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Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am a young PhD student who has just started the second year of the 4-year PhD programme. I am a political scientist specializing in British colonial political history, mainly South Africa and Ireland.
Some time ago, I finished writing a draft of my article on the question of liberty in the British Commonwealth, where the Irish Free State was a case study. The paper argues that understanding liberty as non-interference (Berlin, JS Mill and Bentham) was a foundation of the British policy towards its Dominions. It made the Commonwealth look more like a British colonial club, which was serving the interest of the Crown, and not a confederation of freely associated members (like the EU). Another argument is that Dominions, on the other hand, were subconsciously standing on the Republican understanding of liberty (Pettit, Mill, Harrington). The research uses Ireland to illustrate the abyss between the two concepts. It shows that the passionate Irish antagonism towards the Commonwealth was, to some extent, a result of that polarization of the viewpoints.
My question is the following. One of the respected reviewers has given me a comment that I must precisely explain how the two systems with their outlook on liberty apply to the question of collective freedom, the freedom of states, and not individuals. Thus, could you please help me with that? I felt that such an issue would pop up but was postponing its resolution until the comments arrived. How may I explain the application of the two outlooks to the freedom of the states? When does an individual transform into a collective? Is it possible to see a state as an equivalent of a living organism nowadays (IMHO, it is such an outdated and controversial concept that I would not dare following it to justify my logic)?
PS I was lucky to get comments from Skinner himself; however, I would love to hear as many thoughts as possible.
Thank you for any comments and recommendations.
Warm regards :)
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It is not so much a transformation as mutual integration. A community consists of individuals, and individual liberties have restrictions or limitations because individuals are located in a community and their actions impinge on other members of their community whose liberties also need to be taken into account.
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I have a question for Paraguayan political history researchers. I would like to know if there is any vestige of the records carried out by Victor Silvero during the years of the Triple Alliance war against Paraguay.
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I don't know
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The cultural impact of science-fiction and dystopian literature is becoming more and more obvious these days. Words like "Robot", "Android", "Cyborg", "Automation",etc, all come from sci-fi novels, and Orwell, Huxley and Zamyatin seem to have foreseen a lot of the events that are happening around us. I was thinking it would be great if we could create a network of researchers interested in the link sci-fi/dystopia- social/political history., which could lead to a conference at my university (Aarhus university, Denmark) in 2020 or 2021.
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I’m interested in your idea! Pls, tell me more.
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Most of the societies across the world are going through doldrums and pathetic situations especially when it comes the homogeneity of these societies.  Even we try to understand the global phenomenon is not much more different case we are also divided at global level. The major point of clash is ideological clash. Even sometimes ideological clashes change into war type of situations. Hence, it is paramount to understand what kind of vision the global leadership have to develop in order to come out from this sort of morass of ideological compartmentalization. On the other side if we try to understand the phenomenon of diversity is crucial for understanding one another. However, we cannot build in the entire world one ideological system that is true. But then how we can can achieve peace in the atmosphere of ideological clashes. What sort of policies and ideas we have to develop in the present globalized world thereby we could reach some sort of consensus. Civilisational dialogue may be the one method but there may be some other methods about which I need holistic picture from your side. Need good feedback from anyone. 
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Should we write a new book?
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I am interested in the following questions:
What are extreme democratic outcomes(EDO)? When should they be expected to take place? Do they work under sustainability theory or chaos theory?. Are they the extreme opposite of the normal democratic outcomes that are supposed to come out from democratic models based on majority rule one person one vote? Do they follow normal independent voting/preferences and ranking assumptions?.
And the reasons are:
Without having answers to the questions above, it is difficult a) to predict EDOs and therefore to avoid them; b) it is not possible to see how you can deal with them once they take place; c) it is difficult to see the link between chaos in the creation and the sustaining of the conditions behind the extreme democratic outcome; and d) it is difficult to see what needs to be done to create the conditions for extreme democratic outcomes to revert towards normal democratic outcomes.
The need for a theory of extreme democratic outcomes and democracy
The fact that polling and the media missed the coming the BREXIT and the USEXIT, the subsequent lost of BREXIT and the fact that extreme democratic outcomes did not materialize in France and the Netherlands indicate that a theory of extreme democratic outcomes and democracy is needed urgently.
