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How is the indigenous knowledge being lost in tropical countries?
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Indigenous knowledge, defined by UNESCO as “the understandings, skills and philosophies developed by societies with long histories of interaction with their natural surroundings”, is increasingly — if belatedly — being recognized as making a significant contribution to the research endeavor. However, it is poorly supported by the current research infrastructure, which was developed to serve the needs of the global North, especially in the sciences...
Dr Katharina Ruckstuhl of the University of Otago, New Zealand, gave a powerful account of this in her recent NISO Plus keynote, Research Infrastructure for the Pluriverse, as well as sharing her thoughts on how we can can implement research infrastructure processes that support pluriversal approaches...
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Research on The Indigenous Native Women and their feminists theory!
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Toril Moi's Sexual/textual politics is the best !
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Keenly looking suggestions about the prospect and challenges of scientific study in Heritage, Indigeneity and Folklore Studies (HIFS) at the educational institution around the world.
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Contrary to what we're taught, tradition is not a static thing. Times change, generations change, and what we know changes. The most stable aspect of any tradition may be its ability to change, making it able to accommodate changing times, changing generations and changing information. Otherwise, no matter how old and once revered, a tradition can disappear like a magician's bouquet, to resurface if--and only if--it becomes timely and relevant again.
If this were not true, we would all still be sacrificing animals on hilltops to reach the ears of our various gods; on the other hand, we can retain a tradition by reinterpreting it. Eighty years ago the majority of people in the USA believed that the story of Adam and Eve was the natural history of the world. Some still do. But the mainstream no longer does, and has retained the tradition by reinterpreting it as an allegory, or poetry, about the beginning of time and the fate of mortals. Where we locate the sacred realm (in the celestial dome or the womb of the earth), our aesthetics, assumptions, aspirations and animosities will shape every aspect of our expressive behavior, and every mark we leave on earth.
We have to trust people to recreate the past, interpret the present and shape the future in their own best interest--no outsider knows better what that is. To best respect tradition, we have to stand back and watch it change, and seek in those changes, the spirit and mentality of the people who generate, modify and maintain these traditions over time, free of molestation from those who purport to know better than they.
Its only when powerful outsiders interfere in the process of a peoples' own strategic and creative changes in tradition, or try to take over; to guide, shape, change, or prevent change in tradition, that harm is done. Instead, stand by. Watch. And learn. Speak out when powerful interests try to take over a peoples' traditions to suit their own interests and agendas. Then let life happen, let tradition adjust, and learn what we can from the changes. Some things will inevitably be lost, yes--but some will always be gained. Watching and learning would be us at our most respectful and creative. If it seems an imperfect solution, its still most likely the best we can do.
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I am writing a research proposal on sidewalks in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. As you know, the sidewalk is the place of seen and unseen, the symbol of the power. HCMC experienced many historical periods from the French colonial period to the socialist city. The study uses digital anthropological methods to study the sidewalk before and now by picture. Besides, the policy for sidewalk development will be considered and analyzed by the critical indigenous studies
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I want that, I want to apply it to urban development and it is important to study the sidewalk. I want to see the colonial era in Sai Gon, How the French government used sidewalks? And today, how does the HCMC government view sidewalks?
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Since the publication of Linda Tuhiwai Smith's book (Decolonizing Methodologies - Research and Indigenous Peoples), researchers are increasingly aware of the importance of adopting decolonized research methodologies. However, although one might understand the concept, it can prove somewhat difficult to implement in a research project. I would be interested to know about concrete examples where researchers and indigenous/aboriginal/native people have developed effective ways to decolonize research.
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To all those interested to know more on concrete ways to decolonize research, a themed issue on that topic has been published (open access) in ACME An International Journal for Critical Geographies:
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I would like to know if exist any study trying to explain the resilient process inside to the first nation. For be more exact in front of climate change and role perspective.
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Thank you so much I have found articles like:
Fikert, B., Colding, J., & Folke, C. (2000). Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. 
Richardson, G. (2002). The Metatheory of resilience and resiliency. Clinical Psychology.
Heavy, I., & Morris, S. (1997). Traditional Native culture and resilience. Research practice, 5(1). Minneapolis: University of Minesota. Center for Applied research and Educational Improvement(CAREI) College of Education and Human Developement.
