Questions related to Political Science
It seems that the academic job search is becoming more precarious each year. What advice would you give PhD candidates and recent graduates who are entering the academic job market? Has the post-COVID-19 world impacted academic jobs, and if so, in what ways?
When doing discourse research, I often feel that the findings based on discourse analysis is not as “important” as those in social science studies (for example, political science). In most cases, the findings are limited to the discourse pattens of the argument which was already common understanding in some social science disciplines. So what can we do to make a difference?
I am about to embark on a PhD in political science focusing on left wing authoritarianism.
To what extent do left wing politics go too far in informing decision making in Western higher education?
Any and all faculty member's experiences are welcome.
Note: discussion on this thread is not for data gathering purposes.
I am conducting research for my doctoral dissertation on the effectiveness of the US federal government's National Strategy for Financial Literacy of 2006-2020 at improving Americans' financial literacy and well-being. My dissertation relies on secondary research methodology, primarily from political science/public policy. My academic background is in American Studies, so my research deals with the National Strategy as a US politics project, although I refer to previous research on financial education effectiveness in economics and other fields of study.
Proust attended Tarde's inaugural lecture at the École libre des sciences politiques in 1896, and took some notes about it (now published in Proust's Essais [Gallimard, 2022]). I'm looking for any additional information about the Proust<>Tarde connection, both anecdotal and theoretical? Thank you!! a
In his essay, Rafael Khachaturian argues the following:
"[S]cholars of democracy are themselves not external to the power dynamics and social totality in which the hermeneutic games of democracy take place. My research on knowledge production in political science concerns concepts such as 'democratic transitions' and 'the state'. I have argued this process of information gathering is always conditioned by those participating in this enterprise. Their conscious and unconscious motivations, ideologies, and value-judgements shape their results."
Following Khachaturian's logic means that it is not possible for a scholar to objectively study "democracy". This also means that the advice provided by scholars to anyone else is conditioned by their "motivations, ideologies and value-judgements".
What do you think the implications of this realization are for the way we study and communicate "democracy"? What change, in your opinion, may it require to the status quo?
"What is the Commonwealth of Britain?
The Commonwealth is an association of countries across the world. Although historically connected to the British Empire, any country can apply to be a member of the Commonwealth, regardless of its intersection with Britain's colonial past. The Commonwealth consists of 54 countries, including the United Kingdom.14 May 2023" From internet...
Do academic hiring committees consider book reviews?
I enjoy doing book reviews because I get free books, small publications, and it allows me to stay up to date on recent scholarship in my field. While I do not put all my publishing eggs in the book review basket, I generally always have at least one book review in progress on the backburner.
However, is it worth it for me as a PhD candidate to do book reviews if I want to apply for assistant professor positions? Are book reviews worthless in hiring decisions, even if they are in reputable journals in my fields of interest? One of my book reviews was peer-reviewed, does that make a difference? If I keep reviewing academic books, will it benefit my academic career?
I have heard mixed perspectives from academics. Some encourage students to publish book reviews since it's better than no publications at all and is perhaps a stepping stone to larger publications down the road, and others have said to just focus on publishing a few articles in top-tier journals.
Democracy is in trouble: can political science help to strengthen it, and if so how?
Join the debate at https://bit.ly/LoopDM
Do you have research evidence of 'what works' to give citizens a more effective voice in decisions?
Share your thoughts here and on the ECPR blog The Loop.
I'm interested in how norms, in particular political norms, are created in first place, maintained, broken. I have already read the best article for international norms which is International Norm Dynamics and Political Change by Finnemore and Sikkink but I am more interested in domestic political norms, for example how would we create norms against politicians lying . What books/articles would you recommend on norms in sociology, political science, philosophy etc? I have already have a background in social theory. Thanks in advance
I have data from European Social Survey (24 countries) and want to model a cross level interaction. Can I do this with a simple random intercept (fixed slope) model? Or do I have to model a more complex random slope model? And if so, are 24 countries sufficient?
I am not explicit interested in explain the different slopes on Level 2 due to the cross level interaction. If its possible I would do that, but I think I need more countries right?
But i definetely want to show, that trust in institutions (Level 1 variable) depends on the level of corruption (level 2 variable) in a country. Can I do this with random intercept fixed slope model?
Can abstention be a way of paradox political participation? And if so, how could we "measure" or analyse it?
