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Can anyone recommend a questionnaire or survey that measures one's political ideology standpoint? I am looking to assess self-reported levels of extremism in political belief.
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This article may be useful for you. Cordially !
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Conservative political thinking (Trump in the US, Bolsonaro in Brazil) is advancing in many countries. Apparently this has specific characteristics, related to the spirit of time (zeigeist). My research aims to know what types exist.
(I ask you to recommend this question to broaden its scope)
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Very much Critical w.r .t Social & Political Scienario.
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My question is simple:
If a government leader is chosen (through legal, transparent and audited democratic means) to follow an specific ideological line that fosters certain social programs, and after getting into power the leader of said government decides to change policy due to internal and external pressures that would stir the spending away from social programs (in order to cut spending and avoid risky national debt): is it treason to the democratic will of the people?, or, is it just displaying good economic intentions?
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''Treason is a matter of dates.''
--Napoleon Bonaparte
Regards
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It seems fairly obvious to me that notions of left-right are woefully inadequate and that the libertarian-based questionairres online are more appropriate.
They conceive of the scale as forming an x and y axis with one axis representing "social issues" and one axis representing "economic issues".  The ranges move from no control to excessive control. 
When plotting this you find that communists and fascists are not "opposites" but rather diverse forms of the same general entity, "statists".  This seems much more accurate to me, but I am curious if any research has been done at the academic level considering metrics such as these.
Thanks for any help you can provide!
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I would recommend checking out Daniel Kahan's  "Cultural Cognition Project" at Yale University Law School.  I fear I can't point you toward a single website that will help you, but the general idea is locating people on 2x2 matrix that can then be used to predict (with very high accuracy) how people will answer a range of other questions.  His work draws heavily on grid-group matrix developed by Mary Douglas.  Various political typologies have been developed from her work.  I think Kahan is the first to develop a model that generates accurate predictions.   The key variable in Douglas (and perhaps in Kahan) is how individuals think about risk.  It encompasses libertarians and statists, but much more.
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I am trying to uncover the various reasons why 'right-wing' ideology often fails to gain the same public acceptance (as 'morally correct') as liberal/left ideologies. I am looking at the communication of ideology per se, that is, through narratological tools. I am focusing on magazine and newspaper articles from the Indian subcontinent specifically, and how they sway the reader towards a 'correct' conclusion. However, I am at a complete loss as to how to ground this research. Are there any suggestions for research conducted on the intersections between ideology and narratology, specifically focused on political communication?
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Thank you, Girish Sir. 
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I'm wondering if there's any work studying how Zizek's concept of ideology has evolved, particularly since 9/11.
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Mathew Sharpe and Geoff Boucher: Žižek and Politics: A Critical Introduction may be of some help to you.
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We use such terms as the "left" and "democratic left," but what do these terms actually convey? Most conceptions, especially in the global south, concern not only redistribution of the existing economic pie, but also the expansion of this pie to allow more widespread prosperity in the future. But how do we reconcile this productivist orientation with the need to protect the environment and, in particular, limit the emission of greenhouse gasses?
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"The 'emancipatory' discourse of the Left has to find a way to change, not to follow the 'goverment through change' (imposed through manipulation) but 're-invented' in the different social domains".
It's a good statement, which I couldn't formulate myself, but I totally agree.
And I forgot to say that it is better when the political movement does not oppose itself to local religions (and world religions). It was one of the week sides of USSR and it seems to create disharmony in China too.
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How do you explain the fact that liberalism does not have success on the party level these days? What should be done to make it look once again cool? Is there a need for some self-criticism on the part of the powerful elite usually labelled as "liberal intellectuals"? Should liberalism become more pragmatic and realist? Should it turn back to earlier notions like nation, religion? How should it relate to present day populism? Should there be a return to the "founding fathers"?
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Perhaps it would help to start by defining "liberalism," which used to mean belief in liberty but in some quarters has come to mean advocacy of equality.
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I have collected a few definitions of economics from well-known giants in the field. I wondered if you would like to add comment(s) or any omission you might regard as very important.
Also in light of significant changes in the field, can you state you opinion as which ones you thing are now irrelevant  to modern economies.
 
If you wish to further opined, can you state:
Common features
First Principles, Essence-substance-substratum, objective vs. subjective comment.
 Definitions
The Physiocrats: Economics is the natural government of society.
