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Judgment and Decision Making - Science topic

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In my opinion, when judgments are made in court, a number of factors play an important role in their formation. On the one hand, there is, of course, the application of the law, the observance of established case law and, depending on the context, an interpretative framework. It is precisely in the latter case that the pre-understanding of a judge is likely to have a relevance that should not be underestimated. Is there any literature or empirical studies on this subject?
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On the one hand, judges decide by interpreting and applying the law, but much more affects judicial decision-making: psychological effects, group dynamics, numerical reasoning, biases, court processes, influences from political and other institutions, and technological advancement. Citizens look to the judiciary to uphold their rights and governments look to the courts to interpret laws. The judiciary must act without fear of powerful interests, and without favouring individual parties.
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Noise is stated as the (deviation from mean) by (mean) in Kahneman et al., 2016.
Is there any work that extended this methodology further?
- Kahneman, D., Rosenfield, A. M., Gandhi, L., & Blaser, T. (2016). Noise. Harvard Bus Rev, 38-46.
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Read my thesis titled Systematic Modeling of Whitenoise with Financial Time Series in Decision Making and find out if it will be helpful by following the link below http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/bitstream/handle/11295/72931/Shileche_Systematic?sequence=3.
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We are launching a research project looking at how federal law enforcement individuals in the United States who decide on which cases to open make those determinations. Specifically, most federal law enforcement agencies get orders of magnitude more complaints than they can adequately investigate. As such, they must triage those based on multiple factors (personnel resources available, financial loss, impact, etc.) If anyone has pointers to any systematic reviews of decision making in that triage process it would be appreciated.
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I believe to answer the question that it would depend upon the state that you live in and whether it was a Public Law 83-280 state. Recently SCOTUS reached a unanimous decision in United States v. Cooley, 141 S. Ct. 1638 (2021) where the Court addressed a public right-of-way within the Crow Reservation in the State of Montana that addressed detention.
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In mainstream intellectual humanitarian discourse we are often encouraged not to stereotype. While stereotypes are not always right, they tell part of the truth. So how far does the rejection of stereotypes or widely circulated statements divert us from seeing the truth?
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I'm suggesting none of your examples. You can call the question a mental exercise by "entertaining an idea without embracing it" which is the sign of an educated mind. Please don't put words in my mouth. You could have thought of proverbs like for example "Like father like son", or "Easy come easy go".
Here is another question that might interest you: "What has the world lost by abolishing slavery?". Again, my intention is FAR from suggesting the premise that slavery is good, but can we deny the historical fact that at some point of history parts of American southern economy depended on it?
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If I use purposive sampling in my qualitative study, do I need to set the sample size? If yes, then how?
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Dear Md. Mokshedur Rahman
In fact it is an interesting question. I agreed with David Morse, Morever, you can check the article published by Sim J et al. in the following URL: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324042278_Can_sample_size_in_qualitative_research_be_determined_a_priori
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My hypothesis is that a certain mathematical model will make more accurate predictions than humans. The model will output probabilities of a future event happening. Whether the event actually happened will determine success. I also have data on humans making those predictions (binary) and success rate. How do I compare accuracy of the model with humans in a scientific way?
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Run the binary logistic regression with categorical predictors (e.g maths coded as one and humans coded as two), you can then compare which one was the better predictor from the output
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Can someone contribute to this question? I have observed that many humans increase their monitoring of uncertain things when their own unmanageable stressors increase. But when I look around nature, I do not seem to see any species (or natural phenomena) that exist to "monitor" the actions of other phenomena... This seems a human oddity (the belief that nature needs to be watched over by people). Yet, the physical elements can't really "do" anything they aren't made to do (choose to react incorrectly). Why do we worry they won't do the "right" thing? If I mix so much of this with so much of that, I don't have to wonder if they will react well. Thoughts please?
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Great contributions!
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Hi all,
We are conducting a meta-analysis on the role of intuition vs deliberation in dishonesty. Specifically, we are interested in experiments using two types of tasks, measuring the decision to lie (see 1a below) or the cognitive cost of lying (see 1b below), and manipulating cognitive processing (see 2 below). We would love to include any studies (published or unpublished) you might have run that meet the following criteria:
1a) Participants engage in one or more (incentivized or hypothetical) tasks allowing them to boost self (and/or other’s) profit by lying (e.g., tasks like Gneezy’s deception game, privately predicting coin tosses, reporting outcome of die rolls, solving numerical matrices, identifying where more dots appear, and more). We are interested both in studies including a control condition in which lying is not possible, and in studies in which lying is assessed by comparing behavior to the expected performance if participants are honest.
