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# Inequality - Science topic

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Tax cuts to the rich is the prefer idea on how to promote and expand economic growth in supply side economics despite knowing it does not work as expected. Yet, this policy is usually the first choice in supply side run democracies like in the USA or now the UK when supply side promoters are in power.
Any policy that worsens inequality should be expected in practice to negatively affect economic growth as under extreme inequality or worsening inequality the traditional trickle down should be expected to be mute or not to work as intended. And this raises the question, tax cuts to the rich and the embudo effect, is that why the trickled down effect does not work as intended?
What do you think?
Stephen, good day.
I asked the question because I see the policy has been implemented in the UK and it is backfiring from the mainstream point of view, but what the critics of the tax cut policy appear not to realize that for exism movements/populism with a mask movements like Brexism or Trumpism or Brazilianism and so on implementing the policy is a win as they have the interest of the movement/the minority in mind, not of the interest of the country.... I guess a tax cut to the rich is in the works in Italy right now and it will materialize soon....
Hence, what looks like a failure of reaganomics it is a successful tool for Trumpconomics, but most people appear not to realize that even facing the majority backlash they would do it again if they can as the decision is based on ideology not on science.
Thank you for commenting!
Lucio
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If for example the position of an electron in a one-dimensional box is measured at A (give and take the uncertainty), then the probability of detecting the particle at any position B at a classical distance from A becomes zero instantaneously.
In other words, the "probability information" appears to be communicated from A to B faster than light.
The underlying argument would be virtually the same as in EPR. The question might be generalized as follows: as the probability of detecting a particle within an arbitrarily small interval is not arbitrarily small, this means that quantum mechanics must be incomplete.
Yet another formulation: are the collapse of the wave function and quantum entanglement two manifestations of the same principle?
It should be relatively easy to devise a Bell-like theorem and experiment to verify "spooky action" in the collapse of the wave function across a given classical interval.
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Hi my dynamic model is
Gender Inequality Index(GII) = a+GIIt-1+bFDI+ (ControlV)+U
My control variables are 7. I have used all the control variables and my main explanatory variable as the strictly exogenous ivstyle instruments. Is this correct. I have read somewhere that we can treat all the regressors in ivstyle but i still don't understand why?
xtabond2 GII lag_GII log_FDIinflowreal NaturalresourceRent Generalgovernmentexpenditure GDPGrowth Schoolsecondaryfemale UrbanPopulationControl polity2 Fertilityrate Y*, gmm(GII, lag (0 5) collapse) iv( log_FDIinflowreal NaturalresourceRent Generalgovernmentexpenditure GDPGrowth Schoolsecondaryfemale UrbanPopulationControl polity2 Fertilityrate Y*, equation(level)) nodiffsargan two
> step robust orthogonal small
Dynamic panel-data estimation, two-step system GMM
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Group variable: countrycode Number of obs = 239
Time variable : Year Number of groups = 49
Number of instruments = 24 Obs per group: min = 1
F(17, 48) = 22.88 avg = 4.88
Prob > F = 0.000 max = 9
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
| Corrected
GII | Coef. Std. Err. t P>|t| [95% Conf. Interval]
-----------------------------+----------------------------------------------------------------
lag_GII | .4063319 .1660706 2.45 0.018 .0724247 .7402392
log_FDIinflowreal | .0052016 .004571 1.14 0.261 -.0039891 .0143923
NaturalresourceRent | .0001336 .0007056 0.19 0.851 -.0012852 .0015523
Generalgovernmentexpenditure | -.0011517 .0027406 -0.42 0.676 -.0066621 .0043588
GDPGrowth | .0000538 .0011326 0.05 0.962 -.0022235 .0023311
Schoolsecondaryfemale | -.0015661 .0005599 -2.80 0.007 -.0026918 -.0004405
UrbanPopulationControl | .0002386 .000501 0.48 0.636 -.0007687 .0012459
polity2 | .0029176 .00107 2.73 0.009 .0007662 .005069
Fertilityrate | .0172748 .0121555 1.42 0.162 -.0071655 .0417151
Year | -.0002603 .0066672 -0.04 0.969 -.0136656 .013145
Yeardummy1 | .1047832 .1552767 0.67 0.503 -.2074215 .4169879
Yeardummy17 | -.006658 .0432925 -0.15 0.878 -.0937034 .0803874
Yeardummy18 | -.0006796 .0359611 -0.02 0.985 -.0729842 .071625
Yeardummy19 | -.0071339 .0330241 -0.22 0.830 -.0735332 .0592655
Yeardummy20 | -.0066488 .0261336 -0.25 0.800 -.0591938 .0458963
Yeardummy21 | .0021421 .0180578 0.12 0.906 -.0341655 .0384498
Yeardummy22 | .0005937 .0097345 0.06 0.952 -.0189789 .0201663
_cons | .8149224 13.41294 0.06 0.952 -26.15361 27.78345
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Instruments for orthogonal deviations equation
GMM-type (missing=0, separate instruments for each period unless collapsed)
L(0/5).GII collapsed
Instruments for levels equation
Standard
log_FDIinflowreal NaturalresourceRent Generalgovernmentexpenditure
GDPGrowth Schoolsecondaryfemale UrbanPopulationControl polity2
Fertilityrate Year Yeardummy1 Yeardummy2 Yeardummy3 Yeardummy4 Yeardummy5
Yeardummy6 Yeardummy7 Yeardummy8 Yeardummy9 Yeardummy10 Yeardummy11
Yeardummy12 Yeardummy13 Yeardummy14 Yeardummy15 Yeardummy16 Yeardummy17
Yeardummy18 Yeardummy19 Yeardummy20 Yeardummy21 Yeardummy22 Yeardummy23
Yeardummy24
_cons
GMM-type (missing=0, separate instruments for each period unless collapsed)
DL.GII collapsed
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Arellano-Bond test for AR(1) in first differences: z = -1.70 Pr > z = 0.090
Arellano-Bond test for AR(2) in first differences: z = 0.43 Pr > z = 0.669
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Sargan test of overid. restrictions: chi2(6) = 18.25 Prob > chi2 = 0.006
(Not robust, but not weakened by many instruments.)
Hansen test of overid. restrictions: chi2(6) = 5.55 Prob > chi2 = 0.475
(Robust, but weakened by many instruments.)
.
You should think about how plausible is exogeneity of each of the variables in your framework. It is something related to economic theory.
What happens in dynamic models is that the lagged dependend variable in right hand side of the equation is extremely likely to be endogenous (specifically, correlation with the error term). That's the reason you try to apply Arellano-Bond.
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we know that we use the following formula to find a turning point in income inequality researches:
Gini=B0 + B1gdp + B2gdp^2 + e
u = exp(-B1/2B2)
Gini=B0 + B1gdp + B2gdp^2 + B3gdp^3 + e;
For the cubic equation there will be two turning points as the derivative will be a quadratic equation.
this is the answer if you look for an answer for that equation
This sort of polynominal might have several turning points, depending on the value of the parameters.
I would first plot it for the relevant values of GDP in your population and then compute the turning or turning points you are interested in.
I hope it helps,
José-Ignacio
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I am working on research related to planning for territorial resilience. I am looking forward to your contribution through discussion on recent planning and research initiatives, citizens' and communities' active engagement and or leadership in such initiatives. How do you see the nexuses and to what extent current planning are addressing these nexuses?
There is increasing talk of adaptation and resilience to the effects of climate change. Even if we admit that they are of anthropogenic origin, the impacts of these changes occur over such large time scales that they are incompatible with the time scales of action and policies for the management of water resources. . The question that can legitimately be asked is a question of the order of magnitude of the anthropogenic effects on the degradation of water resources: (i) direct and immediate effects on the artificialization of the water cycle associated with the modes of exploitation and development of resources (overexploitation of surface water and groundwater, hydro-agricultural development, industrial, urban and agricultural pollution, etc.); (ii) anthropogenic effects on climate change and their indirect and very long-term implications on the potential of resources. Moral: has everything been done on (i) in terms of research and modeling in order to ensure the sustainability of resource exploitation in the short, medium, and long term; to decree that it is urgent to tackle question (ii) head-on with all its uncertainties, particularly with regard to time scales and its non-uniform topology across the globe?