I am working on a series of papers on the topic right now as it is clear that at least in the short and medium term some extreme democratic outcomes and their consequences are here to stay, and stay longer if we keep treating them as if we are dealing with normal democratic outcomes.
Is anybody here working in the lines of extreme democratic outcomes, a line where normal ideas of voting theories and preference ranking may no longer work?.  Any comments?
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"an extreme democratic outcome, decision or office holder, can only take place when there is full true majority complacency or protest behaviour especially under targeted chaos aimed at tricking a true majority into voting in ways that will work later against them".
In large part I agree with this statement but it needs further analysis. There is no doubt that the Brexit vote and the election of Trump included significant 'protest behaviour', we saw it during the campaigns. We must of course ask who the protests were aimed at.
The incumbents at the time were a centrist liberal Conservative party in the UK and a similar centrist president but increasingly right wing congress in the US. It was their form of liberalism that the populations of both states voted against.
It is rather difficult to maintain the argument that they were tricked into protesting. Serious and deep seated disaffection with liberalism existed within both the UK and US. That liberalism saw the real value of wages reduced and the standard of living for very many continually decline.
I tend to agree that the end result of Brexit and Trumpism will work against those who supported both politics but the alternative was never a bed of roses either.
Most serious political commentators consider that this episode of Alt Right 'extremism' will be short lived. When it fails to deliver the outlandish promises disillusionment will step in much quicker than before. Lets ee what happens in November.
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As stated by Strömbäck (2008), the analysis of mediatization as a process of four phases, is mainly restricted to Western democracies in the period after World War II.
Hjarvard (2008) also maintaines that "Mediatization is no universal process that characterizes all societies. It is primarily a development that has accelerated particularly in the last years of the twentieth century in modern, highly industrialized, and chiefly western societies, i.e., Europe, USA, Japan, Australia and so forth. As globalization progresses, more and more regions and cultures will be affected by mediatization, but there may be considerable differences in the influence mediatization exerts". 
So trying to make use of the theory's innovations and four dimensions in analysing the media's role in the current civil wars in the Middle East, with its authoritarian regimes, lack of democracy, and media for an extent to act as part of this chaos, is a real challenge. Can mediatization apply for such type of analysis? Primarily, how can we measure in an academic work, the degrees to which media is independent from the political institution?
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The role of the media is potentially informative (when they are limited to communicating facts) and partial modifier (when they fit their own or third party interests).
Independent state means have little reach, media dependent on large corporate capitals have a greater reach.
In either scenario, both play a defining role, both have their own interests or third parties.
For example, at the end of the Second World War, the media served to give us information about the Holocaust, today the media report that such a Holocaust to the Jewish people did not happen like this. Indeed, at the first opportunity we were told that about 600,000 Jews died in the gas chamber, it is now said that they were between 200,000 and 300,000.
What's behind this? Do you have to learn to read between the lines? Do you have to take time after hearing news? Do you have to close your eyes and think after seeing some pictures?
Do they play the media with the passions of their users?
There are really many variables to measure. A study of the applicability of this theory is very complex.
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One tip is to look at the work done by Kitchen and Lawrence in their 3 volume (2011) edition of ANE covenants, particularly volume 3 that compares the textual structure across different periods and genres.
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Great! Thanks
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It seems that one of the crucial aspects of a neorepublican political philosophy should be a robust account of political (self-) education. As I can see it, it draws from the classical understanding of politics seen as a free public activity of persons and treats education primarily as learning not instruction. Political education is then concerned with reflexivity, self-knowledge and political awareness. It is a constant and conscious exercise in reflexivity on the principles and goals of a political community we live in. Would anyone like to comment on such an account of political (self-) education that seems to be largely missing in both today's political science and democratic theory?
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I think the emphasis on citizen education is mistaken.  The democracies we recognise got going in the nineteenth century when people were quite poorly educated yet they developed and flourished.  And democracy proved to be very tough.  Backsliding only seems to occur where it is new and not firmly established. 
Nearly everywhere, democracies settled into two options, left and right, represented by two political teams.  The universality of this division reflects something in the nature of human sociality.  Experience has been that over time, the sides take turns at governing. 