In many democracies, participation in elections is declining. In some cases, we can assume that non-participation/abstention in elections is a kind of political statement that expresses dissatisfaction with representative democracy. Would you agree and if so, how can we best analyse this phenomenon with our methods in political science? Qualitative research definitely, interviews, surveys, observation, participatory research? Looking forward to your suggestions.
I am looking for works dealing with Canadian-American relationships. I am mostly looking for books or articles accessible online written in the late Obama-Trump-Biden years (although any suggestion is welcome). Thanks in advance!
Are student governments or student movements better at enacting policy change?
Some other aspects to consider:
How do these two concepts overlap? How are they different and how are they similar? What are some examples that would help provide answers to this question?
Hello Seniors I hope you are doing well
Recently I've read some very good research articles. In those articles datasets were taken from V-Dem, Polity and Freedom House. Though they have shared the link of supplementary datasets and the process of how they analyzed these datasets in SPSS or R in brief but I couldn't understand and replicate these findings. It may be because I am not very good at quantitative data analysis.
So I want to know how could I better understand this Datasets analysis easily like V-Dem etc. Is there any good course online, lectures or conference video etc. Or good book?
Any help would be appreciated.
Thanks in anticipation.
I am looking for a co-author and I wondering if you may be interested. The article was accepted in September 2021 for publication after peer review, but I don't have too much time to complete the process. Title of the Manuscript: Russia, Armed Groups and the Central African conflict African Journal of Political Science and International Relations Manuscript Number AJPSIR/10.09.21/1368 Current Status: First Revision Reminder
There are a limited number of countries in the world (about 200) they are so different in my understanding most samples would not be representative. And due to the limited number many times, it is possible to collect data about all countries. So can we infere with this data? Say I am doing research about freedom of press form time 2010-2020. When I analyse the data I can in my understanding only give conclutions about this time span and the countries examined and not about the future, the past or countries that where not analysed. And technically if I have data from all countries I have a population and do not need any probability at all.
I am looking for papers that talk about short term thinking in democracies/elected politicians. I remember reading something in democratic theory about this a long time ago which argued that elected politicians can be short term in their decisions because they need to win the next election and need to please people now. I am reading Stephen M. Gardiner's book The Perfect Moral Strom and he applies this argument to why Western democracies have failed to take action on climate change (The costs of climate action are mostly felt by the present generation and most of the cost of climate change are felt by future generations). My question is have people done empirical studies of this to see if politicians are short term in their thinking and what are some good essays in democratic theory on this? Thanks in advance!
I need your professional opinion for my ongoing research. Any input, support, publication links or comments will be highly appreciated!
Thank you in advance!
Dr. Vardan Atoyan
I and many scholars of my department have been receiving invitations for publishing with the journal "frontiers in Political Science"... I have found out that, actually, this is a broader group as there is a "frontiers in sociology", etc...
I tried to find out if this journal had any reference or indexation and I could not find any...
Though, is it a predatory one?
Anyone has ever published with them?
I am currently writing my master thesis and have stumbled upon an interesting finding, but I am having a hard time choosing which type of model to use.
I have timeseries data (18 months with timepoints for each month). What I want to test, is whether trust in the government (X) affect satisfaction with the covid-19 restrictions (Y) (as causally as possible). As "luck" would have it, the government of Denmark had a big (not very covid-19 restrictions related) scandal in November 2020, which makes for a good shock in my X-variable (causing less trust). Accordingly, I can see that my Y-variable is also affected by "something" at the same time (causing less satisfaction).
Therefore, my question is: How do I best test, whether trust in the government affects satisfaction with covid-19 restriction? And how do I best take advantage of the (more or less) exogenous shock to trust in the government (the independent variable X)?
I have previously used a VAR model and spiced it up with Granger causality and IRF. Do you think this would be the way to go? Or do you have any other ideas - maybe a simpler approach?
Thank you so much in advance!
Laurits / University of Copenhagen
The theory of social capital in the social sciences is well developed, considering not only sociology, but also political science and economics. However, in the modern world, which is called the period of formation and development of digital society, the question arises as to whether digital capital can exist? As a form of social capital, as a structure that reproduces social inequalities, as a mechanism for the institutionalization of social (and maybe digital?) Relations. What do you think about it? And how can digital capital be conceptualized in sociology?
This week, the fomer Chief Justice of Bangladesh has been convicted of grevious financial offences committed during his tenure. During his tenure, he played a key role in number of landmark cases where he demonestrated an extensive range of judicial activism on a wide range of issues. These judgments consist of numerous dicta on important political and historical events (which are more of his personal opinion, reasoned of course) which were widely criticized by both academic and political community.