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Every electron has a predetermined variable (a fixed quantum state). However, with the magnetic polarization applied in the measurement process, certain amount of energy can be added to each electron subject to the strength of the measurement (the angle of magnetic polarization). Therefore, for those electrons which have energy above the threshold energy, their spins can be flipped to the opposite directions. As a result, the possibility to find opposite spins in the transformation process is determined by the angle of the polarization which is conflict to "Superposition" in quantum theory where both spin up and spin down coexist in any single electron at all times. As to the entangled electrons (having same energy state but in opposite spin directions), because of the same threshold energy applies to both entangled electrons under the same measurement process (same angle of magnetic polarization), therefore, they will both either flip or stay un-flip together such that their entanglement is always maintained. In conclusion, "Superposition" is false meaning "God doesn't play dies". Also there is no talking between entangled electrons no matter how far the distance and how fast the communication are, meaning "No spooky behavior".
Bell’s Inequality is a mathematical theory based on Set Theory. It is true only if all elements in the sample space are equal; stay unchanged no matter of distribution. However, in photon polarization and electron entanglement transformation processes, subject to the polarization strength (the angle of polarization), photon and electron quantum states (Hidden Variables) can be changed by adding energy to the electrons or reducing energy from the photons during the transformation processes. In other words, all elements in the sample space are no longer the same elements. Therefore, Bell’s Inequality cannot be used to prove the existence of Hidden Variables. In fact, Hidden Variables exist simply to obey Locality and Realism. Einstein’s EPR Paradox and Hidden Variables are correct all time long.
Both photon and electron have wave and particle properties. In Double Slit Interference experiment, particle detector can be used to influence the phase angles of particle waves such that the coherency is disturbed and the interference patterns are diminished or even totally disappeared. However, the interruption of the interference patterns cannot to be used to prove the non-existence of wave property, or even to prove that wave and particle properties cannot coexist at the same time under observation. Therefore, “Complementarity Principle” is not true. In addition, both photon and electron have predetermined quantum energy states (Hidden Variables). In electron spin measurements, energy can be added to electrons through electron polarization process. Subject to the threshold energy, electrons can move to the new quantum energy states (Field Dependent Hidden Variables) either by staying at the same spin mode or flipping of to the opposite spin mode. On the other hand, in photon polarization measurements, energy can be removed from photons through photon polarization process. Subject to the threshold energy, photons can either enter into the new quantum energy states (Field Dependent Hidden Variables) by maintaining the same spin mode or totally blocked by the energy barrier. Even more, through further transformations, both photons and electrons can be transferred to normalized quantum energy states (Normalized Field Dependent Hidden Variables). In Quantum Entanglement experiments, both entangled photons and electrons have the same Hidden Variables except in opposite spin directions. Under the same polarization transformation processes (measurements), they both gain or lose the same energies as passing through the same threshold energy barriers and have the same Field Dependent Hidden Variables except in the opposite spin directions. Therefore, they are always entangled no matter how far the distance and how fast the time are. Bell’s Inequality is based on Set Theory and can only be applied on the same sample space. Therefore, in photon polarization experiments, Bell’s Inequality applying on the mixed sample spaces cannot be used to prove if Hidden Variables exist or not. On the other hand, in Quantum Entanglement experiments, with the right experimental data, Bell’s Inequality applying on the same sample space does approve the existence of the Hidden Variables. As a result, both electron and photon do carry predetermined Hidden Variables, and Schrödinger’s Cat cannot be both alive and dead at the same time. Therefore, “Quantum Superposition” cannot be true. Also, there is no mystery, no surprise and certainly no “Spooky” behavior. Einstein is correct after all.
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Hi,
I want to create an index to measure inequality in education. First of all, it would be necessary to identify the inequality within the 5 educational level. Therefore, I seperated 5 level to calculate index for each one of them. First, I will calculate the indicators and then the dimension index for that education (primary, secondary, etc.) category.
Finally, I will weight each educational category by the total number of individuals in the data set. Or I will compare the general indexes I have obtained with each other considering to educational categories.
My question is, would that be a statistically valid approach? My aim is to create a multidimensional education inequality index using the education level.
(Note: I will use the PCA method to determine indicator and dimensions. The table is for illustrative purposes only)
Far from being a specialist on the subject. I would add to what José-Ignacio Antón and David L Morgan have said, an alternative way of calculating inequality in education among the various possibilities of doing so. Assuming that their statistical inputs were census data, the basis of which contains demographic information, together with education variables, among others.
You could choose to define a minimum age value - as an assumption - in order to concentrate a large part of the population that no longer attends an educational establishment. Generate a census base query on the maximum level of education attained in that population - for example, less than complete primary level, maximum complete primary level, maximum incomplete secondary level, maximum complete secondary level, etc. –. Then weight each of these education level categories covering all years of schooling passed by the population with a value between zero and one.
Then multiply the relative weight of each population group by this weighting. And finally add the values of the partial indices corresponding to the categories of maximum level achieved. The result is a single value for the total of that population that will be between zero and one - closer to one the higher the average educational level, and closer to zero when the majority of the population has few years of schooling. In addition, you can calculate the variability values for each level of education or between these categories, in order to compare the results with those of another population.
I am sorry if I misunderstood the query or if the answer I wanted to give was unclear. I remain at your disposal. Regards
Fernando (from Argentina)
Lejos de ser un especialista en el tema. Agregaría a lo expresado por José-Ignacio y David, una alternativa de cálculo de la desigualdad en la educación entre las diversas posibilidades de realizarlo. Suponiendo que sus insumos estadísticos fueran datos censales, en cuya base contiene información demográfica, junto a variable de educación, entre otras.
Podría optar por definir un valor de edad mínimo–como supuesto-, para concentrar a gran parte de la población que ya no asiste a un establecimiento educativo. Generar la consulta en la base censal, sobre nivel educativo máximo alcanzado en dicha población – por ejemplo, inferior a nivel primario completo, nivel máximo primario completo, nivel máximo secundario incompleto, nivel máximo secundario completo, etc. –. Luego ponderar cada una de esas categorías de nivel educativo que abarca todos los años de estudios aprobados por la población, con un valor entre cero y uno.
Seguidamente multiplicar el peso relativo de cada grupo poblacional por ese ponderador. Y finalmente sumar los valores de los índices parciales correspondiente a las categorías de nivel máximo alcanzado. El resultado es un único valor para el total de esa población que estará entre cero y uno – más cerca de uno cuanto mayor sea nivel educativo en promedio, y acercándose a cero, cuando la mayoría de la población posee pocos años de estudios aprobados–. Adicionalmente puede calcular los valores de variabilidad para cada nivel de educación o entre las dichas categorías, con el objetivo de comparar los resultados con los de otra población.
Perdón si no comprendí bien la consulta o la respuesta que quise expresar fue poco clara. Quedo a su disposición. Saludos
Fernando (desde argentina)
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Esteemed researchers,
I will need more insights and justifications into using "per capita consumption expenditure" as a measure of poverty.
Please refer me to applicable papers.
Thanks as always.
Ngozi
I think that the consumption pattern is considered somewhat a measure or an indicator of the pattern of income distribution, and this may give an indication somewhat of the level of poverty or disparity in the distribution of income, if you will
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I'm looking into the question about how social uprisings (social movements, revolts, protests, etc.), particularly those who have a substantive violent character, elicit institutional change. I'm specifically interested in democracies (young or middle-aged) that exhibit a relevant degree of perceived unfairness and/or objective structural inequality, and in countries where the status quo institutional arrangement is "rigid" in a sense (many or some gridlocks are present).
Hence, I would be most grateful if you can share with me some references. Additionally, if you know of studies that emphasize quantitative methods, that would be very beneficial to my research.
Many thanks in advance, and I hope this message finds you safe and well.
Ignacio.