OR
1b) Participants engage in a computerized task recording reaction times for lie and for truth trials, at least 20 trials each, within the same subject (e.g., using the Differentiation of Deception paradigm, Autobiographical Implicit Association Test, Sheffield Lie test, TARA, Concealed Information Test / Guilty Knowledge Test).
AND
2) Cognitive processing capacity was experimentally manipulated, using for example: cognitive load, time pressure/delay, (ego) depletion, intuition/deliberation inductions (e.g. instructing participants to decide intuitively vs deliberatively, or having them recall a time in their life where intuition vs deliberation worked out well), sleep deprivation, alcohol, time of day effects, stress / anxiety, 2nd language, or any other manipulation of theoretical relevance.
To illustrate, some exemplar studies that meet these criteria:
1a) The decision to lie:
van ’t Veer, A. E., Stel, M., & van Beest, I. (2014). Limited capacity to lie: Cognitive load interferes with being dishonest. Judgment and Decision Making, 9, 199-206
Zhong, C. B. (2011). The ethical dangers of deliberative decision making. Administrative Science Quarterly, 56, 1–25
Shalvi, S., Eldar, O., & Bereby-Meyer, Y. (2012). Honesty requires time (and lack of justifications). Psychological Science, 23, 1264–1270
Gunia, B.C., Wang, L., Huang, L., Wang, J. & Murnighan, J.K. (2012). Contemplation and conversation: subtle Influences on moral decision making. Academy of Management Journal, 55,13–33.
1b) Cognitive costs of lying:  
Visu-Petra, G., Varga, M., Miclea, M., & Visu-Petra, L. (2013). When interference helps:
increasing executive load to facilitate deception detection in the concealed information
test. Frontiers in Psychology, 4, 146. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2013.00146
Debey, E., Verschuere, B., & Crombez, G. (2012). Lying and executive control: An experimental investigation using ego depletion and goal neglect. Acta Psychologica, 140, 133-141.
Suchotzki, K., Crombez, G., Debey, E., Van Oorsouw, K., & Verschuere, B. (2014). In Vino Veritas? – Alcohol, Response Inhibition and Lying. Alcohol and Alcoholism, 50, 74-81.
If you have any studies you'd like to be included, please send them to us (n.c.kobis@uva.nl):
i) the raw data (in spss, excel, csv format), ideally including any subjects who might have been excluded from your main analyses (in particular, those excluded for failing manipulation checks for the cognitive process manipulation); or, if you would rather not share raw data but are willing to run tests on the data for us, let us know and we will follow up with details.
ii) a key explaining what each data column corresponds to
iii) details of the experimental setup - i.e. what the exact game/payoff structure was (1a) or what the exact RT paradigm was (1b), and how exactly the cognitive processing manipulation was implemented
iv) the subject pool and location in which the experiment was conducted (e.g. Yale undergrads in the Yale School of Management laboratory, or US residents on Amazon Mechanical Turk)
iv) how you would like us to cite your work (e.g., Rand (2016) title, Unpublished data.)
Thanks very much!
Nils Köbis, Shaul Shalvi, Bruno Verschuere, David Rand, & Yoella Bereby-Meyer
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Thank you so much for your feedback, Sigi!
I checked your Frontiers paper and your data (Sporer & Walther, 2004) look very interesting. From the description, I infer RTs were measured during a face to face interview? For the current meta-analyses, following the Verschuere et al., 2015 Wiley chapter and Suchotzki et al 2017 Psych Bull, we only included computerized RT paradigms with at least 20 lie and 20 truth trials, arguing this is needed to reliably pick up RT costs of lying.
I fully agree that rehearsal is an interesting moderator. Our reliance on computerized paradigms complicates coding in terms of rehearsal. Using the criteria above, by definition all studies include some form of rehearsal (all participants have several lie trials and several truth trials). Then again, I think few, perhaps none, will have had rehearsal time before the lie test. Moreover, while there are clear expectations for the effect of rehearsal on the cognitive costs of lying (i.e., rehearsal may diminish the lie - truth RT difference), it is less clear how rehearsal would change the effect of load on lying?
I am glad to say that we have half published and half unpublished studies; and that we have only one third (k=7) 'in-house' studies (me as co-author) and 14 studies from other labs. Moreover, we do not test an 'in-house' theory. So publication bias and developer bias are less likely to be at play.