Adam Smith: "Political economy, considered as a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects: first, to provide a plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people, or more properly to enable them to provide such a revenue or subsistence for themselves; and secondly, to supply the state or commonwealth with a revenue sufficient for the public services. it proposes to enrich both the people and the sovereign."(Smith, Adam Wealth of Nation: Modern Library, p. 397}
Thomas Malthus: "A QUESTION seems naturally to arise here whether the exchangeable value of the annual produce of the land and labour be the proper definition of the wealth of a country, or whether the gross produce of the land, according to the French economists, may not be a more accurate definition...the only point in which I should differ from Dr Adam smith is where he seems to consider every increase of the revenue of stock of a society as an increase of the funds for the maintenance of labor, and consequently as tending always to ameliorate the condition of the poor."
[Malthus, "An Essay on the Principle of Population" (ed) Anthony Flew (Pelican Classics, 1970, p. 192)]
Jean Baptiste Says: (Commenting on Smith's definition) "I prefer to say that the aim of political economy is to show the way in which wealth is produced, distributed and consumed." {in the German translation of Smith's WN, Paris, Guillamumin, 1881, vol. II, pp.1-2, note 2.}
J. S. Mill: " Political Economy...shows mankind accumulating wealth, and employing that wealth in the production of other wealth; sanctioning by mutual agreement the institution of property; establishing laws to prevent individuals from encoaching upon the property of others by force or fraud; adopting various contrivances for increasing the productiveness of their labour; settling the division of the produce by agreement, under the influence of competition,  (competition itself being governed by certain laws, which laws are therefore the ultimate regulators of the division of the produce;) and employing certain expedients (as money, credit, &c.) to facilitate the distribution." {J. S.  Mill, A System of Logic, Logman, New Impression 1970, p. 588}
W. Stanley Jevons:  "The science of political economy rests upon a few notions of an apparently simple character. Utility, wealth, value, commodity, labour, land, capital, are the elements of the subject; and whoever has a thorough comprehension of their nature must possess or be soon able to acquire a knowledge of the whole science. " {W. S. Jevons, The Theory of Political Economy (ed) R. D. Collison Black, Penguin Books,  1970, p. 77}
Karl Marx:  "Political economy has analyzed, however incompletely, value and its magnitude, and has discovered what lies beneath these forms. But it has never once asked the question why labor is represented by the value of its product and labor-time by the magnitude of that value." {Capital I}
Alfred Marshall: "Economics is a study of men as they live and move and think in the ordinary business of life. But it concerns itself chiefly with those motives which affect, most powerfully and most steadily, man's conduct in the business part of his life." [ Marshall, "Principals of Economics"
( 8th ed.; London: Macmillan and Co. Ltd., 1920) , p. 14.]
Misses defined economics in term of human action: “Action is will put into operation and transformed into an agency, is aiming at ends and goals, is ego’s meaningful response to stimuli and to the conditions of its environment; it is a person’s conscious adjustment to the state of the universe that determines his life.” (Misses 1963 p. 11)
Lionel Robbins: "Economics is the science which studies human behavior as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses." [Robbins, "An Essay on the Nature and significance of Economics Science." (London: Macmillan, 1937)]
Joan Robinson: " Economic concepts such as wealth, output, income and cost are no easier to define precisely than wind. Nevertheless these concepts are useful, and economic problems can be discussed. " (Accumulation of Capital, p. ix)
Paul Samuelson: "Economics is the study of how people and society end up choosing, with or without the use of money, to employ scarce productive resources that could have alternative uses, to produce various commodities and distribute them for consumption, now or in the future, among various persons and groups in society. It analyzes the costs and benefits of improving patterns of resource allocation."  {Economics, McGrawHill Book Company, 1980,  p. 2.}
Kenneth Galbraith: He doesn't seem to have any problem with Marshall's definition if he could add: " . . . a reference to organization for economic tasks by corporations by trade unions and by government. Also of how and when and to what extent organization serves their own purpose as opposed to those of the people at large. And of how the public purpose can be made to prevail." {Galbraith & Nicole, Almost Everyone's Guide To Economics" ( N.Y.: A Bantam Book, 1980) p. 1.) }
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Euclid defined geometry as all those theorems that can be deduced from these five axioms:
1.      Two points fully define a segment.
2.      A segment fully defines a line.
3.      The center and the radius fully define a circle.
4.      All right angles are equal to each other.
5.      A line and a point not on it fully define the parallel
         through that point.