There are the recent papers on the effectiveness of protests in the US: Omar Wasow's paper "Do protests matter? Evidence from the 1960s Black Insurgency" and the Madestam et al paper, "Do political protests matter? evidence from the tea party movement." Outside the US, I a key work that comes to mind is Mark Beissinger's "Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State."
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It can be said that government support can take different forms depending on the type of liberal democracy, equality based or inequality based. Hence, we should be able to expect to see specific type of government support associated with equality and inequality based liberal democracy, which raises the question, what type of government support should we expect in each case? What do you think?
Dear Lucio Munoz,
Yes, welfare economics, as earlier, is narrowing, welfare green economics is on the way, but You, as a humanist, should know that besides welfare economics as economics, there exist welfare as social policy, welfare as social security in its redistributional political or social understanding. I argue that welfare state is more sociological and political science subject than economical. And You, dear Lucio, must have that in mind too.
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The past month or so has been super busy as I've moved my lectures from the classroom to the virtual video meeting "room" while naturally been concerned about student welfare. Yet, this new "Coronavirus condition" has forced me to pause for reflection. The result is that I appear to be less preoccupied with conceptual or theoretical questions than with more empirical questions that can demonstrate impact and help to combat suffering or social evils.
If your observation that "people going crazy" is the current state of our world(s), then that could perhaps be a reality check in itself.
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- i.e. for men and women
- tell us first from which country you are from, or which country's situation you would like to share
- you can talk about discrimination in salaries, position/rank, promotion, entry/hiring, opportunities for growth, etc.
Dear John,
I belong to India and there is no discrimination in terms of salaries, position/rank, promotion, entry/hiring, opportunities for growth. But, there are some jobs females do not feel comfortable and so do not opt for like defense, railways. But gradually that is also getting shorted out. But once one become an employee the growth, salary are at par for all of them.
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Dear colleagues,
do you have some EXCEL template for calculate GINI coefficient and create Lorenzo curve? I find some R packages but I am not sure how to use it on my date with population and income by region.
you can see this document to understand the gini formulas
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Inequality in salaries and wages between male and female has been used in all countries, as a competitive advantage by many companies. The strategy consists in paying low salaries to female, so as to reduce prodution cost. Low cost makes companies more competitive at international level.
Do you think gender discrimination is easy to fight? What is the situation in your country?
1. Be transparent
2. Support women into more senior roles
3. Implement gender neutral recruitment processes
4. Review salaries and standardize pay
5. Have a clear policy on discrimination
6. Ensure you’re actively encouraging women to progress
7. Promote a culture of meritocracy
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I have an ongoing ethnographic project on homeless' survival strategies, that I would like to discuss with you in some details and invite you to give me some feedback and just jot down some ideas you have regarding the issues I am raising below.
I am looking at the act of begging at the moment and try do describe it as a gift.
So far, I have come across many possible differentiations and distinctions that all not properly seem to work out in terms of making sense of what I observe and what the beggars themselves are actually telling me.
The classic theory of the gift (as Mauss, Malinowski, Boas) with its heavy emphasize on reciprocity is very hard to defend in the first instance. What are they giving back except for appreciation, a thank you? Might this already be enough to form a 'counter-gift' and in this way create a relationship? Are we to look at what I call a temporal fix - the counter-gift consists in the 'making-it-more-probable' to also get money being in the same situation anytime in the future? Might a 'good conscience' be valued as a counter gift? It additionally seems very problematic to not fall into the trap and perceive of reciprocity in a self-interest fashion - Gouldner's (1960) 'Norm' typology or Sahlin's (1974) continuum might be helpful here to clarify what one means. I am not really content with those ideas so far and none of them seems to hit the core.
So is the gift that one gives to an homeless beggar not really a gift in the classical sense but rather something one might describe as a commodity in Gregory's (1980) words: as an alienable object that is reciprocally independent not creating any relationship in the sense a gift is able to?
It seems as if the debate is again stuck in between the formalism or substantivist problematic that has been driving the discourse for years. But again the question in my particular case is similarly: in what way is it self-interest (as explained in the reciprocity argument above) that drives the giving, in which way is emotion of importance? Is it possible to follow Carrier (1991) and see the two as ends of a continuum in relation to giving to beggars?
In a very general sense I am also intrigued by Weiner's (1985, 1992) idea of inalienable possessions: does one actually give (money, good etc) in order to keep more valuable things (credit cards, marriage rings, a way of life) back? Might this be the 'inalienable possession' in this case? It seems also to link up in a certain way with another distinction that I came across in the course of the research: a beggar's regulars (people that see him regularly) and his one-offs (people that he sees once).
Regulars don't always give money, but rather fulfill certain wishes (often in terms of food) or simply spend some time with the beggar and devote some thought to his well-being. In this way, one might be able to argue, a more enduring and lasting social bond can be created through acts of giving (of time, talk and wishes). Such a regular also does not hold back - to nevertheless keep with Weiner, his gifts can still be inalienable (taking the distinction she draws in her earlier paper Inalienable Wealth: keeping-while-giving (as is the case with the regular) and giving-for-keeping) and contain a part of the owner (just think of time / talk in this way - you present yourself etc). On the other hand, the one-offs often give money and don't care about the beggar in a way a regular does. It might be here where one can introduce the presented notion of inalienable possessions: giving-for-keeping (as also Godelier (1999) puts forward) - they are giving in order to keep the more valuable possessions.
Does this notion seem completely far-fetched for you in this context?
A further issue is obviously the role money plays in this whole process:
what difference does it make that it is money that beggars mainly get?
Is it right as again Gregory (1980) or also Cheal (1987) point out that money destroys gift economies (in the particular sense that he defines them) and is an expression of 'disembodied interest'?
Yes.
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I am calculating a value that is computed by dividing the derivative of the cumulative distribution function by the value of the distribution function at that point. It is of the form:
𝐽=𝐹′(𝑥) / 𝐹(𝑥)
Where 𝐹(𝑥)is the cumulative distribution function. To get the confidence band on 𝐹(𝑥)I can use the DKF Inequality. How do I get the confidence bands on J?
Drew Lilley We can get the random number of 𝐹′(𝑥) and F(x), right? Then we can get random numbers of J. After that, confidence interval of J is clear then. :)
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It is often argued that even in low- and middle-income countries social protection or, more in general, social policies can improve social cohesion and state-society relationship. However, it is very difficult to find evidence to support this argument. Do you know any empirical study?
For anyone interested in this topic, see our Call for Papers for a Workshop at the German Development Institute (DIE), Bonn, 4-5 December!!
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I am struggling with measuring inequality in health-workforce between regions based on number of workers in each region and region population using Atkinson index (spreadsheet is in attachment). Is there anyone willing to help me where I made mistake?
Thanks,
AM
I am really interested in the work.
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Dear All
I have conducted a multilevel model for binary outcome (self-rated health), using Stata .
About 72000 individuals at level 1 are nested within 50 countries at level 2.
The number of countries is rather small, to obtain more robust estimate I performed bayesian melogit and the Deviance Information Criterion (DIC) was used to compare the fit of different models. Is this correct ? or using melogit (instead of MCMC estimate) the result will be robust enough?
Below is the code I have:
bayes, mcmcsize(2500) : melogit Health centered_Age i.Sex i.Marital i.Income i.Percived-Inequality lnGDP GINI || Country: , or
Any comments or suggestions would be greatly appreciated.
I would use MCMC to be sure that you get good estimates in this situation, see
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Basing on “potential infinite--actual infinite”, do we have only following three different operating ideas and results of quantitative studying and cognizing on “elements in infinite sets” in present classical infinite set theory?
（1）With the idea of “potential infinite”: Denying the essential differences of infinite set elements’ “special nature, special existing condition, special manifestation and special relationship among each other”, so, elements in all different infinite sets are only heaps of infinite “indiscriminative, nonquantitative, abstract points” and it is unnecessary and impossibale to have any quantitative studying and cognizing on “infinite elements (points) in infinite sets”, the number of elements in all infinite sets are the same and it is just infinite. For example, elements in many infinite mother sets and their sub-sets are in fact all the same stuff of infinite “indiscriminative, nonquantitative, abstract points” without any differences of “nature, existing condition, manifestation and relationship among each other”. The typical cases are “the element numbers in Rational Numbers Set and Natural Numbers Set are equal, the element numbers in Natural Numbers Set and Even Numbers Set are equal and they are just all infinite”. The conclution is: any infinite set has limitless, endlees, infinite elements, so their “one-to-one coresponding operations” of quantitative studying and cognizing on “infinite elements (points) in infinite sets” can be carried on for ever and their element numbers are all “equally infinite”. Going along this train of thought, one can understand and construct those theorms and proofs related to the idea of “different infinite sets, equal element numbers”.