Finally, lying was manipulated within subjects for all studies (=inclusion criterion), but you are right that for load we have both within and between subject manipulations. On p9 we describe how we dealt with that - would you say its insufficient? Could you please send us a copy of your chapter Sporer, S. L., & Cohn, L. D. (2011). Meta-analysis. In B. D. Rosenfeld, & S. D. Penrod (Eds.), Research methods in forensic psychology(pp. 43–62). New York: Wiley.?
Thank you!
Bruno
ps Wiley chapter I refer to is Verschuere, B., Suchotzki, K., & Debey, E. (2015). Detecting deception through reaction times. In P. A. Granhag, A. Vrij, & B. Verschuere (Eds.), Deception detection: Current challenges and new approaches. Chichester, UK: Wiley, Ltd.
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Two studies found self-uncertainty salience increased the subjective distance with the past self. How to build a rational story of them in the introduction? I thought about temporal self-appraisal theory, temporal comparison theory, construal level theory etc. But still cannot build a satisfactory rationale and highlight the contribution. The results are solid and interesting, Happy to hear some suggestions and may cooperate on the revision of this paper. 
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I would be interested in the paper (as it stands).  This might be very important in areas like career theory - when are we willing to step into a new identity?
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Looking in to the origins of behavioral finance
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Bounded rationality by Herbert Simon
You can also look at neuroscience and psychology literature
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We started a project as thesis, and it’s around euthanasia and moral judgment among physicians or reflections on euthanasia among physicians . Now the point is that, how can we make our thesis topic with a cognition component? we should make our topic around cognition psychology. In other word, we want to investigate about moral judgment in term of a cognition variable. we want to investigate the relationship between physicians perspective around euthanasia on the one hand and they moral judgment in medical job on the other hand. Now we need to know, what do we shall do to get that? If possible, introduce us some resources, papers or help us to build our topic. Also if you know everybody can help us, please introduce.
Thank you all.
Bests,
Hasan
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Hi Hassan:
You say that you  want to investigate the relationship between physicians perspective around euthanasia on the one hand and their moral judgment in medical job on the other hand. Let me say that this theme of research is timely and worthy of being investigated. Timely, because euthanasia is nowadays a heated and highly debated topic in many countries around the world. Worthy of being investigated because there are few, in any study relating physicians' ideas and practice of euthanasia and their level of moral judgment and development.
Are you acquainted with Kohlberg's theory of moral development, namely with his three levels (pre-conventional, conventional, and post-conventional) and six stages of moral (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6) judgment and development?
As far as I see, you can profit a lot from seeing what you want to investigate from a Kohlbergian viewpoint.  
Is should be noted that Kohlberg created a hypothetical dilemma on euthanasia [see Colby, A., Kohlberg, L. (1987). The measurement of moral judgment. Vol. 2 (p. 279). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. This dilemma follows:
"There was a woman who had a very bad cancer, and there was no treatment known to medicine that would save her. Her doctor, Dr. Jefferson, knew that she had only about six months to live. She was in terrible pain, but she was so weak that a good dose of a painkiller like ether or morphine would make her die sooner. She was delirious and almost crazy with pain, and in her calm periods she would ask Dr. Jefferson to give her enough ether to kill her. She said she couldn't stand the pain and she was going to die in a few days anyway. Although he knows that mercy killing is against the law, the doctor thinks about granting her request".
Several questions could be raised about this dilemma. The most important is the following: "Should Dr. Jefferson to give the drug that would make her die. Why/why not?".
Consider the case of a physician who says, for example, that the doctor should not give the woman the drug because it would be murder and, if he were caught up would be put in jail. This response (and this physician) would be a stage 1- oriented physician. With all likelihood he would not give the woman the drug.
Think now of a physician who says, for instance, that the doctor should not give the woman the drug because her husband needs her and wants her to live. This response (and this physician) would be a stage 2- oriented physician. With all likelihood he would not give the woman the drug either.
Stage 1 and 2 are in Kohlberg's theory pre-conventional stages because people at these stages only take into account egocentric, individualist, and personal wants, needs, and desires.
Consider now the case  of a physician who says, for instance, that the doctor should not give the woman the drug because  doctors are supposed to help people live or salve lives, not help people die. This physician would be a stage 3- oriented physician. Probably  he would not give the woman the drug.