This authors manage concepts which are close to my research project. 
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some of my data gathered from my research on how one ethnic group utilize their plants, include invasive plants. how come?
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Well another way to look at it in principle is to imagine that in some cases some very smart and curious Indigenous people worked to figure out how the plant was useful and hence it became Indigenous knoweldge.
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Amongst three cross-border communities in East Africa, food that is ready to be eaten may be classified in accordance to its taste and flavor of sour-to-bitter, bland-to-rancid and other community elliptic identification parameters.
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I don not have exact knowledge of any such studies on ethnic time tested taste parameters but all organoleptic studies are based on traditional knowledge and common human taste. You can correlate these with exiting standard organoleptic taste parameters and modify it with your new derived parameters justifying the same. 
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It is an indigenous group in Chiapas, Mexico.
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I would also add works by Gary Gossen. He has written extensively on the Tzotzils. 
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I teach and research in the area of Indigenous studies. Repeatedly I have conversations with individuals from all walks of life about Indigenous issues. These conversations occur after they ask what I do for a living, as is typical in the US and Canada. Almost invariably, I then find myself embroiled in a long and heated discussion about the indigenous topic du jour or am quizzed on my knowledge: "What do you mean, you don't know the word for (fill in the blank) in Arawak/Ojibwe/Navajo/Mohawk/"Indian?" I have become hesitant to tell people what I teach and will sometimes say, truthfully, "I'm an anthropologist." It recently struck me that I am not quizzed or confronted when I claim anthropology as my field but Indigenous studies leaves me open for all kinds of conversations, most of which I don't enjoy. So what is the difference? Why is Indigenous studies as a field open for critique by non-specialists while other fields are not? What about your fields, colleagues? Are you questioned, quizzed, subjected to opinions that are often ill-informed? Or does your field get a "pass?" I am considering an article/opinion piece on this topic but am not sure if there is really anything to this, other than my personal experience. 
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Sometimes I receive wonderful feedback on my research findings from non-specialists. They are able to see a particular issue from a different perspective and even provide pointers to help me further develop my argument[s]. However, I dislike individuals who criticize just for criticism sake. They waste your time and try to ignore them as much as possible.
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I will use a quantitative survey instrument and the entire population is: n=1623. I am hoping to obtain a representative sample. My population is very isolated geographically (inuits people). your comments or references are very appreciated.
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Dear Alain, 
The question is too vague. The choice of the sample is related to the objective of the study.
There are different types of probabilistic samples. For example if you want to have a propocional amsotra as gender, so knowing their distribution in the population, selects a given "n" and get proportionally the number of persons of each gender for the sample. The chosen size has an associated error ... The SPSS has a command that allows automatically and according to objectiov of yourr study to calculate the select a sample and prepare it for analysis...( ..analyse complex samples ....)..
Have a nice time
Helena
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I am synthesising thousands of pages of her life's work, but would like to know more about her.
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I would like to help you. But I have no reference. But I will be pending.
A sincere hug
Ferro
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I have only found studies utilizing the KAP survey in the health/medical field. Is it possible to use it in other disciplines too? Any examples in cultural studies, ethnography or indigenous studies?  Thanks
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KAPs are used in many fields. While I do use them in health-related studies, I first came across KAPs in the livelihoods literature, in which indigenous studies are heavily represented. A search in Google Scholar reveals some examples I have linked:
1. A UNICEF search contains many (medical and non-medical) KAP reports
2. KAPs are referenced in an article on promotion of indigenous knowledge
3. Another article uses KAPs to better understand the coping strategies of refugees in East Africa
4. Another one references KAPs along with other measures of household livelihoods and vulnerability that may measure impacts of and effects on KAP by interventions.
And, a fifth article critiques their use in medical assessments.
One reason you may not find them in studies tagged with the keyword, "ethnography" is that KAPs are intended for rapid, practice-based work and thus gloss some of the information you might achieve through some of the more traditionally ethnographic techniques like long-term participant observation and in-depth interviews.
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I'm looking authors who relate agroecology with indigenous traditional knowledge specially related to the amazonian indigenous groups. 
