in this respect. Except from one: Many advanced sound arguments, demonstrated common sense and even when not successful, majority of them demonstrated practical wisdom (phrenesis). Here bellow is one short list of the numerous problems of Mr. Macron:
1. Affaire Benalla
2. Stop complaining
3. "Cross the street" to find work
4. Stubborn Gauls
Speaking in Denmark on a diplomatic visit in August, Macron quipped that "the Lutheran people" had embraced "the transformations" of recent years, in contrast to "the Gaul refractory to change."
5. "Crazy dough"
"Look, we are putting crazy dough into minimum social benefits, and people are still poor. They don't get out of it. The people are born poor and remain poor,"
6. 'Slackers'
"I am of an absolute determination, and I will cede nothing, not to the slackers, not to the cynics, and not to the extremes," Macron proclaimed at the French School of Athens.
"They are certain ones who, instead of creating havoc, would do better by going to see if they cannot get jobs," he told a local official in November after being greeted by protesters at the opening of a college for construction workers.
7. People who are "nothing"
“A train station, it's a place where one encounters people who are succeeding and people who are nothing," Macron declared. "Because it's a place where one passes, because it's a place we share."
Then, I would add:
8. Declare “French culture does not exist”.
9. His “futuristic” economical measures systematically impoverish the most disadvantaged.
10. His English is just supportable with heavy accent. (French intellectuals often speak much better English).
11. His funeral speeches seem to be his better side.
12. His so called “program” contained the principles, and just a few concrete measures – and this is now contested.
13. Exclamations like “Come, get me”, or the allusions to homosexual connections with Benala… are bizarre.
14. The present Gilets jaunes crisis is mainly caused by Macrons personality.
Etc.
The French president — a Parisian-educated Énarque and ex-Rothschild banker — is often accused of being out of touch with voters and even his attempts to bridge the gap fall flat.
Yet, is president Macron a simple, not particularly educated, not sufficiently knowledgeable, but ambitious and confused, average man who arrived at a wrong place?
I would appreciate an academic, serious, rational discussion, if possible detached from the problems and language that may inflame political sentiments.
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Dear Patrick Gubry,
here at Research Gate we are trying to evaluate international events from a scientific point of view, from the point of view of elementary logic and common sense. Why? There is a famous phrase "If in our time you do not take up politics, then politics will deal with you". I want to remind brilliant words (from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Niem%C3%B6ller ) of German theologian and Lutheran pastor Friedrich Gustav Emil Martin Niemöller:
"First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a socialist.
Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me".
We should not wait submissively until events become irreversible.
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The end of WW II signalled an era in which capitalism and communism as political ideologies polarized the world. When the USSR disintegrated, communism as a political idea also collapsed, leaving capitalism also in the lurch because there was nothing left to disagree about! Two decades further, we are talking of Neoliberalism - a heady mix of economic liberalisation with Human Rights and Democracy. Have capitalism and communism really lost their relevance or they have come together in the cauldron of Druid Getafix to be transformed into the 'magic potion' called Neoliberalism?
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Back to the initial question: the ideological confrontation between the USA and Soviet Union and their respective allies dominated much the global political confrontations after World War II and the end of the 1980s (actually it started earlier: the conference at Bretton Woods e.g. has been in 1944). We call this Cold War. Since then ideological confrontations of the sort capitalism vs socialism have become less important, but they did not disappear. Other ideological confrontations became more important, e.g. around Islamism . These confrontations did exist already earlier. If they are clashed of civilizations depends on details and perspectives. To a very great deal they are around power, which is reflected in resources (oil) rather than religion, but things are indeed very complex. What seems to be very important to me is that the bipolar world has disappeared with the collapse of the Soviet Union. The confrontations lost its clear structural dimension, but not their relevance.