As the judges are not any impartial machines rather they are the makers of law in one sense and a high level of moral integrity is expected from them, does his involvement in serious offences during the tenure when he provided these dicta, weaken the binding force of the judgment he had given?
For a comparative study of legislative activity during the coronavirus pandemic, we are looking for experts who can report about the current operation of the legislature in their country.
We will be most grateful for links to relevant experts, particularly from countries outside Europe and North America.
If you can suggest relevant experts, please write me privately at Ittai.Bar-Siman-Tov@biu.ac.il
Thank you very much in advance,
I am preparing questionnaires for online admission with a population of the final grades of elementary and second grades of high schools.
In the research design, I have a student questionnaire and parent questionnaire.
I am planning to use Google Forms as a platform for data collection.
My question is this: Which would be the best way to anonymously connect data from student and parent questionnaires?
Is there any constitutional or statutory provision ensring multiparty politics in your country? Or Is there any anti-floor-crossing law in your country? I need to run a comparative study on this.
Anti-floor-crossing laws restrict members of the parliament from voting against their party's stand.
What is required for a social scientist to be considered a political scientist?
BSc/BA in Political Science w/ PhD in Political Science? Or only the PhD in Political Science is enough?
Can PhDs in International Relations be considered political scientists?
I came across to a relatively new theoretical frame work in Political science. I want to see how researchers are actually using it in their research.
Where are the main databases where I can see examples of the framework usage? I already tried cited papers in Google Scholar and ScienceDirect but the results weren’t enough.
Can you suggest other online search engines or databases?
Thanks in advance.
I have recently completed my Ph.D. from the Department of Government and IR at the University of Sydney. I am currently looking for a Post-doc position in Europe. My proposed project examines religiosity and support for radicalism among the migrants in Europe.
To begin my journey as an academician/researcher, what scientific and transferable skill should I have? Knowledge or training on which quantitative or qualitative methods or data collection softwares will benefit me in future?
What are some of the advantages and disadvantages of studying political science/international relations rather than pure history? Which is more useful for contemporary policy makers?
I recently had the pleasure of interviewing Professor Steven Lukes for an online series on explaining political science and political theory concepts organized by the International Association for Political Science Students (IAPSS). Having cited Professor Lukes' works on the concept of power in many an undergraduate essay, it was an honour to hear his perspectives on the application of his theory to contemporary phenomena and on the future of research on this topic. I hope that this video will be a useful resource for students learning about the third dimension of power theory in class. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gsYkduHaAQU
#politicalscience #theory #power #learning #highereducation
I'm doing a research where I found strong correlations between variables of interest. I want to improve my research and try to show that there is, in fact, a causal relationship. But I don't have a random experiment. So I'm looking for methods to test causal relationships in this kind of situation.
In many countries there have been terrorist attacks against civilians. These operations were carried out by people from different religions and countries. For example, what happened in England.
In your opinion, what are the causes of these terrorist operations and how are they addressed these operations and the elimination of the terrorist ideology and their leaders?
I read some discourse analysis studies on political science.
Some discourse analysis studies analyze only one example without coding, while others analyze a large number of examples and with coding.
What is the correct amount of data to do a discourse analysis?
For example , if I only have three samples, can I do discourse analysis?
Good day to all of us. I am thinking of a statistical analysis to be used as partial requirement for the research topic we're conducting. We are seeking to know the preference of students-respondents in selecting their political candidate. We used likert-type items to identify their intensity of preference of the political candidates qualifications (political party affiliation as opposition candidate or administrative candidate or independent, educational background, etc) from 1=Not Preferred to 5=Very Strongly Preferred. We proposed using weighted mean and standard deviation as analysis of preference in their individual options/variables. But we are trying to come up for the analysis in difference of voting preference according to demographic profile of the respondents (course, year level, sex). What can be the possible data analysis to be used in this situation.
Update: Okay, so the only problem we have is how are we going to analyze the significant relationship of different demographic profiles (sex, year level, undergraduate course) in their electoral preferences of the candidate(political generation of the candidate, number of years in service, party affiliation, political platforms, campaign strategy, socio economic status, educational background and family background). Does this needs bivariate or multivariate analysis. And what statistical tools we should need?
In my opinion, the improvement of pro-development instruments of socio-economic policy is particularly important in a situation of a downturn in the economy.