（2）With the idea of “actual infinite”: Affirming the essential differences of infinite set elements’ “special nature, special existing condition, special manifestation and special relationship among each other”, so, elements in all different infinite sets can be “discriminative, quantitative visible and tangible mathematical things” and it is necessary and possibale to have all kinds of quantitative studying and cognizing on “infinite elements in infinite sets”. For example, there are different “special nature, special existing condition, special manifestation and special relationship among each other” betwee elements in Real Numbers Set and Natural Numbers Set, so, these two infinite sets have different element numbers. The typical cases are “the element numbers in Real Numbers Set are more than that of Natural Numbers Set, the element numbers in Power Set are more than that of its original set and they are all inequal”. The conclution is: Different infinite sets may have different element numbers. So, in the “one-to-one coresponding operations” of quantitative studying and cognizing on infinite elements of two different infinite sets, the elements in smaller set with fewer elements are consumed and finished soon, it means the element numbers in such an infinite set are not endlees and limitless at all (fake infinite); but in the begger set, infinite many elements are left during this operations, this means its elements are endlees and limitless (real infinite), never be consumed and finished at all, the “one-to-one coresponding operations” here can never be carried on for ever at all. Going along this train of thought, one can understand and construct those theorms and proofs related to the idea of “different infinite sets, different element numbers”.
（3）With the idea of mixture “potential infinite--actual infinite”: The above different operating ideas and results of quantitative studying and cognizing on “elements in infinite sets” in present classical infinite set theory are both acknowledged “OK” and accepted. This inevitably makes us unable to cognize scientifically and clearly the infinite sets and their elements we are facing to in many situations------- being caught in a paradoxical status of arbitrary, self-contradictory and non-self-justification. So, Russell's Paradox as well as its family members in different periods of time have been generated, developed and suspended. Following two cases are typical examples--------First case: with the idea of “potential infinite”, we claim “certain infinite set with its defined elements can be constructed”, than we claim “some of these elements actually can not be included within this very infinite set” with the idea of “actual infinite” and find out those “belonging to but uncontained elements of this set” to prove all kinds of family members of Russell's Paradox in different periods of time (My stuedies proved that whenever we come to any case of “elements belonging to but impossibly contained in a set, a defined group of things”, we come to a situation of “confusing whole and portion” -------- traped immediately into “potential infinite--actual infinite”. Liar’s Paradox, Post Card Paradox,... are all family members of Russell's Paradox) . Second case: with the idea of “potential infinite”, we have proved “the elements in Rational Number Set are equal to the elements in Natural Number Set”, but at the same time we can prove “the elements in Rational Number Set are infinite more than the elements in Natural Number Set” because just a tiny portionof the rational numbers from Rational Number Set (such as a subset of 1, 1/2, 1/3, 1/4, 1/5, 1/6, …, 1/n …) can map and use up (bijective) well all the numbers in Natural Number Set (1,2,3,...,n,...), so a lot of (infinite) rational numbers are left behind in this one-to-one mapping from the Rational Number Set onto the Natural Number Set and construct the “’Countable-uncountable’ Paradox of Rational Number Set”. Going along this train of thought, one can understand and construct all kinds of family members of Russell's Paradox in different periods of time. The conclution is: the quantitative studying and cognizing theories and operations in present classical infinite set theory are too arbitrary and lack of scientific basic theory.
Five of my published papers have been up loaded onto RG to answer such questions:
1，On the Quantitative Cognitions to “Infinite Things” (I)
2，On the Quantitative Cognitions to “Infinite Things” (II)
3，On the Quantitative Cognitions to “Infinite Things” (III)
4 On the Quantitative Cognitions to “Infinite Things” (IV)
5 On the Quantitative Cognitions to “Infinite Things” (V)
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Hi Folks,
I am looking for a validated survey tool to track changes in participants' notions of power and inequality in society. Rather than reinventing the wheel, I am wondering if anyone has, or has used one that I may be able to draw from in an upcoming study.
you might find the following helpful
The Gilens and Page Measure of Political Inequality
However, it's more likely that you will find measures if you define your variables of interest more as it's unlikely that one measure can capture all aspects of power and inequality.
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In fact, “Inequality” is a common observation in several field among us, as physicist I’m worry about our contributions for future society.
Hi Mariano. It's true. And how about new theories and findings on medicine and transportation?
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Whether or not infrastructure helps in the achievement of equality is a function of what exists in reality. Ordinarily, the existence of infrastructure irrespective of the perspective of understanding should help in the encouragement and achievement of equality and balance between and among individuals and social groups in both private and public capacities. The reality, going by the African experience and other similar experiences of transitional and technologically developing societies, is largely the manipulation of infrastructural provisions. The manipulation is largely encouraged by corruption and prebendalistic attachments going by the evidence of the African governance framework. We can therefore assume tentatively that the denial of infrastructure or its epileptic provision is an act of inequality. Inequality, again from the perspective of the denial of infrastructure, requires an empirical probe of the factors, forces and processes in which the provision of infrastructure are dependent upon.
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Hello,
I have a very interesting case on relationship between poverty and inequality based on the case from Georgia.
International poverty rates are used in the study to measure extreme ($1.25 per day), relative (60% of median consumption) and general ($2.50) poverty rates. Those rates are converted with the exchange rate in Georgian Lari (GEL) and then estimated equivalent monthly average for each threshold.
Poverty rates are measures in terms of average consumption per equivalent adult (PAE).
It turns out that all poverty rates from 2015 to 2017 increased. While inequality measured in terms of per equivalent adult consumption decreased marginally Gini 2015= 0.36 vs Gini 2017=0.35648 (almost no change).
Rural Gini = 2015 - 0.346 ; 2017 - 0.355
Urban Gini = 2015 - 0.365 ; 2017 - 0.354
On national level consumption inequality did not change (change is marginal), whereas Gini in rural areas increased and for urban areas decreased. Meanwhile poverty rates increased. Nationally, real average consumption decreased by 10% between 2015-2017. Especially in the poorest decile.
Question: Can poverty rates increase while Gini decreases? I think increase in Gini does not necessarily means automatic decrease in poverty rates.
Your contributions are very welcomed !!!
Best regards,
Davit
Dear Sanwal,
Do you have in mind a paper that describes the same case?
Best,
Davit
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Or any other studies that might be relevant to this topic?
HI,
Try these
Langston, J. (2016). Invisible fathers: Exploring an integrated approach to supporting fathers through the Mellow Dads Parenting Programme piloted in a UK prison. Journal of Integrated Care, 24(4), 176-187.
Gatrell, C. J., Burnett, S. B., Cooper, C. L., & Sparrow, P. (2015). The price of love: The prioritisation of childcare and income earning among UK fathers. Families, Relationships and Societies, 4(2), 225-238.
Culpin, I., Heron, J., Araya, R., Melotti, R., & Joinson, C. (2013). Father absence and depressive symptoms in adolescence: findings from a UK cohort. Psychological medicine, 43(12), 2615-2626.
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Governments are always looking around for new ways of raising taxes, so here is a new one, a gene tax.  It will be greeted with howls of rage, but then so is every new tax proposal.  Those with genetic advantages should be taxed proportionately, as they will be so much more successful in later life.  This should also be a spur to those few who do not make full use of their abilities for the public good, but are content to be free loaders.  At the other end, many have genetic disorders causing chronic distress and poverty, and they should be correspondingly compensated.