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Does some one know sociologists and anthropologists who have dealt with the problem of how knowledge is constructed, and particularly cultural (traditional, local) knowledge in indigenous communities? I´m looking a good theoretic background that allowed me to understand knowledge as a social construction.
Thanks
Pd: Add you answers in english, spanish or french!! 
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On the emergence of global society and its relation with regional cultures, see:
Wolf, Eric R., Europe and the people without history, 2nd. ed., Berkeley/Los Angeles/London, University of California Press, 1997.
Conceptual (and visual) metaphors may be shared across linguistic boundaries, as calques. This was frequently the case in ancient and colonial Mesoamerica. I have written a bit on this topic, comparing metaphors shared by the Otomi and the Nahua:
For a critique of Whorfian linguistic determinism, please see this article:
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general opinions and ideas in reference to indigenous cultural practices.
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Up until now the educational system has not allowed this to happen as it should. Here in the UK, a more diverse approach to education and curriculum development is being promoted in higher education through the ECU's Race Equality Charter Mark. SDG 4 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development asserts " inclusive and equitable quality education and promote life-long learning opportunities for all ". It is therefore important that traditions of indigenous minorities and peoples are preserved.
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I am completing a state of the art for my doctoral thesis on valuation of traditional knowledge in the Colombian Amazon. I am interested in making a deconstruction of the concept of traditional knowledge that occurs in the discourses of local organizations and institutions that instrumentalize it on specific projects.
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I did so - from a rather Foucaultian perspective and working on Sumak Kawsay or Buen Vivir. Now, I don't work with the concept of traditional knowledge (I would say that does not fit a discourse analytical approach) - so I don't know if I am being helpful...
Ah, but at least some generals: I find Hobsbawn and his invented traditions quite helpful to understand the political use of "traditional knowledge", the same goes for Spivak and the subalterns.
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Swadish lists are apparently drawn from several parts of speech of a given language and select vocabulary for lower and higher registers of fluency in a language [please correct me if this is incorrect].
But if correct, then can someone identify a methodology used (beyond just identifying word order) to create such lists?
The goal is to construct written assessment tools/instruments to be administered orally for different Mayan languages from Meso-America. I do not assume a standardized dialect for Mayan languages, indeed some have marked differences. Such dialect differences could be identified as well, if the method uses samples from known dialect regions, the Swadish List then could be used to also distinguish dialect. Languages of interest: Mam, Q'anjobal, Popti, Chuj, Quiche, Awakateco, Ixil, and Achi.
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Wisconsin gives (Progressive era, Univ. of Wisconsin) and it takes away (McCarthy). Not much has changed.
Swadish apparently  turned lemons into limonada, and I love limonada..
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What is your take on the argument of Theresa Schenck in "the Voice of the Crane Echos Afar" is? She says the Ojibway were originally the crane clan who in the contact era was located near the Sault - hence Ojibway being synonymous with Sault and Saulteax.
She argues the Ojibway nation was a historical response to territorial expansion, but that the identity of Anishinaabeg was widespread throughout many of the algonquian speakers? Essentially she is arguing the larger identity of the Ojibwa is historically emergent and derives from population shifts. 
It seems pretty convincing to me, but not being Ojibwe, I don't really have much context to refute here. 
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http://collections.mnhs.org/MNHistoryMagazine/articles/56/v56i05p261_301-304.pdf contains a review by Timothy Cochrane, superintendent of Grand Portage National Monument
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I am writing a dissertation on reconstructing memory of post confilict situation of inidgenous communities in northern Uganda. I want to explore in this dissertation  on why the indigenous communities draw symbols of the myth in memory and reconciliation process.
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Nelson,
I am not classically trained, but symbolism in western thought, Mircea Eliade especially is insightful.  The suggestions made by Ivo Carneiro de Sousa and your comment that the myth is "acted in rituals and [p]oltics" may need some dissection; such separation might reflect what its "function[al]" , as Estibaliz suggests, within the social reality of the northern Ugandan tribe and the associated myth that now finds some current political expression. 
For example a mid 19th Century forced migration of five indigenous nations or tribes in the US might be used in the current context of witnessing other contemporary indigenous migrations; such witnessing may lead to further recall or ritualization of a more ancient migration myth (originating from the same region) for the same peoples as a reinforcement of identity for survival, even if the current political conflict, in the US or back in the context of Uganda, is settled favorable or disfavorably for folks those involved in the US or in N. Uganda. 