Currently, this issue is particularly important in connection with the forecasted decline in the rate of economic growth in 2019.
In the context of the above issues, the following question is valid:
What pro-development instruments of socio-economic policy carried out according to the concept of Keynesian economics are currently the most effective in the area of economic growth as measured by, for example, the Gross Domestic Product index?
I invite you to the discussion
Dear Friends and Colleagues of RG
The issues of specific programs to improve the economic, financial, material and housing situation of households as key instruments of pro-development state intervention and significant components of the socio-economic policy of the state I described in the publications:
I invite you to discussion and cooperation.
The "Basic Feature" doctrine in constitutional law has its realistic origin in India. By the Kesavananda Bharati & Ors. v. State of Kerala & Anr. (Writ Petition (Civil) no 135 of 1970) it got final face in India. But it was adopted in some other countries as well (like Bangladesh and Pakistan). It makes some parts of a constitution unamendable. The normal process of amending the provisions of the contitution doesn't apply for these parts. And this theory is distinct from the French concept of "Constitutional Block" (established by the Constitutional Council in the case of (71-44DC)). However, this basic feature doctrine basically protects the fundamental basis of the constitution, like governmental form, fundamental rights, directive principles or preamble, to some extent.
But one question remains,if you think that a balance between extreme rigidity and extreme flexibility is preferred then what is your view on imposing an extra layer of protection over some constitutional dictrines which have the features to be called as the basic feature of a constitution?
Watching this webinar on Leo Strauss by the International Association for Political Science Students (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KZqeefnTqsM&t=23s), has led me to wonder about what requires a text to be a great text in the Straussian sense. Do Straussians keep an agreed-upon list of works or authors that meet the criteria?
Which works do you think qualify as Straussian great texts? Are there particular prominent philosophical texts that would not make it? Why or why not?
I am interested in doing a quantitative analysis of voter turnout in multiple Canadian student unions (a sample size of about 80). Elections in these organizations are held annually. Would three election cycles (for example, 2019-2021 elections) be a long enough study period for an article or should I include more years in the analysis?
Recently I decided to switch my PhD project to a cumulative form. I have already written an extensive methodological chapter about my adaptation of interpretivist methodology and ethnographical research methods (interactive observation, in-field-mapping, netnography) to my social-movement-studies/ political science question. I would like to publish these thoughts as a working paper, but I'm struggling a bit to find an appropriate working paper series or platform. Does anybody know a good one?
In my ignorance, I think the whole situation has created a perfect scenario for China to emergence as a major power while launching the United States towards an accentuation of the country's already existing internal problems.
I would like to understand and hear the opinions of experts (perhaps from the economics field) who, according to them, has profited most from this situation, and how, if they have any clue, will be the future world scenario within 5 years.
I'm looking for research on factors that influence the public acceptability / acceptance / support and the political feasibility of regulatory ("command & control") policy instruments mainly addressing / affecting consumers (not producers) - mainly in the field of environmental policy, i.e. instruments regulating consumption choices and behaviour regarding, e.g. energy use, mobility, food, waste; but also related fields from which lessons might be drawn (e.g. anti-smoking policies).
I would like to know more on the importance of different influencing factors such as problem characteristics, distributional issues, actor constellations, discourses & narratives, windows of opportunity, or policy design issues (e.g. tightening rules over time, accompanying measures...).
I'm aware of the general (mostly political science) literature on policy processes, actors, power, etc., of literature dealing with instrument choice and pros & cons of different policy instrument types, and of literature dealing with acceptance of environmental policy in general and of eco/CO2-taxes in particular...
... but it looks as there is hardly any literature that systematically compares public acceptability and political feasibility - and the role of different influencing factors on them - for different policy instrument types in comparison (apart from the simple distinction between hard and soft/voluntary instruments) and for "command & control instruments" in particular !!??
I'm looking forward to your comments and suggestions!
Please guide me what are the names of the biggest databases of books, journals, conferences, etc for Social Sciences?
There are dozens of databases which are made for a specific field of science. Is there any specific database for Social Sciences like Political Science, International Relations, Sociology?
Thanks in advance.
I'm writing a book about managerialism as an ideology and I would like to have the most comprehensive and diversify perception of the phenomenon. Can you recommand me some readings to improve my knowledge about it? Academic literature (or not) in French, English or German will be welcomed and very appreciated
Dear Israeli students and researchers,
You are invited to post your studies on the subreddit for surveys/studies in Hebrew (for free):
Hopefully this website may become a useful resource for students.