Leonhard Euler defined ballistics as all those theorems that can be deduced from these three axioms:
1.      Constant atmospheric density from the ground to the apogee.
2.      Drag is proportional everywhere to the square of the speed.
3.      Gravity is everywhere pointed downwards; e.g. the Earth is flat.
I define economics as all those theorems that can be deduced from these three axioms:
1) One's value scale is totally (linearly) ordered:
     i) Transitive; p ≤ q and q ≤ r imply p ≤ r
     ii) Reflexive; p ≤ p
     iii) Anti-Symmetric; p ≤ q and q ≤ p imply p = q
     iv) Total; p ≤ q or q ≤ p
2) Marginal (diminishing) utility, u(s), is such that:
     i) It is independent of first-unit demand.
     ii) It is negative monotonic; that is, u'(s) < 0.
     iii) The integral of u(s) from zero to infinity is finite.
3) First-unit demand conforms to proportionate effect:
     i) Value changes each day by a proportion (called 1+εj, with
          j denoting the day) of the previous day's value.
     ii) In the long run, the εj's may be considered random as they
          are not directly related to each other nor are they uniquely
          a function of value.
     iii) The εj's are taken from an unspecified distribution with a
          finite mean and a non-zero, finite variance.
This is how sciences are defined, not by talking about politics and showing us maps with shaded-in countries.
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I'm aware of the political compass model that has an additional liberty-authority dimension, and Wikipedia has thrown up a few more alternatives. However I'm wondering which of these has generated the most research interest, and whether any have demonstrated more explanatory power than the left-right/liberal-conservative model?
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Hi Jonathan,
I think that the left-right/liberal-conservative model does not well describe the contemporary political landscape. Take for example the Italian five-star movement: they simple can't be located in this scheme. I find the notion of "hegemony" usefull, as a way to describe more diversified political-ideological struggle, especially  of post-1968 societies - as coined for example by Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, Stuart Hall and others and also approaches developed by political scientists such as Pierre Rosanvallon. 
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there has been numerous evidences which categorically accounts the reactionary remarks of anarchism towards the practice of reductionist planning principles in modern era. however such criticism confined to the passive expression for bringing reversal from the utopian project of capitalist planning mechanism. later, the formulation ofpost modern theorieswhich brought a new revelation interms of redefining the conceptual logic of place and space synthesised from neo marxism and radicalism.hence, what role anarchism played in defining the  order of life,function and place in city space?
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Hello Vishal,
I would say that social anarchism is not a political ontology, but rather, a political philosophy. Political ontology has a place in the overall ontology of human life and some ontologies are bound to include political concepts. I have been out of that business for several years so I cannot direct you toward current events.
Best regards,
Marion
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I tried to find such papers, but I was able to find dozens of papers addressing only the turnout of the poor, not their ideological inclination or voting preference. Could anyone suggest paper where they link economic status and ideological affiliation and party association?Thanks in advance!
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Here are a few other good papers and books:
PIVEN, Frances Fox, CLOWARD Richard A. Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail, New York: Blackwell, 1979.
JACOBS, Lawrence R, SKOCPOL, Theda (dir). Inequality and American democracy, New York : Russell Sage Foundation, 2005.
BÈGUE, Murielle. Le rapport au politique des citoyens en situation défavorisée. Une comparaison européenne : France, Grande-Bretagne, Espagne. Sous la direction de Serge Paugam. Thèse de doctorat : Sociologie : Paris : Institut d’Études Politiques, 2007.
OESCH, Daniel. « Explaining workers’ support for right-wing populist parties in Western Europe : Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway and Switzerland », International Political Science Review, vol. 29, n° 3, pp.349-373, 2008.
DIERCKX, Danielle, FRANCQ, Bernard. « Participation politique des personnes en pauvreté », in DIERCKX, Danielle, VAN HERCK, Nicolas, VRANKEN, Jan (dir.). Pauvreté en Belgique, Leuven : Acco, 2010.
MAYER, Nonna. « Les effets politiques de la crise : le vote des personnes pauvres et précaires en 2012 », Informations sociales, vol.6, n°180, 2013, pp.52-59.
MAYER, Nonna. « Bring the poor back in ! Inequalities, welfare and politics », European Political Science, 13, 2014, pp.187-200.
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Hello all,
I am looking for books or articles that focus on the development of traditional European public spaces in relation to religious and political ideologies.
It seems evident that most of the traditional public spaces in European cities were created with political and/or religious buildings as the primary focal points.  In many cities, these two functions overlapped.
In the United States, our public spaces are continuously criticized in relation to these traditional European public spaces, though there is also a strong resistance to keep religious ideology separate from the public realm.
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Hi Tyler , the link below maybe useful starting point, it is about Religion, Power, and Politics...regards
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Pedagogy is the art of teaching and I believe teaching is an art. Has the era of High Stakes Testing affected your teaching craft? Do you find you have had to change your pedagogic style? Is it possible to be truly creative within the confinement of modern day testing? 