Another example is the annual dances in Guatemala in which indigenous Maya dress up as Spanish courtesans and soldiers and perform a ritualized dance  recalling the attempts at conquest of their own peoples, despite the fact that they are still present and recalling the events from that time.
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This question expects various feedback, experiences, examples,and case studies for establishing indigenous curriculum or courses. Welcome the experiences of making Aboriginal education part of formal (mainstream) curriculum or Aboriginal-based curriculum.
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Hello - I am interested to know if there have been any large population studies of this question. In Australia we have population studies about the health status of Aboriginal peoples, but nothing that I know of that links this status with the impacts of colonisation. Does anyone know of anything - perhaps WHO - where this research has been done either in Australia and/or anywhere in the world?
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Interesting discussion thread! Thanks David, for sharing the New Zealand work. There is another article from Canada that may be of interest:
ELIAS B, Mignone J, Hall M, Hong S, Hart L, Sareen J, (2012) Trauma and suicide behaviour histories among a Canadian indigenous population: An empirical exploration of the potential role of Canada’s residential school system, Social Science and Medicine 74:1560-1569.
Brenda Elias, the lead author is also on Research Gate and this article is available on her page as a download. Folks associated with the Manitoba Centre for Health Policy have been doing some really interesting population level quantitative work so there may be more I am not aware of. 
Our team here in Saskatchewan is just completing a paper looking at associations between measures of colonization, such as Residential School attendance and health outcomes such as diabetes and respiratory health (lung function, asthma) in two First Nation communities. We also have measures of individual experiences of racism  (as opposed to structural and systemic) that we have looked at in association with diabetes. We are seeing some interesting relationships which I would be happy to share once we are at that stage (the paper is currently under review by community partners). Not terribly helpful for your current review -but perhaps in the future?
Finally -at the framework level, the Assembly of First Nations in Canada has produced a First Nation Health Reporting Framework  (http://health.afn.ca/uploads/files/sdoh_afn.pdf) that explicitly locates self-determination and the effects of colonization among its social determinants of health. See also here: http://health.afn.ca/en/about-us/pro/social-determinants-of-health. This is in contrast to the Public Health Agency of Canada, which recognizes nothing like this, and has only listed gender and culture since 1999. These frameworks are important, of course, because they drive what is ultimately measured.
On the topic of frameworks, the Manitoba Metis Federation has produced a really interesting wellness framework as their lens for looking at the health status of the Manitoba Metis population. Chapter 2 of this report: http://www.mmf.mb.ca/docs/MCHP-Metis_Health_Status_Full_Report_(WEB)_(update_aug11_2011).pdf provides a really interesting discussion of how they got there and why their framework  looks as it does (it does not name colonization explicitly but does refer to governance), and how it has been applied.
Hope some of this is useful. Sylvia
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The assumption underlying this question is to inquire whether cultural identity is still the most important factor that leads to indigenous students' success in higher education in the 21st century and beyond. Can we define a successful indigenous student as a person who succeed in mainstream education without his or her native ethnic identity? How can we better define or reconceptualize so-called a successful, or good, indigenous student?
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I see the indigenous student in Canada today with a bit of an advantage over non-native Canadians in that he/she is probably bilingual, exposed to two cultures and many more customs.
All these extras have developed a more mature individual capable of considerable success in the chosen field of study.
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I'm interested in comparing Indigenous research methods with other ancient cultures. Indigenous research methods are relatively well documented for Australian Aboriginals, New Zealand Maori and North American Indians. I was hoping to locate examples of other non-Western (non-Eurocentric) research methods used by cultures, such as China, Africa, South America, India etc. For example, what methodology did the Chinese use to develop their knowledge of Chinese medicine? I realise these methods may not have been documented or may be in a non-English language. Any leads would be helpful at this stage.