The covid-19 lockdown(s) are an obstacle social and political science need to overcome (others as well, of course). Especially participation-based research (such as observations or workshops) is hard to compensate. At the moment I'm working on the research design for my PhD-project- this will include an online survey, as any contact-based research design is hard to realize right now.
This is the core of my question:
- Do you have experiences when it comes to spreading online surveys on a national scale? Which methods help in gaining a satisfying number of responses?
- Does anyone know any good tools to compensate for workshops that had to be cancelled due to covid-restrictions? We are looking for a tool that gives a 'conference-like' surrounding so people can interact with one another from the comfort and safety of their home (zoom and such are great for meetings but we feel like losing insights by their static interface).
I'm thankful for everyone's help. Stay safe!
It is reported by NBC that "Up to July 9, just over 200,000 cases of COVID-19 had been diagnosed in kids and young people in the U.S. in total. But from July 9 through Aug. 6, an additional 179,990 pediatric cases were reported — an increase of 90 percent in just four weeks. What changed? is covid-19 changing or our early understanding of it was wrong?
Accusation between the US and China is becoming a daily affair and gaining momentum. The two economic and military superpowers are moving away from collaboration and inching towards confrontations in most issues.
is the problem "unfair trade"only ? or, there are other issues? Is China becoming powerful enough that Washington feel threaten?
How is this going to affect the rest of the world?
Last weekend millions of Poles went to the ballots to vote in the presidential election. The election was in many ways a crossroad for Poland, will Poland go down the road of liberalism or continue down the road of conservatism and nationalism? Will Poland rejoin the European family of nations or will they be the travel companion of Hungary on a path towards further nationalism and isolation?
The implications of this elections are many and most of them are related to issues such as the future relation to the EU, the independence of the judiciary, independence of the press and in the long run, perhaps even the future of Polish democracy. I wrote an article on the subject that was published and syndicated in news outlets across Africa and the Middle East and I will share it with you, in case you are not familiar with the subject, I received many comments and questions from readers so I thought it might be an interesting debate. The article can be found here.:
What are your thoughts about the future of Poland, the EU and the issues laid out here in this text? The words is free..at least for now.
Best wishes Henrik
Hello, i have a data set with only categorical variables. I am interested to examine the factors that affect voters to vote & the factors that affect voters to vote particular candidates. I want to run two models:
1.) My dependent variable (DV) is a binary variable of vote/no vote
2.) My DV is a categorical variable that holds the name of the candidates
My independent variables are all categorical variables such as: age bins, sex, geographic location, annual income bins and more.
I was thinking to use a logistic regression for the first model and a multinomial logistic regressionvfor the second one but i am not sure if that's the best option. What do you think?
It seems most political science PhDs and professors tend to use LaTex to write research papers. However, as an undergraduate majoring in political science, do you think LaTex is better than Microsoft Word for writing short papers (less than 10 pages) in undergraduate political science courses?
I need your professional opinion for my ongoing research. Please briefly state your opinion on this issue.
Thank you in advance!
Dr. Vardan Atoyan
Good morning everyone,
I would be interested in assessing the prejudice of researchers (especially in social psychology and political science) and of the media towards populism. I was wondering which tool I could use to assess this prejudices if any and how to select the participants.
Thank you in advance for your help.
I am writing a paper on social capital and political trust. I will be using the ESS data for some statisitical analyses, which will include comparisons between countries. I am planning on constructing two scales, one for social capital and one for political trust. How can I make sure, that these constructs are valid for all countries that are included in the dataset? I am looking for a solutions that I can implement using SPSS or AMOS. I am just an undergrad student, so I need a quite simple solution. Any help will be greatly appreciated.
I need your professional opinion for my ongoing research. Any input, support, publication links or comments will be highly appreciated!
Thank you in advance!
Dr. Vardan Atoyan
but also rejecting its first confederate system after the failure of the Articles of Confederation
I need your professional opinion for my ongoing research. Any input, support, materials or comments will be highly appreciated!
Thank you in advance!
Dr. Vardan Atoyan
We often perceive that policymakers (and sometimes other practitioners too) understand problems and solutions to policy issues in a way that's very different to that of people 'on the ground'. This is problematic and I have the feeling that there must be literature discussing this gap or disconnect. But I cannot find a good lead to start discovering such literature.
Can you think of a paper that discusses this disconnect?
It doesn't have to be in the sustainability or environmental domains, it can be elsewhere in political science etc.