A "gene tax" ignores the simple truth that all human endeavors require both "nature and nurture" for optimal outcomes. A gene tax would make sense only in a world in which there were no structural or institutional barriers to human development. As Gordon's quote of Lynn clearly indicates, 80% of the most powerful did not get to that position by virtue of their genetic makeup alone, it was the elite university environment that provided the context for their power base.
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In the first step I have used absolute beta convergence models as specified below:
In[Y_( i, t+k)/Y_(i,t) ]= α+β.ln⁡(Y_(i.t) )+ε_it
Where In[Y_( i, t+k)/Y_(i,t) ] is the mean annualized growth rate of the variable Y in state i in the period (t, t+k), Y_(i.t) is the value in the initial time t and ε_it are corresponding residuals.
Then estimated speed of convergence as
The speed of convergence is computed as s = −1/T (ln (1+Tβ). Where s= speed of convergence and Tβ is the β-convergence in T period.
However, when beta value is larger this equation is not yielding any result. What does this indicate?
"Socioeconomic Progress across the Major Indian states: Converging or Diverging"
at
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I am researching racism in France, related policies and their effects, but most of what I find is in English by US authors.  I would like to read on this issue in French by French scholars/writers.  Also, I am  interested in different/opposing pov.
Many thanks
Mary Helen C
Dear Ms.  Mary-Helen Castanuela
I am writing to tell you that I read one intreset article about Paradoxes of Race Policy
in the United States, Great Britain, and France.
Please find attached article as a PDF file.
I hope I have been some of help.
Best regards,
Andrija
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I would like to study the opinion of European citizens' on European integration, using a European survey with direct questions in merit and others such as income, preferred political party, and so forth. Then I would like to understand if there is a correlation between the results of this regression and the level of inequality within each country.
I am afraid of using the Gini index (or any other index based on income) to proxy inequality in this second regression, since there could be a problem of correlated variables. What could I possibly do? Is there an alternative index that I could use and that would still make sense?
Further, in case the Assets approach is of assistance, the following [my bold etc] has reached me, from R-G member  Alexander Dill
"World Social Capital Monitor
Revaluation of around 173 countries, their regions, their culture, their assets, their potentials - that's my task since 2007 when I published my "Global Freeware Index" for the first time.
Today I evaluate the major global indices, their unilaterism and their bias. And I'm testing new evaluation methods without aggregated data and binary questions.
I hope that the new method will not only being accepted and used but as well giving a new chance to countries in crises and conflicts."
Hoping this helps - Paul
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I want to get the inequality data for developing countries for atleast 30 yrs. and want to use EHII UTIP inequality data. But the problem is this data is latest available from 1968-2008 and i want to use it till 2015. Searching certain papers i find out that some people have expanded this data using world bank data and method "Out of sample" forecasting.could anyone guide me how to expand the available data and details about using this forecasting method.
Thanks
Out of sample estimation is based on modeling the year to year change and extrapolation based on that model. One should be cautious when using such models since often, they do not capture reality very well. it would be better to obtain the data from other sources if available for recent years.
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Social closure is an important mechanism leading to inequality in life outcomes. We are particularly interested in items measuring how people feel about processes of social closure, to what extent they feel them legitimate or not.
Thanks!
Maybe you can look at the ISSP module on social inequalities:
Best,
Loris
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As New York has mapped the income levels along individual subway lines, earnings range from poverty to considerable wealth, namely income inequality exist obviously.
But how and when such inequality form along the time, i.g. before, in the middle and after the construction of metro? The procedure is rather complex, relating with the change of accessibility, spillover of land price and house price, agglomeration of economic activities, increase of commercial and housing investment, job attraction, etc.
Does this inequality has a spatial pattern? That is the spatial difference of the degree of inequality between the regions near to the metro and the ones slightly far away from the metro.  And how does spatial pattern of income inequality evolve or change before, in the middle and after the construction of metro? Maybe the evolution of such income inequality will be impacted greatly by the density of metro, gentrification, sub-urbanization, urban renewal, built environment, etc.
Dear Guo,
Very interesting question. We have done a research on this topic measuring social and spatial inequalities change in urban area after a new transport measure. See Souche, Mercier, Ovtracht in Urban Studies 2016 (you can find the paper in my page researchgate) . We have use the same methodology for evaluating the impact of a new subway line (but not published). Best. Stephanie
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I plan a project. The project's aim is to determine inequality behaviours against students in schools.  So I am looking for paper, book etc. about this topic.
1. What are the issues of inequality against the students within or outside the classroom?
Best regards,
Gamze Kasalak
Gamze,
I had a professor at Minnesota State University Moorhead who would be able to fill a book with information about this topic and related to the topic. I would assume he would be glad to help you by providing insight and useful resources. His contact information is below:
Vigilant, Lee
Faculty
Sociology and Criminal Justice Department
Office: LO 212J
Phone: 218.477.2034
Good luck!
Sam
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My terminology here is from "Measure Theory" by JL Doob, Springer Graduate Texts in Mathematics, 1994.  Metric and pseudometric spaces are described on pages 3 to 5.
My question is what happens if the triangle inequality is an equality so we have the distance formula d(s, u) = d(s, t) + d(t, u).  This can only be true if every distance is 1, and 1 = 1 + 1 because every a = a2.
Now if the pseudometric distance formula is d(s, s) = 0, does this follow directly from the triangle equality or is there something else required?  Is d(s, s) = 0 the same as the Borel function f(x, y) = 0 where x = y?
What I am hoping is that if there is an algebra of subsets where every set is a singleton, then that by itself makes a pseudometric space with a distribution on the Borel Square [0, 1] x [0, 1].  Does the triangle equality automatically make an L-space?
May be it is not that simple. If the triangle equality metric alone does not make a pseudometric space by itself, what does? A field of zeros? What if I have the algebra formed by the union, intersection, and compliment of an elemental set? What if I have a set, a relation, an agumented frame, and a map?
My goal here is to show that music structures are a pseudometric space where a probability distribution is imposed on pitch values by the set construction operation.  This follows my previous question demonstrating that music theory is a 3-fold structure, not two fold as commonly thought.  In a 2-fold structure there is no way to understand why every note does not have a probability of 1/12..
Every metric is a pseduometric.
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looking beyond the conventional measures of poverty, it seems interesting to look at the non economic factors so that a better measure of poverty can be calculated. while going through some of the literature on poverty, I found the inequality of opportunity more interesting to look into the factors which are more due to circumstances than the the level of effort which one puts in. so here the debate is about Circumstances Vs Efforts.
please help me out in getting more literature on this issue. How should I calcute this kind of inequality?
Usually this is measured as the percentage of people moving between income quintiles over time.
If it is found that the income outcomes (which quintile they are in) of children in the next generation across all parent's income quintiles are evenly distributed across all quintiles, this would imply perfect equality of opportunity. (And in fact that is very unlikely even if systems perfectly ensured equality of opportunity because the genetic component is very unlikely to be zero.)
If the income outcomes (which quintile they are in) of children in the next generation are identical to that of their parents across all quintiles, then inequality of opportunity could not be higher.
Many studies on social mobility show the percentage of the population moving between quintiles over time. While this is not a perfect methodology compared to a generatoinal analysis, it allows the researcher to assess whether equality of opportunity is increasing or decreasing over time.
The same analysis could be performed at a percentile level, but the outputs are much easier to digest at the quintile level.
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Disaggregated data collection and analysis is recommended for policy development to address race inequality. Moreover it provides a useful tool to address Afro-phobia and other forms of xenophobia.
I suggest you to read the book:
Advances on Income Inequality and Concentration Measures
Edited by Achille Lemmi and Gianni Betti
Routledge 2008
Print ISBN: 978-0-415-44337-1
eBook ISBN: 978-0-203-92792-2
Gianni
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I'm interested in institutional inequality and structural impediments as they relate to gender and WPS. Anyone have links to good papers/experts or ideas on how to frame the issue?
Here are some references you might consider chasing up:
Caprioli, M. (2004). Democracy and Human Rights versus Women’s Security: A Contradiction?. Security Dialogue, 35(4), 411-428.
Caprioli, M. (2005). Primed for violence: The role of gender inequality in predicting internal conflict. International Studies Quarterly, 49(2), 161-178.