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Though I am not a specialist on ancient science, as Egyptologist I can recommend some references for medicine and other fields, as, for instance, J. F. Nunn, 'Ancient Egyptian Medicine', where you can easily find the medical procedures and knowledge of ancient Egyptians. You can also find some remarks in:
-N. Baum, "L'organisation du règne végétal dans l'Égypte ancienne...", in: S. Aufrère (ed.), 'Encyclopédie religieuse de l'univers végétal de l'Égypte ancienne I', Montpellier, pp. 421-443, 1999.
-N. Beaux, 'Le cabinet de curiosites de Thoutmosis III. Plantes et animaux du 'jardin botanique' de Karnak', Leuven, 1990.
-S. Uljas, "Linguistic Conciousness", in: UEE, available at the website: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0rb1k58f 
Of course, some interesting remarks are avalaible in the classical work of C. Lévi-Strauss, 'La pensée sauvage'.
I hope this can be useful for you.
Regards
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I am interested in the implementation of the initiatives based on the solidarity economy in indigenous communities. Can someone suggest me a good theoretical work that will give a wide perspective about the main discussions issues? 
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Dear Pablo
I found the following of use in my understanding of ethnoconomics
Regards
John
  1. Berkes, F. & Adhikari, T. 2006 Development and Conservation - Indigenous Business and the UNDP Equator Initiative International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Small Business, vol. 3, no. 6, pp. 671-690.
  2. Bunyard, P. 1989 Guardians of the Amazon New Scientist, vol. 35, pp. 38-41.
  3. Cavalcanti, C. 1998 Ethnoscience, sustainability and ethnoeconomics: what the patterns of traditional resource use can teach us Cadernos de Estudos Sociais, vol. 13, no. 12, pp. 241-264.
  4. Cavalcanti, C. 2002 Economic Thinking, Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Ethnoeconomics Current Sociology, vol. 50, no. 1, pp. 39-55.
  5. Cavalcanti, C. 2006, 'Traditional resource use and ethnoeconomics: sustainable characteristics of the Amerindian lifestyles', in Hunan impacts on Amazonia: the role of traditional ecological knowledge in conservation and development, eds. D. Posey & M. Balick, Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 307-327.
  6. Cavalcanti, C. 2002 Economic thinking traditional ecological knowledge and ethnoeconomics: Principles of sustainability of primitive societies Current Sociology, vol. 50, no. 1, pp. 39-55.
  7. Cristancho, S. & Vining, J. 2004 Reciprocity as principled argument: The ethics of human-nature interactions for the Letuama Human Ecology Review, vol. 11, pp. 36-50.
  8. Delgardo, F., Martin, J. & Torrico, D. 1998 Reciprocity for Life Security ILEIA Newsletter, vol. Dec 1998, pp. 28-29.
  9. Delgardo, F. & Ponce, D. 1999 Research in Andean cosmovision Compas Newsletter, vol. Feb 1999, pp. 30-31.
  10. Hill, P. 1966 A plea for Indigenous Evonomics: The West African Example Economic Development and Cultural Change, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 10-20.
  11. Lye, T-P. 2005 The Meanings of Trees: Forest and Identity for the Batek of Pahang, Malaysia The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 249-261.
  12. Mazzucato, V. 1996 Indigenous economies: bridging the gap between economics and anthropology IK Monitor, vol. 5, no. 1, pp. 3-6.
  13. University, O. S. , Sharing (among hunter-gatherers), [Online], Available from: <http://foragers.wikidot.com/sharing>.
  14. Polyani, K. 1944, 'Societies and Economic Systems', in The Great Transformation, ed. K. Polanyi, Rinehart, pp. 43-55.
  15. Posey, D ed. 1999 Spiritual & Cultural Values of Biodiversity, Intermediate Technology Publications and United Nations Environment Programme - UNEP, London.
  16. Sahlins, M. 2004 Stone Age Economics, Routledge, London.
  17. Schwab, J. & Liddle, L. 1997, Principles and implications of Aboriginal sharing (Issue Brief 17), [Online], ANU Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Available from: <http://www.anu.edu.au/caepr/Publications/briefs/1997IB17.php>.
  18. Studley, J. 2012, 'Territorial Cults as a Paradigm of Place in Tibet', in Making Sense of Place - Multidisciplinary Perspectives, eds. I. Convery, G. Corsane & D. Davis, Boydell Press, Woodbridge UK, pp. 219-234.