I am well aware that all infrastructure and water management planning functions are to some extent political in nature. Apologies for a very broad question, I am interested in other researchers opinions and experiences.
I am interested in (a) how damaging can 3/4 year election cycles be on water sector outcomes? (b) have any attempts been made anywhere to protect public water sector from political cycles? (c) sometimes I'm sure political champions are a great benefit to water sector outcomes, what are some good examples of this?
I welcome both links to research, and also personal opinion and experiences.
The concept of corruption
(Opening for a draft paper)
Corruption is a matter of “dishonest or illegal behavior especially by powerful people,” including, for instance, government officials or the police; and primary examples of corrupt behavior are bribery and any other inducement by improper or unlawful means.1 The varying forms and expressions of corruption may, in fact, form an unending list, since new, more sophisticated, subtle or covert forms are pretty sure to arise. The more corruption is exposed at any given time and place, the more subtle and covert it tends to become. Partly in consequence, attempts at definition and demarcation of corruption vary and are often problematic or incomplete; “the class of corrupt actions comprise an extremely diverse array of types of moral and legal offences undertaken in a wide variety of institutional contexts including, but by no means restricted to, political and economic institutions.”2
As Lincoln Steffens put a similar point, directly concerned with Gilded Age corruption in St. Louis, Missouri, one had to fear that, “… the exposures by Mr. Folk will result only in the perfection of the corrupt system.”
For the corrupt can learn a lesson when the good citizens cannot. The Tweed regime in New York taught Tammany to organize its boodle business; the police exposure taught it to improve its method of collecting blackmail. And both now are almost perfect and safe. The rascals of St. Louis will learn in like manner; they will concentrate the control of their bribery system, excluding from the profit-sharing the great mass of weak rascals, and carrying on the business as a business in the interest of a trustworthy few.3
In the wake of exposures of corruption in the press, indictments and convictions due to the work of St. Louis public prosecutor Joseph W. Folk, if the good citizens of the city would not or could not take things in hand, then corruption could simply mutate into some as yet unexposed or covert forms. As a general matter, though, in spite of the tendency toward subtler and more sophisticated forms, the old familiar patterns are always being rediscovered and deployed somewhere or other; they never completely die away.
The etymological source of the English word “corruption” is theological Latin,4 which followed traditions of translating ancient Greek moral and political thought. This background is reflected both in the call on moral standards involved in the condemnation and prosecution of corruption and in the broader usages of the word. Corruption, in a secondary sense, is a matter of departure or deviation from an original, or from what is pure, ideal or correct, as in “corruption of a text,” and “corruption of computer files”—where no moral evaluation need be involved. In their original Greek setting, Aristotle’s three “degenerate,” “digressive” or “perverted” (παρεκβάσείς, parekbasis) forms of government, viz., tyranny, oligarchy and (extreme) democracy, are regarded as degenerate precisely because they deviate or “swerve” from proper concern with the common good. They might therefore equally be said to be corrupt forms. As political scientist Samuel Huntington makes a narrower point, “Corruption is behavior of public officials which deviates from accepted norms in order to serve private ends.”5 But not all corruption is political.
1. Cf. “Corruption” in Merriam-Webster.
2. Seumas Miller 2018, “Corruption” in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. p. 6.
3. Lincoln Steffens 1904, The Shame of the Cities, H.G. Callaway ed. 2020, p. 39.
4. Theological Latin is mentioned in the great Oxford English Dictionary. In consequence of the Latin source, one finds cognate forms in many European languages: English, corruption, French, corruption, German, Korruption, Italian, corruzione, and Russian, korruptsiya. The English “corrupt” derives from Latin, corrumpere = co- + rumpere, “to break.”
5. Cf. Samuel P. Huntington 1968, “Modernization and Corruption” in Huntington 2006, Political Order in Changing Societies, p. 59.