Is this approach in assessment helping or hurting you style as a teacher and how has this impacted your students.
Please explain
Thank you
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The art of teaching is affected by "technology changes'' and "tailor made" teaching methods, where teacher is not free to use its own methods.
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In the former communist countries of SEE is still difficult to make the identification and classification of political parties under the political spectrum. "Left" and "right" have almost identical political attitudes and electoral programs. The differences are minimal. The important component on ideological divisions are regional divisions, religious, ethnics, populist offers, interest groups that rely on specific names of political leaders, etc. I'm interested in similar studies and analysis in other countries as for example, studies from Latin America, the former Soviet republics, etc. - which are the factors that determine the ideological divisions of political parties and political behavior indicators of parties themselves?
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Concerning new democracies, if any panel studies are available, you can use it in order to verify how economic divisions work in electoral field. Is just waste of time if you want to use class cleavages (Rokkan) in countries from Easter Europe (an  example). 
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India & China
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thanks for suggestion  sir 
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After Rawls British political theory is not in its best mode.  Although we have got theorists like John Gray, Michael Oakeshott and Roger Scruton, surely, one should take into account other authors and oeuvres as well.. How would you sketch a meta-narrative of contemporary British political philosophy?
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Philadelphia, PA
Dear all, 
I am still wondering about Professor Horcher's proposals on recent developments in political theory in GB and in Europe generally, and I hope we will see some further contributions along those lines. 
I came across the following short "cartoon" analysis of the European debt crisis, which I hope may be of interest to readers of this thread:
I thought this worth a look, if only as providing some talking points. I'm sure that elements of the account may be disputed. In spite of that, the piece may be useful in getting at some features of the economic problems in Europe and their relation to political questions and problems. I want to see Europe growing again. 
This "cartoon" analysis places considerable emphasis on the idea of the need for a unified fiscal policy among the members of the Euro zone. The idea seems to be that the ECB provides a single monetary policy, but that low interest rates and political pressure brought on excessive borrowing leading to very significant economic problems for countries needing to service very high levels of debt. The connected austerity policies have proved very burdensome in several European countries. In the past, Euro zone constraints upon national fiscal policies have prove ineffective, but these have been insisted upon as a condition of debt bailouts. 
An alternative to unification of fiscal policies across the Euro zone might be very significant banking regulation at the level of the Euro zone. In any case, it seems that all the proposed solutions have various political difficulties. (There are very significant political pressures to keep interest rates very low.) So, one might say, that there is a problem of "governability" in the Euro zone. As is emphasized by various Euro-skeptics, and which I take to be true, there has never been a successful monetary union which did not involve very significant political union. Still Europe wants to have its monetary union (and I don't think that "the Euro has failed") without sufficient political union. Certainly, the theme of European federalism has been widely resisted in recent years.  We may recall the time when "ever closer union" was a unifying goal of the E.U. 
My own sympathizes rest with the gigantic efforts and achievements of the E.U., and emphasis on problems here do not put this in doubt for me at least. 
H.G. Callaway
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I am working on a study regarding the particular case of Romania in the past 25 years and would be interested in other approaches of this subject.
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Dear Tudor, Ciumara,
I think you will find that fiscal policies vary with political ideologies. In the United States the Democrats are in favor of fiscal stimulus (government spending) as they have done in the current recession. The Republicans, on the other side, will hold on to some supply-side policies, where lower taxes will increase supply to the extent that tax revenue will increase (Laffer curve). The current textbook position is that a cut in the tax rate will affect both aggregate demand (AD) and aggregate supply (AS). Lower tax increases the incentive to work, creating more output, but some say that such incentive is small relative to the shift in demand that will occur.
For a recent article, I recommend the entry on fiscal policy in Thomas Cate edited, “An Encyclopedia of Keynesian Economics, second edition, Edward Elgar, 2013, pp. 190-194.
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Trauma narrations are generally regarded as untempered representation of horrendous events. This supports Platonic notion of mimesis, and thus problematize any counter-discourse thereafter. Have there been empirical evidences to support that trauma narrations reiterate the original experience?
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Trauma renditions are always tempered. That's because, going into trauma, we are equipped with cultural stories about how, why, and when such traumatic events occur, and then, coming out of traumatic events, we have only pre-existing language and metaphor to work with. The idea that traumatic representations are some "pure" window into events is fantasy. Experience isn't mediated by language, but the relation of it is. I'd suggest you take a look at my book, Worlds of Hurt: Reading the Literatures of Trauma for an explanation of the way that traumatic experience interacts with individual, communal and national narrative.