Think now of a physician who, for instance, says that the doctor should not give the woman the drug because respect for the law will be destroyed if citizens feel that they break the law anytime they disagree with it or because taking the law into one's hands breeds disrespect for the law. This physician would be a stage 4- oriented physician.  Probably he would not give the woman the drug either.
In Kohlberg's theory, Stages 3 and 4 are conventional stages for at these stages people go well beyond egocentric reasons and take into account others' expectations as well as legitimate social rules and widespread  moral norms such as the  golden rule.
Think now of a physician who believes, for example, that the doctor should give the woman the drug because autonomy in making life decisions ought to be respected or guaranteed  as a fundamental right, or because true appreciation of the value of human life must include respect for the right of the individual to autonomy in making life decisions. This physician would be a stage 5 or stage 6- oriented physician. I say stage 5 or 6, because  the late Kohlberg gave up his stage 6 from a factual perspective, even though he has maintained it from an ideal perspective. Stages  5 and 6 are post-conventional  stages because  individuals at these stages saw existing moral norms and social rule as relative and, hence they must be violated when they do not protect  individual, not individualist,  fundamental rights. Because  of this, post-conventional  physicians would give the woman  the drug and would be  likely to accept the legal consequences of their apparently immoral acts.
As Kohlberg's theory is  structural, this means that his stages do not depend on the content or course of action advocated (i.e., Dr. Jefferson should/should not give the woman the drug), but on the reasons invoked to justify the chosen  course of action.
I hope that I have  got your question and that this helps.
Best regards.
PS. It would  be wonderful that  you could perform the research you intend to. Kohlberg' s theory is, in my humble opinion, a theoretical  framework on which you could base  your project.
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I am conducting research into factors which are a hindrance to judicial independence (both actual and perceived) in developing nations who are heavily reliant on foreign aid.
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One way to approach this question is to note that most developing countries, which were former colonies, inherited their institutional arrangements from their colonizers. Those institutional arrangements, given the nature and purposes of colonialism, were not democratic and did not guarantee judicial independence. In fact, in most colonies, there usually were two sets of judicial and legal systems--one applied to the colonialists/colonists and the other, applied to the people classified by the colonial government as indigenes. Although such a practice was quite magnified in the former French, Portuguese and Spanish colonies, it was also present, to a certain extent, in the colonies of other European countries. John D. Hargreaves, West Africa: The former French States (Prentice-Hall, 1967) & France and West Africa: An Anthology of Historical Documents (Macmillan, 1969) provides an excellent review of the maintenance of two distinct legal systems in the French colonies in sub-Saharan Africa. 
In 1958, then French President, Gen. Charles de Gaulle, offered France's colonies in sub-Saharan Africa a proposal for attaining independence--these colonies would become autonomous entities/polities within the French Community and in doing so, they would base their institutions on the French Constitution of October 4, 1958. Except for Guinea, the French colonies accepted the offer and adopted institutions that were characterized by an imperial presidency, a relatively weak legislature, and a supreme court that was simply an organ within the Department of Justice and hence, was controlled by the President of the Republic. In addition, the constitution granted the President of the Republic the responsibility to guarantee independence of the judiciary! Unfortunately for these countries, they lacked at least two qualities that could have enhanced their ability to secure independence for the judiciary: (i) unlike their former colonizers, they did not have a long tradition of democratic governance, with separation of powers--if such a system ever existed, it was abrogated during colonial rule; and (ii) virtually all post-independence political elites engaged in various forms of opportunism to maximize their personal interests and hence, were not interested in engaging  in the types of institutional reforms that would have strengthened judicial independence. For more in depth analysis, see John Mukum Mbaku, "Judicial Independence, Constitutionalism and Governance in Cameroon: Lessons from French Constitutional Practice," European Journal of Comparative Law and Governance," Vol. 1, No. 4 (2014): 357-391. Also see Philip Aka, "Judicial Independence under Nigeria's Fourth Republic: Problems and Prospects," California Western International Law Journal, Vol. 45, No. 1 (2015): 1-79.
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I'm working in my doctoral thesis and I will use Varela’s neurophenomenological approach in order to shed light about dual systems theory of decision making. I am working from dual system theory as Kahneman’s claim in decision-making area. I have a little background on system theory and I strongly believe that those two systems aren’t independent and I will try to modelling that interdependence in a formal way in order to experimental validation of the models.
In the neuro-phenomenology approach introduced by Varela the data are gathered from two sources: Phenomenological Experiences and Neurological Data. In my case I will use each of them as a complement of another one.