In spite of our understandable and frequent focus on monetary exchanges involving government officials and favors, corruption need not involve exchange of money and may be either public or private. Public officials accepting envelopes stuffed with cash to favor bribe-givers in the exercise of official powers is perhaps the central, paradigm case of political corruption. Yet, surely, corruption may still exist where no money changes hands. Favoritism toward particular persons, groups or interests might be exchanged for other sorts of “inducements,” for instance, reciprocating preferences in hiring, employment advantages or promotions; and favoritism may involve exchange of useful “insider” information.6 “In some corrupt exchanges, such as patronage and nepotism” argues political scientist Michael Johnston, “considerable time may elapse between receiving the quid and repaying the quo, and the exchange may be conditioned by many factors other than immediate gain.”7
When illicit favoritism is practiced within a particular insider group involving partiality in dispensing jobs, opportunities and other advantages to friends, supporters or trusted associates, this favoritism is called cronyism. Favoritism and partiality toward one’s own family and kinship, nepotism, is illegal in American Civil Service employment practices, and restricted by the requirement to report possible conflicts of interest to stockholders in publicly traded firms. The charge of nepotism fails of legal application in privately owned firms. It is worth remarking, however, that the distinction between “public” and “private” agents and resources is not always entirely clear and straightforward.
The point is reflected in the history of corporate charters. For example, the British East India Company and the Hudson’s Bay Company long effectively ruled large areas of India and Canada respectively. Were these private trading corporations or colonial sub-polities of the British crown and government? Being both, of course, they could legally govern their respective geographic domains with priority and preference given to their own economic and trading interests and profits. The East India Company even had its own army which was effectively deployed in the Seven Years’ war (1756-1763).8 Chartered trading companies acting as sub-polities was a compromising configuration, though it long persisted. Again, while colonial Americans saw their chartered colonial governments as their own, requiring their representation and subject to “the consent of the governed,” the view from London was that they could be modified or abolished by parliament like any corporate or municipal charter in the kingdom.
Lincoln Steffens distinguished several classifications of municipal corruption. This is partly a matter of where to look for corruption. His typology includes police corruption which was especially prominent in the scandals of Minneapolis, and also found elsewhere, for instance, as reported in the Lexow Committee’s exposures of police corruption in New York City. Police corruption involves “protection” of and extortion from illegal but tolerated gambling and vices. Steffens sometimes found municipal corruption, centered in the mayor’s office, the executive and administrative departments and sometimes centered in the municipal legislatures. With corruption centered in City Council, the political bosses could often afford to tolerate a “clean hands” mayor. Steffens also describes financial corruption, for example in St. Louis, which involved “not thieves, gamblers, and common women, but influential citizens, capitalists, and great corporations.”9 Political bosses of the Gilded Age often enjoyed quite cozy relations to large financial and industrial firms or even owned banks themselves. Generalized civic corruption, exemplified by Philadelphia, “corrupt and contented,” involved direct ...
6. Cf. Sung Hui Kim 2014, “Insider Trading as Private Corruption,” UCLA Law Review, Vol. 61, pp. 928-1008: “Private corruption” is defined as “the use of an entrusted position for self-regarding gain.”
7. Michael Johnston 2005, Syndromes of Corruption, p. 21.
8. Relevant in comparison is the literature of Edmund Burke’s later speeches and documentation in the long impeachment process against Warren Hastings (1732-1818), the East India Company’s Governor of Bengal. See, e.g., Isaac Kramnick ed. 1999, The Portable Edmund Burke, Section V. “India and Colonialism,” pp. 363-406; Frederick G. Whelan 2012, “Burke on India.”
9. Steffens 1904, Shame of the Cities, H.G. Callaway ed. 2020, p. 71.
partisan manipulation of the electoral system and vote counts, integration of political patronage, federal, state and local, with favored business interests plus institutional and popular acquiescence in boss led, machine politics. Even people not directly involved in corruption, still prevalently “went along,” and adopted protective affiliation and coloring of the dominant party in order not to fall into
direct opposition to the party bosses and the machinations of the corrupt system. Even “heads of great educational and charity institutions ‘go along,’ as they say in Pennsylvania, in order to get appropriations for their institutions from the State and land from the city.”10
Though acceptance of bribes among political office holders is the paradigm, corruption also exists in other institutional contexts. For example, embezzlement by a business partner or favoritism in the allocation of funds by a corporate treasurer show the possibility of corruption in private spheres; and “insider trading” of stocks and bonds on the basis of privileged information is criminal in many or most important jurisdictions. Bribery may exist even in “non-profit” sports organizations, influencing the outcome of games or the award of sports events to particular localities. “Corruption involves the abuse of a trust,” writes Michael Johnston, “generally one involving public power, for private benefit.”11 But the involvement of public power and public financing may be more or less remote, unobvious or even absent. The fundamental objection to corruption is moral, whether or not particular forms of corruption are also legally prohibited—though not every moral failure counts as corruption. Corrupt actions are those that disrupt or strongly tend to disrupt moral habits of good character and/or the practices constitutive of the normative and governing purposes of institutions.