Cohn, C. (2008). Mainstreaming gender in UN security policy: A path to political transformation?. In Global Governance (pp. 185-206). Palgrave Macmillan UK.
Higate, P., & Henry, M. (2004). Engendering (in) security in peace support operations. Security Dialogue, 35(4), 481-498.
Hudson, V. M., Caprioli, M., Ballif-Spanvill, B., McDermott, R., & Emmett, C. F. (2009). The heart of the matter: The security of women and the security of states. International Security, 33(3), 7-45.
Moussa, G. (2008). Gender aspects of human security. International Social Science Journal, 59(s1), 81-100.
Woroniuk, B., & Unit, P. (2001). Gender Equality and Peace Building: Operational Framework. for CIDA Equality Division and Peacebuilding Unit.
Zuckerman, E., & Greenberg, M. (2004). The gender dimensions of post-conflict reconstruction: an analytical framework for policymakers. Gender & Development, 12(3), 70-82.
Hope these are beneficial.
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Anything related to barriers, challenges, benefits and policies
Hello Javier
This site lists possible useful papers; I searched for 'measure' when looking at this site:
Some of these papers are quite old now:
Christman, L. A., & Slaten, B. L. (1991). Attitudes toward people with disabilities and judgments of employment potential. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 72(2), 467-475.
I have not been able to access the full text:
Paez P& Arendt SW (2014) Managers' Attitudes Towards Employees with Disabilities in the Hospitality Industry
Millington, M. J., Rosenthal, D., & Lott, A. (1998). Employment expectation profiles as a differential measure of employment-relevant attitudes towards people with disabilities. Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling, 28(4), 36.
This is a survey:
Baseline Survey on Employers’ Attitudes towards Employment of People with Disabilities
These are written re specific groups:
McDonnall, M. C. (2014). Employer Attitudes Toward Blind or Visually Impaired Employees Initial Development of a Measurement Instrument. Rehabilitation Counseling Bulletin, 58(1), 29-36.
Andersson, J. (2012). Employer attitudes towards people with a psychological disability.
Very best wishes
Mary
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I understand
$$\begin{split} -a^{i,j}D_{i,j}v&= -\eta a^{i,j}D_{i,j}w-2a_{i,j}D_{i}\eta D_{j}w-wa^{i,j}D_{i,j}\eta \\ &\leq \eta(-a^{i,j}D_{i}wD_{j}w+b_{i}D_{i}w+|c|+g)-2a^{i,j}D_{i}\eta D_{j}w-wa^{i,j}D_{i,j}\eta. \end{split}$$
But I could not understand how the right hand side of above inequality is less than
$$\frac{2}{\eta}a^{i,j}D_{i}\eta D_{j}\eta-w a^{i,j}D_{ij}\eta+(|b|^{2}+|c|+g)?$$
Because all of the deleted terms are negative and all added terms are positive.
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Seeking a brief assessment of material hardship for inclusion in a survey. Considering following Mayer & Jenck's (1989) inclusion of 1) SNAP/food stamp receipt, 2) not enough money for housing, 3) not enough money to pay bills, and 4) not enough money for healthcare. Wondering if anyone has guidance or suggestions based on recent research?
Thanks to you both - you have given me multiple ways to think about "material hardship," which is what I was needing.
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How can I solve Riccati inequality in Matlab using a modified function "care"? See attachment, please.
Go to page 7 of the document and pages afterwards for matlab code. It shows how to convert Riccati inequality into LMI.
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If so, what is its form and significance and is there a connection between temporal and spatial Uncertainty? For example, is the temporal uncertainty asymmetric, so that the forward component is associated with greater disorder?
George and Stephen
By the way the uncertainty in quantum theory is quite different in origin
to one you may have by simply having a stochastic process. The uncertainty is
simply intrinsic in the nature of a quantum particle, such as an electron,with  both wave and particle properties...believe it or not.
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In LP, we define a non-negative dual variable for each inequality constraint, and an unrestricted dual variable for each equality constraints. In this sense, how can I get these variables without formulating the dual model (i.e., only through the results of the primal model)? Is it possible with GAMS?
Hi,
Its implementation is really simple in GAMS programming. See the example below.
Min f(x)
s.t.
eq1..     g(x)>=0   Landa1  (=dual variable of equation 1)
eq2..     h(x)=0    :   Landa2  (=dual variable of equation 2)
----------------------
To determine the values of dual variables Landa1 and Landa2, you should write:
display eq1.m , eq2.m  ;
Good luck,
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According to Frances Stewart, horizontal inequalities (inequalities between groups) in its various dimensions (economic, socio cultural and political ) are the main sources of conflict in most conflict stricken countries.  It is argued that economic inequalities provide fertile ground for conflict, socio-cultural inequalities bind groups together, and political inequalities provide incentives for leaders to mobilize people for rebellion. Is there a threshold of the extent of such inequalities ( in one or all dimensions)   beyond which it spur grievances and mobilize people leading to conflict ? or is it the mismatch between  these three dimension driving the violent conflict?
Conflict is not simply a product of a "land grab."  To better understand the sources of conflict, you are better served examining the concepts of relative depravation and opportunity cost of conflict.  Institutional instability, resource scarcity, food insecurity, etc., all alter the opportunity cost of conflict.
To your point, there is very little evidence of thresholds because it is a multi-dimensional problem.  And, it is not just an economic problem.  There are social, political, and economic dimensions interacting, and "inequality" is not particularly pertinent.  That is, it is "relative inequality" that matters.  And that is only operational in the context of weak institutions that prevent Coasian bargaining in the first place.
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There exist public and private schools,where as the private schools have conditions to their registration,public schools owned and run by the Government do not meet the same standards.
There are expectations that one has to meet in this schools to learn which depend on individual households.
Nationwide the infrastructure that supports learning vary from one school to the other yet they also support learning which is finally examined in a standardized manner.
Surprisingly,even schools with the same number of children do not have the same number of teachers, especially with regards to their location.
There are mixed findings in the level of increases in inequality detected in education system. In Nigeria, for example, most successful schools in terms of the market information (which is often published) have favoured a particular group of student populations. As these measures are modified by assumptions around the intersection of class, ethnicity, socio-cultural beliefs and gender, choice appears to lead to inequality and homogenization of student populations. In particular, as some (private) schools realise their projected student populations and reach the top level in the marketplace, other schools are left behind with short supply of students, who are mostly from low socio-economic groups. These circumstances lock the latter category of schools in a series of poor academic achievement and student and teacher attrition, which has implication for choice policies (and education system as a whole). But in all these issues the possibility that what educational policies may do is to change the rules by which inequality takes place, but without markedly increasing or eliminating levels of inequality that are largely shaped by structural factors. The following readings can help you further:
Waslander, S., Pater, C., Van der Weide, M., (2010), “Markets in Education: An analytical Review of Empirical Research on Market Mechanisms in Education”, OECD Education Working Papers, No. 52, OECD Publishing, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5km4pskmkr27-en
Le Grand, J., Propper, C., and Smith, S. (2008), “The Economics of Social Problems”, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, UK.
Gorard, S., Taylor, C., and Fitz, J. (2003) Schools, Markets, and Choice Policies, Routledge Falmer, London, UK.
Fredriksen, B. and  Fossberg, C.H. (2014) The case for investing in secondary education in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA): challenges and opportunities. Int Rev Educ, 60:235–259
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I am just starting a research project on this topic (more concretely: ageism and inequality in Ecuador). While I do have some idea on each one of the topics, I have a hard time to bring them together - does anyone of you know about studies on ageism and inequality, maybe with a policy perspective?
I agree Phillip, a cross-cultural cross-country comparison would be really useful. National policy, opportunity, health and expectations are key areas that especially deserve comparison. Pensions, superannuation and aging in place welfare policies are important policy and opportunity contexts for over 60 year olds. I also think that the gender aspect is really interesting. Women over 60 years of age in Australia are less financially well off than men yet likely to live longer. We're seeing greater numbers of homeless women in this age range.