Voting essentially consists of marking a ballot paper every few years to choose one side or the other.  The notion that it is useful to educate the voters, assumes there is a right and a wrong way to do this—a way to be in accord with “the principles and goals of the political community.”  I would be interested to know of any research to investigate whether, say, professors of philosophy, political science, or economics, vote better than ordinary people.  I should think that on average fifty per cent of them vote for the wrong side every election. 
So the political education of voters appears to be irrelevant to politics.  Perhaps the problem is not that the voters are too dumb but that the leaders are too clever.  That would mean political institutions must be designed to restrict leaders’ power.  This is somewhat recognised (e.g., through term limits) but the problem is pervasive. 
If there is a single big flaw it is the presidential system.  This is the system where the chief executive is elected by the people.  Usually the president also chooses the ministers of the cabinet.  It malfunctions everywhere.  It is currently in disarray, or has failed outright, in the Philippines, South Korea, Brazil, and Venezuela.  Generally in Latin America it has an appalling record.  Turkey is now headed for tragedy and, of course, Russia and other eastern European presidential countries have already fallen to autocrats.  
Compare the stability of the parliamentary system, where the executive is chosen by parliament.  Examples are western Europe, Japan, Canada, and Australasia.  There are no failures (though Greece is not exactly a shining advertisement). 
In only one country has the presidential system worked over the long term—and it doesn’t work very well.  It has problems of healthcare, poverty, firearms regulation, vote-buying, and corruption, and it has episodes of madness such as civil war, economic depression, mass sterilisation of women, McCarthyism, foreign aggression, and official torture, all of which are largely absent in parliamentary democracies. 
These failures are not caused by voters’ poor education.  Are the leaders to blame?  Or is, rather, the political structure to blame? 
Consider an example the other way: Switzerland.  The cabinet is chosen by parliament and the only individual corresponding to a chief executive is the chair of the cabinet.  He or she is chair for just one year and may not be reappointed.  Every law is subject to referendum if 50,000 signatures are gathered.  The Swiss voters, who are not known to be better educated than other Westerners, do not merely choose between left and right every few years. 
There are around ten national referendums every year.  Twice, the populist vote—the poorly educated deplorables—overruled the well educated and prevented the country from joining the EU.  Few since 2008 would say those were bad decisions.  All foreign treaties must be approved at referendum.  The stock joke is that Switzerland does not have a government, only an administration.  The people do not appear to find the exercise of power particularly demanding. 
One outcome is the world’s most effective foreign policy: Switzerland has not been invaded for over two centuries and has not lost a soldier to war since 1848. Surrounded by war and fascism, it stayed peaceful and free.  Next door, Austria, with the same highland German culture, was in the thick of both world wars and embraced Hitler enthusiastically. 
The Swiss own guns like the Americans but without the problems.  Switzerland has no natural resources and no tariffs and its income per capita has been one of the world’s highest for decades. 
There are surely lessons to be drawn but not that the people need better education.  The lesson would be that leaders’ exercise of power needs to be curbed.  At a minimum, the system should inhibit demagoguery and oligarchy—but these are encouraged by the presidential system.  The parliamentary system is reasonably effective but, apparently, the best system is direct democracy where the (ill-educated) citizens get a say, not just in a representative every few years, but in policy ongoing. 
Calls for citizen education are common but the real need is for system change.  Realistically, however, there is no prospect of the presidential countries turning parliamentary or of more countries adopting direct democracy.  As things have been, they will continue. 
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Only signatories of International Treaties have to oblige them, therefore can Non-State Space Actors (NSSA) who by their nature are not signatories have to oblige Treaties? If a NSSA claims a celestial body to what extent is their a State-NSSA/NSSA-International Law/State-International Law accountability?
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Hi, see my book chapter:
‘Who Will Own Outer Space: Governance over Space Resources in the Age of Human Space Exploration,’ (2010) in Ulrike Landfester, Kai-Uwe Schrogl, and Jean-Claude Worms, ed., Humans in Outer Space – Interdisciplinary Perspectives, Vienna: SpringerWienNewYork, pp. 15-27.