Structures favorable to “economic elite domination”12 may be public, semi-public or private. But in any case of corrupt, domination over public or private interests, there will likely and typically be some “ring,” “combine,” “boodle gang,” syndicate or circle (however tightly organized or tacit and diffuse) of self-serving insiders who ignore or discount the common, public interest or the overt, declared and approved purposes of semi-public or private organizations. More generally, “The pattern of corruption … exists whenever a power-holder who is charged with doing certain things, … is by monetary or other rewards, such as the expectation of a job in the future, induced to take actions which favor whoever provides the reward and thereby damages the group or organization to which the functionary belongs, … .”13
Although legal definitions enter into our concept of corruption, the concept is basically moral and normative. “No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause,” wrote James Madison in Federalist Papers, No. 10, “because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity.”14 The law, a judge and jury are there to see to it that no one is the judge in his own legal case; and we need to be morally concerned with anyone being the judge in a moral conflict of interests to which the same person is also a party. This has a corrupting effect on personal integrity.15 Some degree of cognitive or emotional bias seems to come with the limits of human intelligence and moral sympathy, but persistent, conscious habits and policies based on acceptance or acquiescence in insider bias and favoritism contribute to corruption of every sort.
10. Steffens 1904, Shame of the Cities, H.G. Callaway ed. 2020, p. 141; 141n. The contemporary colloquial phrase in Philadelphia, often critical, is “to go along in order to get along”: a matter of acquiescence.
11. Michael Johnston 2005, Syndromes of Corruption, p. 11.
12. See Martin Gilens and Benjamin I. Page 2014, “Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens,” on usage of this term.
13. Cf. Carl J. Friedrich 1972, “Corruption Concepts in Historical Perspective,” in Friedrich 1972, The Pathologies of Politics, pp. 127ff:
14. James Madison 1787/1937, in The Federalist Papers, No. 10, p. 56.
15. Cf. Zephyr Teachout 2014, Corruption in America, p. 9, Giving a sufficient condition: “a person is corrupt when they use public power for their own ends, disregarding others.”
I'm a master's student in Political Science researching presidential interruptions; and, in order to analyse these events, I'm running logistic regression. The thing is, I'm not sure if I should include performance metrics (confusion matrix and precision-recall curve for a model with 18 positive and 86 negative events) in the final paper. It's not a machine learning type of work, and I've never seen a researcher in my field using these kinds of metrics. Are they important for a social science research not related to data science?
I am looking for either empirical or theoretical works that challenge or question the relationship between the effective number of parties and democratic performance.
Several years ago I read an article criticizing Lijphart's work in this area with the argument that most measures of democracy are biased toward more fractionalized party systems but I just cannot remember the author or the titles of the article.
This or any other works would be welcomed!
Dear all, I am planning to analyze the effect of a change in legislation on behavior in different countries. All countries of interest adapted the same legislation at different points of time (in different years). I now want to investigate whether changing the legislation had an effect on certain behaviors (e.g. crime rate) in the respective country. However, there are many other factors that might influence the behavior of interest that I would like to control for. If possible, I would also like to assess an effect across all countries. The data I have available is the absolute crime rate per year for at least 3 years before and 3 years after the change in legislation. How would one go about to answer this question? Is there something like a "standard procedure" that is being used for example in political sciences?
The first idea that came to mind was conducting a time series anaylsis.
Thanks for your help!
Among the features considered as a hallmark of the researcher is impartiality (objectivity, neutrality). Many scholars have got clearly defined political views or are followers of a religion. Does this not interfere with the study of politics in their own country or their religion/denomination? Is it possible to reconcile one's views with objectivity in the study of these areas? Can, for example, an American researcher, a Republican, objectively analyze the political program of the Democratic Party, and vice versa? Can, for example, the Protestant objectively examine the principles of their denomination?
From the Gilded Age to the Progressive Era.
What were the chief problems, and what new federal legislation was passed to meet those problems? What did these problems have to do with the rapid post-Civil War industrialization of the country? What roles did the American Civil War play in the emergence of the Gilded Age (1870-1890)? Why did the Gilded Age give rise to populism and wide-spread protests? And why did populism ultimately pass over into (1890-1920) progressivism? Does the sequence of reform legislation hold any possible lessons for contemporary politics? Who were the chief American populists and the leaders of the progressive movement? What did they accomplish and how did they do it?
Please document your contributions and answers so far as possible.