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without having to suffer the problem of bias associated with endogeniety in a country like Nigeria
A minor correction to Marc Cowling: In a Heckman-type equation, you correct for different probabilities of participating in the Labor Market, for two groups with diferent Labor Participation percentages.
The problem with this correctio is that it doesn't allow you to separate low participation jobs due to self selection (i.e, women don't work because they optimally prefer to take care of the children), and due to exclusion or discrimination (i.e, employers don't hire women because they are women).
In order to correct this problem, you can use queueing models to model a first stage where a women decides whether or not to work, and thus enters in a "queue" for wage work, and on then model a second stage where employers decide whether they chose or not women for the queue. Women may be not chosen, for example, on the basis of their educational attainment, which will effect the returns of schooling (which your are triying to capture.)
This queuing models are interesting because they give you predicted correlations between the error terms of the two stages, and these correlations are then used to correct Mincerian equations, cleaning some of the discrimination effect in the return to schooling. I leave you a paper where three authors do an exercise like this for Chile, and measure queues from the informal sector to the formal sector. They find discrimination for ethnic groups.
Since this procedure is very complicated and requieres good data, it's only useful to use it if you think there are strong reasons that one group is being discrimanted in the form of being (partially) excluded from the labor market. If this exclusion has it's origin in the low educational attainment od the excluded group, then it will correct a lot of the discrimination "effect" into returns of education. If the group is not excluded, and is only being paid less, then an Oaxaca Decomposition is the most fruitful way to go.
Hope it helps!
Alejandro.
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I want to calibrate a numerical model of wealth inequality. For this purpose I need data on the current distribution of wealth in the OECD countries (aggregate over all OECD countries is sufficient). The level of detail should comprise at least wealth quintiles.
Most of the statistics, unfortunately, are on income inequality, not on wealth. For wealth inequality, you could consult the Luxembourg Wealth Study (LWS). Still, not many countries are included in these studies and the data is hard to interpret and has many lacunae. Developing a more comprehensive and reliable overview of worldwide wealth inequality is perhaps one of the biggest tasks for quantitative social research laying ahead.
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I am looking for an inequality indicator that can be derived from the distribution of a population in five discrete poverty classes derived from the Latin American NBI (Necesidades Basicas Insatisfechas) methodology. The methodology ascribes each household of a locality (urban or rural) a "NBI index" in function of income, housing, education, etc. and then ascribe it to one of five "poverty classes" , etc, which are "non-poor, poverty line, moderate poverty, indigent, marginal". I have only data on the number of households per class per locality, not the NBI index per household.
If you have the continuous scores of the NBI index you can run Gini of Theil If your discrete categories are quintiles, yo can also run one of these dispersion stats. Otherwise you can calculate the ratio of marginal households against non poor.
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Should emerging India be at ease with inequality?
In most cases economic growth positions some participants at a vantage position in terms of resources control more than the others, this often brings about income inequality. This is more rampant in capitalist economy which encourages the rich to get richer at the detriment of the poor. The well to do are the ones controlling the means of production. The income inequality in such economy is more conspicuous when the basic infrastructures are inadequate as it is common in most developing countries.
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I am now reading Piketty's Capital in the 21st Century. It is a wonderful statistical research work and should be a model that all economists must learn from it. I have no intention to throw any doubt on his fact findings.
My question is concerned with the logic which connects the fact r >g and the rising inequality of income and wealth.
In the Kaldor-Pasinetti framework of growth and distribution, we have the following long run relation
g = scr,
where sc stands for the capitalists' propensity to save (I omit all the necessary conditions for the validity of this equation). See equation (14) of Pasinetti (1962) Rate of Profit and Income Distribution in Relation to the Rate of Economic Growth. Review of Economics Studies 29(4): 267-279. , p.272) .
In this case the rate of investment and by consequence the rate of accumulation of capital is equal to the growth rate. Then capital assets or the total wealth grow at the same rate as the total income and therefore the workers' income (if we assume that workers' share in the income remains constant).
Can anyone explain Piketty's logic? I want to know in what sense Piketty calls relation r>g the driving force of rising inequality.
I think that Piketty’s argument is simply that an interest rate greater than the growth rate implies that capital income will grow faster than wage income with a consequent worsening of income distribution. One way to explain Piketty’s argument within the Harrod_Domar framework, however, is presented in the document in attach.
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See above
This has been helpful for me in regards to the most current task that my tutor has set out for me to help with my 1500 word essay.  Thank you for the above PDF link :-)
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The topic of inequality and its social as well as economic implications is a very discussed topic (specially after Piketty´s book came out).
Most research I´ve come across with concentrates around the relationship between income inequality and growth. So I´m looking for some good papers on the relationship between wealth inequality and economic growth.
Any suggestions?
Thanks!
Dear Erika,
please note that Piketti has conducted some of his research in collaboration with Tony Atkinson and others who looked into the interaction between inequality and wealth in the long run (this is a major research project of Tony Atkinson and Facundo Alvarez). See their joint article (link below). I am sure there is more written by them.
Good luck!
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The aim is to find how, why and where infrastructure is creating inequality/inequity/disparity?
And is there any easy way, how a town planner should try to remove inequality or inequity from the society - what should be the priority as both have different pros? Is there any way, that political interference can also be reduced while providing infrastructure and prioritizing it?
Case study will help, especially from India.
Dear,
About infrastructure and urban segregation in Brazil, I recommend:
TOLEDO SILVA, Ricardo. The Connectivity of the Infrastructure Networks and the Urban Space of São Paulo in the 90s. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Oxford, v. 24, n. 1, p. 140-164, 2000.
and in Portuguese others two important authors:
ROLNIK, Raquel. A Cidade e a Lei: legislação, política urbana e territórios na Cidade de São Paulo. São Paulo, Studio Nobel Fapesp, 1997. (The City and The Law: Legislation, Urban Policy and Territories in the City of São Paulo)
SANTOS, Milton. A urbanização desigual (The unequal urbanization), Vozes, Petrópolis, 1980.
I hope be useful.
Best Regards,
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Has anyone done research by using the literary term Strategic Essentialism, coined by Spivak? Do you think this term has any use? I need some opinions...thanks!
I have used this concept in one of my articles to rethink strategies for diversity in organizations.
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India has demonstrated considerable progress in the past decade on improving primary, school access, infrastructure, pupil-teacher ratios, teacher salaries, and student enrollment.
Nevertheless, student learning levels and trajectories are disturbingly low. Our system is known for encouraging students to memorize rather than foster creativity and independent thinking. Also, even today in India, unfortunately where a child comes from does go on to dictate who he can become. How do we deal with this educational inequity?
What would it take to completely overhaul the system and create equity in education and progressive policies along with a generation of enthusiastic learners and teachers? what do you think?
Dear Sribas, This is indeed a complex issue, and warrants systemic changes. It has been discovered in research by  Professor Jean Dreze  that students withdraw from schools in India not due to poverty but due to poor teaching resulting in No-learning. I would suggest the following revolutionary measures: Inculcate child education as a societal value and implement it sincerely; there need to be libraries in each village and locality managed by some PPP (public private partnership) arrangement, and industry can be expected to invest in them through the CSR initiatives that are envisaged in the  new Companies Act 2013; need to discover new devices to be used for enhancing children's creativity rather than just memorizing; taking measures for teacher accountability and linking their output with incentives.
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I am planning a cross-cultural study that includes developed and developing countries. My research questions deal with the effects of the provision of care for labour market participation. Typically, the provision of care is studied in developed countries using Esping-Andersen’s typology and in developing countries using variations of Evers et al (1994) or Razavi 2007 “care diamond”. The Esping-Andersen typology is a poor choice for developing countries but the concept of a care diamond could be an appropriate concept in both developed and developing countries. I am looking for advice about the feasibility of this approach. References on the subject would also be appreciated.
Sorry about the delay in replying. The concept of the care diamond considers  that actors other than the state, market and family may be engaged in the provision of welfare services to citizens in a country. The above conept is called the welfare triangle and is often used when studying provision of welfare services in developed western societies.