In gathering neurological data it is habitual to use fMRI scanning but actually in my country it seems very implausible to use this technology. I am trying to circumvent this hindrance using EEG instead of fMRI in order to gathering neurological data.
Then I will make a three-way contrast, first the neurological data about brain activity with the narratives of the experiences, second the neurological data with the tasks performances, and third the narratives of the experiences with the tasks performances. I think is a very novel approach to the decision-making subject and as I a true believer that research in decision-making always will be useful I am very eager about my research project.
My background is on engineer and it will be very useful to me if the kindly Research Gate community helps me identifying sources of works using EEG in Decision-Making Research.
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Hi, 
having interest in EEG, fMRI and decision-making, perhaps I can contribute. Christine is exactly right in her comment. Just to elaborate a little:
1) You can use EEG (which by the way is NOT invasive contrary to what some have said above) to answer a wealth of questions. EEG will give you superior data to fMRI in terms of temporal resolution, but you would be foolish to make any spatial claims with less than 64 electrodes, however, spatial information isn't the holy grail of neuroscience, time matters a lot. It all comes down to how well you design your experiment. If you make sure that everything else apart from your variables of interest is constant, EEG can be very powerful tool to distinguish how the brain processes things differently. To do this, you only need very simple methodology called ERP's (event-related potentials). Google. So, just because many people use fMRI doesn't mean it's somehow superior to EEG/MEG, you can get equally thrilling results if you do it right. As an example, see this recent highly cited paper: http://www.nature.com/neuro/journal/v15/n3/abs/nn.3017.html.
2) More generally. The choice of method should always be a mean to answering your research question, not the other way round! I.e., rather than saying 'Let's do an MRI study' one should say 'Let's examine how memory retrieval differs among different age groups'.
3) This is more of a side comment. Prof. Camerer is currently on sabbatical, but there are plenty of researchers all over the world with interest in decision-making who use EEG and MRI. Just e-mail the authors of papers that you find relevant. I did that during my university studies and ended up working as research assistant at Caltech for a year which was a great experience.  
Best of luck. 
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I am looking for the methods like ELECTRE IV or MAXIMIN, and for papers where the problem of the criteriaincomparability is considered.
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Maceij
You don't need to create weights for criteria. You can use Shannon's entropy method that gives exact weights based on  information contained in the problem, that is, without subjectivity. Zavadskas has an example of this
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I am currently doing some quantitative research project which is try to seek the influence of peer reference groups on decision making at the luxury product. Then I am still searching for the reference group influence scale to be my measurement tools. Thankyou
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Reference Group Influence on Product and Brand Purchase Decisions
William O. Bearden and Michael J. Etzel
Journal of Consumer Research
Vol. 9, No. 2 (Sep., 1982), pp. 183-194
Published by: Oxford University Press
Page Count: 12
Measurement of Consumer Susceptibility to Interpersonal Influence
William O. Bearden, Richard G. Netemeyer and Jesse E. Teel
Journal of Consumer Research
Vol. 15, No. 4 (Mar., 1989), pp. 473-481
Published by: Oxford University Press
Page Count: 9
The Influence of Familial and Peer-Based Reference Groups on Consumer Decisions
Terry L. Childers and Akshay R. Rao
Journal of Consumer Research
Vol. 19, No. 2 (Sep., 1992), pp. 198-211
Published by: Oxford University Press
Page Count: 14
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Thank you for your willingness to answer my question!
I'm looking for previously used as well as original ways to measure character strengths experimentally.
I know it's a very broad question, but I'm currently casting a wide net to see what's out there and what might be the best experimental measure.
Ideally, I would like to use the suggested experimental measures in a web-based (online) experiment, so behavioral/experimental tasks that can be modified to online versions are more than welcomed.
Below is the list of 24 character strengths. Insights to any of them would be highly appreciated.
Creativity
Curiosity
Hope
Humor
Self-regulation / self-control
Gratitude
Bravery
Honesty
Perseverance
Fairness
Leadership
Forgiveness
Judgment (critical thinking)
Love of learning
Perspective (wisdom)
Zest (vitality, enthusiasm)
Love
Kindness
Social intelligence (emotional IQ, personal IQ)
Teamwork
Humility
Prudence
Appreciation of beauty and excellence
Spirituality
Thank you so much in advance!