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I have come across fictional accounts of Japanese soliders during WWII drinking blood of a fellow solider. The aims, so far as the accounts suggest, are to strengthen the bond amongst themselves and to boost sacrifice the fellow soldier has made. Whilst it can be 'fictional', has anyone come across any actual incidents among Japanese soldiers? Or has anyone come across examples from other wars in other times?
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Hi,
I'm looking for sources which present the Arab Revolt in Palestine (1936-9) from the Arab and British points of view. So far, I have been able to find Swedenburg's "Memories of Revolt" and Kanafani's "The 1936-39 Revolt in Palestine".
Will greatly appreciate recommendations!
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Charles Anderson - Will the Real Palestinian Peasantry Please Sit Down? Towards a New History of British Rule in Palestine, 1917-1936
Sheree Roth - Were the Arabs Indigenous to Mandatory Palestine?
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Garrett Mattingly, in Renaissance Diplomacy, considered it as a unifying factor in Western Europe.
However there has been some criticism lately of how much religion was a unifying factor and that Mattingly and others were ‘ignoring the historical contingency of their sources.’, as John Watkins put it, in his article ‘Towards a New Diplomatic History’. Watkins dates the term Res publica Christiana to the first crusade yet fails to acknowledge who coined the term or when it was said. Another author, Bjorn Weiler, cited by Watkins, seems to imply that the term came later, during the latter half of the thirteenth century, when political discourse concerning the concept of crusading was becoming more sophisticated (The "Negotium Terrae Sanctae" in the Political Discourse of Latin Christendom, 1215-1311).
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Thank you very much. May I cite your name as well, stating that this information was passed on to me through social network by your goodself? Thanks again for this.
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A hypothesis with narrative attributions:
We have a catholic-identity-conservative (or reconstructing) government in Poland. An identity-reconstructing government in Hungary. And differently strong post-liberal or (back to) pre-liberal parties and ideologies/movements in many European societies.
Is there (rather) a similar pattern of events and contextual identity and conflict constructions like in former European times? Or is it rather that we, in a maybe Derrida-sense, make (up) these/such analogies - but maybe based on rational validity/empirical signs. Or based on our structural urgence to create (narratives of) sense/meaning.
In the above sense:
Is the European Union somehow similar to/reminding of the Congressional Europe after 1815? Trying to keep national states/national state movements from nationalising their politics.
Or is it (also/rather) somehow like the Inter-World-War period when there was a lack of meaning and meta-narratives in a post-monarchical and post-classical-bourgeois world? So that this lack/"vacuum" is filled with new meta-narratives, like then Sovyet socialism, different forms of fascism, etc. Do we experience such a lack/vacuum, and the different ideologies trying to fill it, in the current situation of Europe too?
Is there a pattern or are there similarities? Or is it somehow similar but also qualitatively different? Or is it qualitatively and/or structurally completely different?
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Dear Sebastian,
Thank you for your upvote.
Do not be disappointed if this important discussion will not generate great interest. I experienced the same with some of my questions related to both world wars. Somehow, elapsed time of very relevant human events diminishes the interest for further analysis of eventual lessons we could extract from the past.
So allow me to go further in my previous comments.
It was Alexander Dumas (father) who coined the expression "cherchez la femme" to denote that in most crimes, no matter what the mystery is, a woman (read sex) is often the root cause. 
I paraphrase this outstanding writer by stating that "cherchez la cupidité" (seek human greed) to explain the causes of most wars.
Let me offer two pertinent examples:
The real cause for WWI was not the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand. In the words of Boris Johnson (a British politician, and journalist) "It is a sad but undeniable fact that the First World War – in all its murderous horror – was overwhelmingly the result of German expansionism and aggression".
Surprised? Well don't be, because it is fair to say that the real cause of WWII was the expansionist program conceived by Hitler, called the "seek for Lebensraum."
Why am I presenting this thesis? Because the real cause of an eventual world-wide deflagration will most likely be the financial markets and the armaments industries hunger for more and more profits at the expense of millions (maybe billions) of human deaths.
In the turbulent times we live, what the Muslim terrorist may not realize - given their religious believes - is that they could easily become the triggers (and excuse) for WWIII.