  19. Studley, J. 2011, Where economics meet the sacred: the economic importance of forests and nature conservation to the peoples of Lugu Lake SW China, [Online], Available from: <https://www.academia.edu/5991425/Where_economics_meet_the_sacred_the_economic_importance_of_forests_and_nature_conservation_to_the_peoples_of_Lugu_Lake_SW_China>.
  20. Walsh, R. & Vaughan, F. 1994 Paths Beyond Ego, Penguin Putman Inc, New York.
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My PhD is about the Landscape of animism folk: african and maori 
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I suspect the processes were more prevalent in the 20th C.
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Few people would go further to highlight indigenous ontology within scholarship. Can anyone share their definition of indigenous ontology and its application within academic studies?
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Hi Che-Wei, I think it is possible to offer a range of definitions drawing on indigenous writers themselves. I've found the following useful texts in gaining an understanding of the various perspectives from an education and research perspective. There are more of course, but I don't think the words ontology, cosmology, axiology or epistemology are necessarily 'owned' as western constructs unless they are specifically defined in western terms.
Denzin, N. K., Lincoln, Y. S., & Smith, L. T. (Eds.). (2008). Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications. (especially the intro chapter)
Chilisa, B. (2012). Indigenous Research Methodologies. Los Angeles: SAGE Publications.
Smith, L. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples (2nd Edition ed.). London: Zed Books.
Arbon, V. (2008). Arlathirnda Ngurkarnda Ityirnda: Being-Knowing-Doing, De-colonising Indigenous Tertiary Education. Teneriffe, QLD: Post Press.
Nakata, M. (2007). The Cultural Interface. Australian Journal of Indigenous Education, 36(Supplement), 7-14.
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The concept "decolonization" does not seem to come firstly from indigenous scholars, e.g., Linda Tuhiwai Smith. Does anyone know which scholar first raises this notion? And based on what context?
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Hi! The adequate answer to your question depends on how narrow your understanding of the concept is. If you mean its intellectual use in social scientific literature, it may be a quite modern term that - in its current understanding - was coined in the first half of the 20th century, for example in the francophone négritude movement (Fanon, Césaire, and others). As a political term, however, it is much older; that does not necessarily mean that the English concept itself (i.e., "decolonization") shows up literally, but that its meaning shows up as an essential part of political argumentation, reflexion, and stretegy. In this latter sense, you can find the topic  treated in early Greek and Indian political texts (e.g., Thucydides' "Peleponnesian War" or Kautilya's "Arthashastra"). Of course, there are many more ancient contributions of various cultural origin.
I am adding this remark because one central aspect of decolonization is the critical reflection not only of the colonization of territory but also - and even more - of the minds of the colonized people. Part of this "mental" colonization might be our tendency to start with "Western" concepts and look for their origins that are then "miraculously" found in "Western" traditions of thought, which are by the way indigenous themselves. In order to work on the decoloniszation of our minds, it might be helpful to look into non-Western contributions and into contributions of times past when there was no "West" as we know it today.
By the way, I think that the political writings of Mohandas K. Gandhi reflect most of what I would like to convey here.
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As an ecologist, I reckon an 'Indigenous' person is who knows about his/her natural landscape (plants, land, animals etc.), cultural practices and knows to manage the landscape. However, in the contemporary world (especially in Australian context), some Indigenous people may have become 'exotic' to their own landscape, especially where they have been deprived to access their own land. Thus lacking traditional knowledge and knowledge of their landscape.
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Dear Chithan and Margaret
Yes, I am not indigenous but am trying to put Indigenous perspectives forward to the policy makers/government institutions from Indigenous people's viewpoint. 
Margaret- I do not think, in the modern era, someone who tries to understand Indigenous culture is a part of colonialism/its process. I come from a trans-discplinary perspective where I highly value and respect indigenous connections to land and how the whole socio-cultural-economic world is connected to land, the notion of well-being. 
I believe, in the modern (globalised) world, to live in harmony, there is need to under different cultures and respect/value for what they are rather than imposing one's own perspective on others (as happened in the colonialism), but it does not happen now. For policy decision making, it is important to understand such perspectives as otherwise the old trend just continues!