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STRENGTHS OF CHARACTER AND WELL–BEING
NANSOOK PARK
CHRISTOPHER PETERSON
MARTIN E. P. SELIGMAN
Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, Vol. 23, No. 5, 2004, pp. 603-619
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Greetings of the day respected researchers.
Does anyone have information about moral judgement tools for females?
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On sex differences in moral judgement it seems interesting that the meta-analyses by Stam et al (van Stam, M.A. ; van der Schuur, W.A. ; Tserkezis, S. ; van Vugt, E.S. ; Asscher, J.J. ; Gibbs, J.C. ; Stams, G.J.J.M.
Children and Youth Services Review, 2014, Vol.38, pp.44-51) indicates a different effect  on moral reasoning of boys and girls of the Equip training program.
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I am designing a factorial survey ( vignette study) to measure some areas of decision making and need some advise on fractional factorial design, I have kind of defined for me the  IV  and DV  but I can't understand how  and where to insert it for fractional factorial design . Thank you
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Hi Meri
Welcome to the world of Factorial Surveys
Ususally we use randomised numbers to select levels of each variable
Spss can produce the numbers and then mail merg variables into a paragraph of text producing thousand of unique vignettes. Does this make sense?
I can send a more detailed description if necessary
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May I ask, why is it that "moral judgments" are more concerned with fairness, deservingness, and worthiness than about neediness? For this human sense, we do not acknowledge or provision for need unless we esteem the need deserving of aid. It seems more about agreement with our beliefs than it is about altruism - is that correct?
We do have a concept called "grace", which when pure does not care about worth at all; it does not see a past of ills or goods, or value of any kind; it does not consider deservingness or worth; it does not need agreement with any contingent thing. It sees need and fulfills it.
Why then, is morality not moral, while grace is not at all about morality? My thought on the paper "Altruism and fairness: Unnatural selection?" -- which I found to be quite valuable -- is that sexual selection with altruism peaking at epochs of greatest fertility, would be more a form of (unconsciously selfish) image management than altruistic motive, don't you think? Still, why do we do things for no hope of reward, since that could not be passed down or remembered? Why do some simply answer need with aid, and not with deliberation over worthiness? And why is it nearly always done anonymously (which could not be propagated or persisted)?
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Is it because "fairness" can be observable and measureable? And moral judgments are highly subjective; come from a person's world view?
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I’ve become interested in the literature on the measurement of social value orientation (SVO) because SVO is of increasing interest for behavioral economists. What puzzled me about the SVO tests is reciprocity. Assume you want to measure SVO for two players, A and B, using a test that relies on decomposed games like Liebrand’s ring test or the slider measure by Murphy, Ackermann and Handgraaf. Take as an example the dictator game in which both players choose between two self-other-allocations, x=(2,0) and y=(1,1). Assume that A chooses y. There are two reasons: (1) a concern for B’s payoff, and (2) a preference for reciprocity. (2) is a possible motivation behind A’s choice if A expects B to choose y and wants to reward B’s kindness by being kind. But this implies that SVO is sensitive to players’ expectations.
In the literature, I’ve found no discussion of reciprocity motives in relation to SVO tests, hence my question is: Has anyone seen a discussion of this issue, or does anyone know why the SVO literature remains silent about this issue?
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Very interesting question, and worth to investigate!
I do know that SVO can be used as a dependent variable as well (I've published about it used in this way, even) as a trait-like (independent) variable - using a continuous scale.
Also, the underlying reasons why people are prosocial might very well be reciprocity expectations, but these simply cannot be measured in the current version(s) of the SVO. Perhaps the reason why someone is prosocial isn't as interesting as the fact that he/she is?
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I read James March's book and find the concept very interesting.
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Role ambiguity refers to the lack of clarity in the roles an employee is expected to fulfill. Since a worker needs to understand clearly what his or her role is, not clearly knowing what one’s role is may result in negative situations. In organizations, management should ensure that authority and responsibility should be clearly defined.
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There seems to be a desire among even top researchers in economics to conflate the two; but I don't know how well founded or established the connection is.
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I'd have to agree with Eric's initial sentiments here - the core problem lies in defining and operationalizing intuition. Certainly, evidence from behavioral economics tends to suggest a key distinction between cognitive and affective processing modes where "better" decisions are typically found with cognitive bases but only for relatively simple tasks. Where tasks become complex, emotions-based reasoning appears to be more useful. Whether either of these could be considered intuitive I am unsure and it is certainly true that emotional and intuitive are treated synonymously by many.