The care diamond is called a diamond because it considers and values contributions from the civil society in addition to those provided through the triangle construction presented above. Services from the civil community may take the form of charities and other private or semi-private organisations as well as informal groups such as neighbours, friends or other persons. These services may be of central importance in developing countries where the welfare state is less developed.
I am interested in understanding the importance of  welfare service provision through the care diamond in both developed and developing countries. My thesis is that the centrality of care in both models may have herethereto unexplored similar/different gender consequences for women. Research using the care diamond concept could provide new knowledge on these issues.
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I am looking for the methodology which can be used to estimate the inequality of opportunity using household level data.
For formal measures of inequality of opportunity based on household data you should look up work by Francisco Ferreira at the World Bank and co-authors. They operationalize John Roemer's approach to the question.
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Foe years we have come out with wonderful performances of our students, with flying colors. Indeed, the rat race competition helped our children to outperform their best.
Yet, many researches reveal the negative impact of our schools, and no actions have been taken. Students find themselves struggling in an unknown war, consequently, missing their childhood and innocence at early ages.
Are we destroying our species?
I think besides all the things said above, one quite important role of schools is to condition children to function in society. They learn to be more or less disciplined, sit w/o moving, concentrate and listen for 45/60/90 min. depending on the system they are in. For example, I find it always very interesting to realize how conditioned my students are when we engage in a discussion in the seminars and a situation comes up where a student wants to say something and no one else talks. They still raise their hands to "ask for speaking permission", even though there is no need for it at all. In the end, it is not that surprising given the long time they have undergone schooling.
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I am open to collaborations
Sorry for the delay in answering, but I've been rather busy these days. I think you mentioned some possible variables to study tourism policy (can not find what you left writing). I think your point out some possible classical variables (tourist income, household disposable income, etc). I think it would be necessary first to analyze that these variables have not been used in other studies.
The tourism sector in Japan has some interesting features such as the strong imbalance in the balance of tourism payments and the strength of domestic tourism market, with weaker international tourism market. The tourist structure of Japan has enough similarities with South Korea and partly with Taiwan. This situation is repeated in several developed countries but these have developed measures to balance its tourist balance, for the moment this fact has not worried so much to Japan.In summary, we can propose several things: choosing the analysis variables, analyze the existence of a possible model of tourist infrastructure in certain countries of East Asia and the possible comparison Japan / Korea.
I would like to know your opinion.
PS: East Asia is one of my areas of study, I teach a course on tourism in East Asia in the Grade of East Asian Studies.
My e.mail is falmeida@uma.es
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In particular, I am interested in (diversity related) interaction, e.g. in management, in museum or educational work, in cooperation structures etc. but I will be glad of any information on organisation research in this field.
Birgitt & Gwen --
I am working on the arrangement of names on memorials and how that influences the experience of the memorial. For example, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial creates a private space for each survivor because it organizes the names by date of casualty. So all those who died in one battle are listed together. Survivors who fought in that battle can find their space on the Memorial and see the names of their comrades in one place.
Maya Lin was influenced by the WWI Memorial to the Missing of the Somme, which used an organizational structure that, because of recruitment strategies, essentially organizes the names by hometown. Therefore families and neighbors can visit the memorial and, in one place, see the names of those who are missing from their town. I would enjoy hearing from you about this.
Thanks,
Katherine
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What are some experiences of integrating street vendors/workers in developing countries into the formal economy through legal protections to help them continue their endeavors and what suggestions can be made on ways to enhance their business capacities?
I think that the key issue to decide at the outset is whether you want to formalise their economic activity or whether you want to provide greater social protection for the street vendors themselves. These are two separate issues which are often confused. I think that most scholars and policy makers think that by formalising the work of street vendors, this will result in them having greater social protection. However, it may be better to start with thinking about how to provide them with greater social protection and not to think about formalising their economic activity. Martha Chen is very good on this subject who is at Harvard University
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Piketty proposes a simple underlying equation r>g, meaning that the return on capital (property, stock and other forms of ownership) is consistently higher than economic growth.
Piketty strongly suggests that the structures of capitalism are not only regenerate worsening inequality, but now drive us toward a system of economic peonage and political autocracy.
Never too late Christian. Thanks
Even more timely a debate, at least in Australia, with some very provocative economic remedies being suggested for a fiscal crisis that exists depending on who you read.
The implications, if all were implemented might be a dramatic redistribution away from the social sectors, and widen the inequality gap.
I wonder if Piketty's approach can be applied to Australia's macro-economy?
Cheers
Anne
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Measures and boundaries of middle-class status are controversial. Usually, in assigning a person to the category of middle-class one might employ "objective" measures such as income, wealth, education, occupation, and so on. At the same time, middle-class status has also been studied from a subjective perspective (i.e., subjective definitions or self-identification). Leaving these issues aside, I am looking for commonly used measures of middle-class status using income (and median or mean income). All suggestions and sources are welcome.
Instead of income, very important measure is lifestyle, which, according to the latest perspectives in this sociological field, is considered as one of the most important and essential indicators of social structuring in post-modern societies.
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I will be conducting both a qualitative and quantitative research for a class in methods this semester for which your help will be greatly appreciated.
This is a very interesting question and subject. Unfortunately I have no information to pass on about this topic except to say that it should be possible to form some measure or to identify the presence or absence of neoliberal government and then to look at the school violence figures. However, you have to remember that these are correlations and within such a complex area it is not possible to say that neoliberalism does or does not cause violence in schools.
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Public policy
In the US the answer was social security. Poverty rates among the elderly have plunged since the expansion of social security under President Johnson in the 1960s (see chart). I am not saying US social security is the way to go but a retirement program of some sort is clearly the way to go.
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Marcel Lenoir (1913) found that the price of gold was the same in 1800 as in 1910, with a 2.8% increase from the mines of the world. Since 1970 gold has dramatically increased and yet inequality has grown dramatically and wages stagnated, while asset classes have exploded in value. Related?. Lenoir, Etude sur la Formation et le Mouvement des Prix, Paris, 1913.
Putting aside Marxian theories of economic collapse, which in my view are no more valid now than they were in the mid-19th century, there is a really interesting issue here. It has nothing to do with the price of gold, whose value until 1971 was determined by statute (a bit more loosely during the Bretton Woods period of 46-71 than during the classical gold standard), but the impact of monetary policy on the distribution of income. QE is a policy that the Fed hopes will depress long-term interest rates (short rates are already at zero) and boost equity and house prices. This means that current holders of wealth, if the policy has its desired effect, benefit at the expense of savers who are trying to build wealth but are getting low yields and seeing other assets rise rapidly in price. I am not convinced that QE was the cause to the 30% rise in US equity prices in 2013 but there is little doubt that holders of equities became wealthier relative to everyone else. Meanwhile, those living on fixed incomes see the current income plunge. What does a $1,000,000 one-year bank CD generate in income? Only around$5,000! \$2,000,000 of assets in bank CDs doesn't get a person over the Federal Poverty Line (FPL) is the US! Since the share of equities in wealth rises as household income and assets rise, QE, if successful, makes the distribution of income more unequal.
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Income inequalities
Trade/business cycles can be under both good and bad governance regime. Therefore, good times does not necessarily mean good governance. However, I agree that high growth periods can cause high socioeconomic inequalities.
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Looking for most influential relations between these two categories. How does discrimination make poverty stronger and vice versa?
It is a dual link and a complex relationship to model, provided you have good data.
Discrimination induces poverty for sure, reflected in higher unemployment, higher long-term unemployment, social assistance payments, lower wages compared to the non-discriminated population.
Also poverty may isolate some people and impose a social stigma from them, which results in discrimination.
There is a post on Culture of poverty, you may check that out, it has some good scholarly references, and interesting debates.
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Human capital theory suggests that there is a direct relationship between the level of education and income, under this premise, the OECD encourages countries to invest in education to reduce existing wage disparities. However, for developing countries the effects of spending on education tend to be oscillatory. That's when the question arises about whether developing countries should substantially increase the level of spending on education, if so, it would be advisable to do so at all levels?
Finally, it is possible to reach an optimal level of spending on education, which maximize the benefits of society? if so, under what arguments would be valid