As you see, history may not repeat itself - an issue you well raise in your questioning - but humans always commit the same mistakes. Nowadays, technology advances at exponential rates, but historically and sadly humanism and reason remained almost at a flat plateau.
And it is with human emotions, not reasoning, that warmongers play their games. Remember, it was Hitler who detected that the destroyed (in WWI) German industry was ready to sponsor his mad plan to conquer Europe.
Be well
Tom
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It is often attributed to Benn but I've not been able to find anywhere where Benn said it. (Tony Benn was a British minister in the Wilson Government.)
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Is there anything in the Benn Diaries? Or perhaps you might find it in the searchable HANSARD (http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/) if he said in in the Parliament. Hope this helps! Andras
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Or is it possible to teach about and for citizenship education without referencing elections? A major motivation for, and backdrop to, citizenship education would appear to be the need for greater participation in normative, representative-based elections and voting. The argument is that young people do not vote in great numbers, and that they should engage more in "democracy". However, within my own research on education for democracy, I have found that the over-emphasis on focusing on voting, elections, and electoral processes can have the adverse affect of creating a disengagement from the core of citizenship in relation to democracy. Thus, I am interested to know how colleagues address questions of power relations, participation, social justice, solidarity, peace, political and media literacy, etc., all of which I would include within the rubric of thicker and more meaningful democracy, especially within the educational context, without reverting to the normative, mainstream (generally uncritical) focus on elections. Of course, I fully accept that voting and elections could be a part of the equation, especially if this involved alternative visions, critical engagement, and a full problematization of the meaning of such elections (are they even democratic, for example?). Lastly, during my decade-long research project with teacher-education students with samples in a number of countries, when discussing democracy the almost universal response was that they experienced themselves a limited, uncritical focus on just voting and elections to the behest of the more robust and messy nature of democracy in all of its dimensions.
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Hi Paul,
These are interesting questions that seem to indicate with a fair degree of precision the limitations of a liberal political imaginary that holds sway over teacher education and educational theory. I think that citizenship or civic education can proceed without referencing, or even privileging, elections or a strictly electoral conceptualization of politics. If anything, I would say it's crucial for critical approaches. That's not to say, like you mention, that elections are not an integral issue in contemporary political problems. Obviously the current status of the U.S. presidential election make this clear. But what is more intriguing, I think, is challenging the centrality of the electoral imaginary in mainstream liberal democratic thought. The relationship between elections and citizenship education should, at least in many contexts, bring up quite quickly how liberalism tends to hinge on binaries of inclusion and exclusion, and thus forefronts politics of recognition or fulfillment rather than more transfigurative or revolutionary modes of politics.
A question that your own sparks for me is: what might political education or even a problematized democratic education look like outside of the normative liberal scope of citizenship education. I'm sure that citizenship education, in some corners (perhaps your own), has troubled the hegemony of citizenship and nation-state power as legitimate modes of sovereign power and belonging, but still, I wonder to what degree those problematic notions linger in secondary or even teacher education just by dint of the name. Perhaps citizenship education is overdetermined by a somewhat narrow vision of what politics and democracy actually consist of.
These may not be particularly useful insights, and I admit I'm not especially up-to-date on these fields of study (citizenship/civic ed, social studies ed, etc.), but as they pertain to or are influenced by broader issues in educational theory, I'm excited by the idea of challenging, perhaps even rupturing, the liberal imaginary's stronghold on these very debates. What might happen to citizenship education if it departed initially from a direct problematization of the question and meaning of politics itself? It seems as if your decade of study suggests teacher education students might be receptive to this rupture; perhaps some might even yearn for it. As a teacher education student myself not quite a decade ago, I would have been.
So, in that roundabout way, I'm suggesting that, at least from my perspective, the exciting potential for a citizenship education unfettered by the bonds of a liberal electoral imaginary is the indeterminacy of the questions of politics and political life themselves. These are such open-ended questions that can lead into a vast wealth of intellectual, political, and epistemological traditions. While, in the U.S. at least, such inquiry is constrained by high-stakes accountability and impoverished politics of knowledge and curriculum, the possibility remains. Perhaps the next question then would be how to rupture the norms of citizenship education and inquiry so that students can more easily pursue those many paths.
I hope these thoughts are useful, and I would be happy to chat more on the topic. Be well.
Best,
Graham Slater
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I want to investigate whether there is any relationship between government revenue with the economic and political stability and corruption for Sri Lanka covering a period of 1990 to 2014
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I suggest the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) project:
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The focus is on presidents not presidencies/regimes. This is despite the fact that individuals/personalities matter a lot more than regimes in developing countries where they can override institutional checks and balances, in contrast to the case for developed economies where checks and balances are more effective in moderating an individual leader's position.
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It can be useful to check ISO 18091. It is way to measure quality in government
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Can you explain here a brief historical account.
According to my understanding this movement, critical thought, historical approach or critical school commenced in 1970 to amend power-based or elite based flaws at historical grounds (Especially after colonialism and emperialism, third world people found themselves lost. They were without history (i.e., without identity) of their own. I know, I am making here a mistake by using the fuzzy term third world but it is, for me and for most of the people, a general term to distinguish people of undeveloped country from the people of most advanced and powerful countries. Then from 1990, the term became a weapon, a tool, a methodology to voice the voiceless at academic, social, political, cultural etc grounds. Now, this multidisciplinary approach has no boundary and is applicable for all people marginalized in any country at any level.
How far am I correct? What is the difference between its initial objective and now its application in modern time? 
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I recommend works of Camila Góes, who has made research and got an MA degree in São Paulo University with a dissertation on this theme. Please, get in touch with her. Please, see her profile in researhgate.net below:
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I possess a working proficiency in German, but feel the legal subtleties of the Prussian Civil Code, or Allgemeines Landrecht, of 1794. Are there English translations available? If so, what is the best translation? I was unable to find much information regarding this, and was hoping to get some guidance from any experts on here.
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Benjamin, I don't know how much detail you need, but some at least of the provisions are given in English here: 
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there has been numerous evidences which categorically accounts the reactionary remarks of anarchism towards the practice of reductionist planning principles in modern era. however such criticism confined to the passive expression for bringing reversal from the utopian project of capitalist planning mechanism. later, the formulation ofpost modern theorieswhich brought a new revelation interms of redefining the conceptual logic of place and space synthesised from neo marxism and radicalism.hence, what role anarchism played in defining the  order of life,function and place in city space?
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Hello Vishal,
I would say that social anarchism is not a political ontology, but rather, a political philosophy. Political ontology has a place in the overall ontology of human life and some ontologies are bound to include political concepts. I have been out of that business for several years so I cannot direct you toward current events.
Best regards,
Marion
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Attempting to explore a how influential Jacobinism was outside of France, mainly as a new political framework. 
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There is a PhD piece of research which I am the supervisor. Some of its results are going to be published soon, I hope. The final timetable to end this thesis is March of 2016. The PhD candidate's name is Sabrina Areco Miranda. Her e-mail is sabrinaareeco@gmail.com
Her research deals with Antonio Gramsci´s thought and Italian reception on jacobinism. Her analysis deals with French authors who worte on the theme, such as Mathiez. There is a little text of her on Gramsci and jacobinism in the following link:
It is written in Portuguese but it can be understood with Google translator.
If there are any doubts, you can send me a message.
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Have tried using google translate but the translation has been insufficient in gaining an understanding of the text. 
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The name of the English translation of the book is: "The Bastille. A History of a Symbol of Despotism and Freedom. Durham, Duke University Press, 1997 („Bicentennial Reflections on the French Revolution“)". Hope this meets your needs. If you need to reach the author I have his coordinates although he is presently away.
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The four coups to date and the perception of a generational ‘coups culture’ are they only the symptoms to much wider issues?
Was Mr Bainimarama ‘grasping at straws’ with his “Look North Policy” in an attempt to generate external means to support the Fijian Government, or are these policies a politically naïve attempt to re-engage with Australia and New Zealand on more equal terms?
In order to achieve peace and stability in Fiji – is this best conducted internal to the country or with external assistance sanctioned by all key players in an attempt to better understand and resolve the drivers to the ongoing conflict?
Does not the depth of ingrained racial tension in current time lead to a continuance of previous colonial and post-colonial (1970-1987 and then building up to the 2006 Coup) attitudes?
If restorative justice has not been successful in the past, and the rule of law has not worked where the continuance of Militocracy continues, what alternative avenues are there within a South West Pacific environment that may be considered acceptable as a method of resolving this conflict?
How do you set about resolving such ingrained historical grievances in Fiji where there is little desire for them to be resolved in an impartial manner in the first place?
What do you consider to be the drivers to seeking a path of resolution in the current climate of Fiji?
What would be the result if the UN turned to the interim Govt of Fiji and said – resolve your democracy issues and maintain a free and fairly elected government or we will no longer accept Fijian military personnel on UN missions in any capacity?
How can Fiji resolve its own issues constitutionally, particularly where there is continual change to the constitution based on personal whim by a few key actors in this crisis?
In the Fijian example, would an open invite would need to be issued by the Fijian President with concurrence from the Prime Minister and Commander RFMF to provide clarity for any group providing governance assistance? If so, to what countries would Fiji look toward in the provision of governance assistance, particularly as the September 2014 elections draw closer.
With the sanctions imposed by Australia and New Zealand having essentially failed, is there any hope of return to 'normalcy' in political relationships between Fiji, Australia and New Zealand?
Will Mr Bainimarama accept the election results of the 2014 elections if his party not win the people’s vote or will he revert to Militocracy?
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Yes. it is unstable and driven by racial requirements. The structure of the population is basically made up of Fijians, Indians ad others. The problems are mainly between the Indian and Fijians with the Fijian population owning the land and the Indian being mainly the business people and sugar growers.  Unless this can be addressed we will continue to see one coup after another. The solutions rest with the Council of Chiefs and the leaders of the Indian community. 
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Studying the neutrality of the Netherlands, especially during WW I and the inter war years, I am interested in similarities and differences with other small neutral countries.
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Dear colleagues
We are planning a conference on neutrality in Holland in November 2015. We want to compare the 'war experience' of small European neutrals, especially the Scandinavian countries, Switzerland en the Netherlands.
Will keep you informed.
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Considering that Keynes was an active speaker of Hayek and that he was politically engaged with issues related to new forms of economic coordination that emerged with the end of the laissez-faire age, why was he absent in the Socialist Economic Calculation Debate conducted by Mises - Lange - Hayek?
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Misses and Hayek were battling against the socialists such as H. Dickinson, O. Lange, and F. Taylor on the “economic calculation debate.” Keynes was not on either side. He did not subscribe to the Austrian view, nor was he a socialist.
Although Keynes postulate a role for the government in crises situation, he did not accept the central planning or management view of the socialists. He will go so far as to speak of the “socialization of investment…But beyond this no obvious case is made out for a system of State Socialism”. (General Theory (GT) p. 378).
I think Keynes could have chimed into the debate at the point where the debate focused on information. Government must have information in order to help steer the economy towards full employment. Keynes was hesitant to use probability theory in the GT, although he wrote the famous “Treatise on Probability”. In a fuzzy way, this idea can be put into the same set of thought of Hayek, namely that information cannot be organized as it resides in the brain cells where it is inaccessible to the hands of the planners or policy makers. So both of them have a Fuzzy set of information, one that economic ideas is non-ergodic, and the other that information is only subjectively accessible. Now, the Fuzzy set has picked up another uncertainty element regarding how agents partition information differently.
Keynes was arguing with the Austrians on other matters. His debate with Hayek on monetary matters is well known, starting with Hayek’s review of Keynes’s “Treatise on Money”. Hayek however, did not pay as much attention to Keynes” “General Theory”, dismissing as an inadequate piece on employment.
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World Order' by Kissinger
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Hi Summar,
Kissinger has discussed interesting topics in a cohesive framework from Westphalia to contemporary phenomena. However, from my point of view, he failed to provide a bias-free context. World Order's shortcomings especially what concerns the ME and Islam are including considering Iran, Taliban and ISIS have the same binary concept, he states "universality has proved elusive for any conqueror, including Islam", he ignored US foreign policies concerning some certain Jihadists including Taliban and ISIS. in addition, I have this feeling that World Order somehow contradicts with his previous publications.