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What are the social work intervention models that can be used to effectively support reintegration into society for Maori male prisoners and prevent their return to prison within a five year period?
Are there international reintegration approaches that could be considered useful in a NZ context?
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If you are looking to work with dual diagnosis issues:
Huriwai, T. (2002). Re-Enculturation: Culturally Congruent Interventions For Mäori With Alcohol-And Drug-Use-Associated Problems In New Zealand. Substance use & misuse, 37(8-10), 1259-1268.
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Traditional knowledge has been defined as 'the cumulative and dynamic body of knowledge, know-how and representations possessed by peoples with long histories of interaction with their natural milieu. It is intimately tied to language, social relations, spirituality and worldview, and is generally held collectively. Too often, it is simplistically conceived as a pale reflection of mainstream knowledge, in particular, Science.' (UNESCO: 2006)
Indigenous knowledge is the local knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society and which is usually passed down from generation to generation, by word of mouth. It is the basis for agriculture, fishing, health care, food preparation, education, carpentry, tool making, environmental conservation and a host of other activities. (SLARCIK: 1996: vii) Indigenous knowledge is the traditional knowledge of indigenous peoples, or local knowledge particular to an area, region or country, etc. Thus all indigenous peoples are traditional knowledge holders, yet all traditional knowledge-holders are not indigenous. (UNESCO: 2006) Then who are the traditional knowledge holders who are not indigenous?
References-
UNESCO (2006) Traditional Knowledge http://www.unesco.org/bpi/pdf/memobpi48_tradknowledge_en.pdf (last retrieved: 3 Feb 2013)
Sri Lanka Resource Centre for Indigenous Knowledge (1996) Proceedings of the First National Symposium on Indigenous Knowledge and Sustainable Development. March 19-20, 1994. Colombo: Sri Lanka Resource Centre for Indigenous Knowledge (SLRCIK)
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Hi, Thank you for continuing this conversation. I was looking for a way to address a reviewer's question: 'Q2: Are traditional Aboriginal knowledge holders the only people authentically and 'intrinsically' connected to place?' The answer, of course, is 'no'! But I needed to say more than that, and this conversation and the sources posted by Nirekha have really helped. Amba, I have included the example of crop behaviours in relation to place-based connections and knowledge that is not a kin connection. Please say if you would rather I didn't use that example, or if you'd prefer me to quote a paper you have written. Dawn
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I am working on a paper on the comparison of situations of indigenous peoples in the Americas and I'd like to verify the proportion of indigenous lands in each country. For example, in Brazil, indigenous lands represent approximately 13% of the entire national territory. Data on other American countries will be useful as well.
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There's a quirk in Canadian constitutional law which means that unless lands are specifically ceded through 'treaty or sale' they remain the property of first nations people and are held in trust by the Government of Canada. This has had major implications in the succession of negotiations about self-government and resource extraction and is, I think, a big part of the background to the establishment of Nunavut. It has been nearly 20 years since I looked at any of this, but it definitely will muddy your calculations because by some estimates the first nations in Canada essentially own nearly all of the country --- the threat from the Cree to the Quebec separatists has long been something like "if you leave Canada, we will leave Quebec, and we own all of the land on which Quebec Hydro has dams" which would financially kill any idea of an independent Quebec. I'm simplifying massively, but you can dig up more by following your nose from my very reductionist paragraph.
For more detailed information try combing through the Canadian rough equivalent of FUNAI -- http://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/ -- the federal ministry for indigenous issues. The current government is not big on disclosing anything despite its rhetoric, but who knows what is burred on the site.
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Many of the thousands of indigenous languages in the world do not have a word for "wild" or any of its relatives -- wildness, wilderness, wilding, etc. -- in their vocabulary. Do you know any examples of indigenous languages that do?
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Hi, Kevin, I am intrigued to hear about your large collection of Mekeo artefacts. Perhaps I'll be able to visit it one day. I would be very interested in book rescuing the material culture of the Mekeo from museum drawers. A teaching career focused on professional and organisational discourse has diverted me from my anthropological concerns based on linguistic fieldwork on Mekeo carried out in the early 1980s. Now, retired from teaching, I am working up my field notes, translating collected texts (Mekeo, Motu and Kuni), etc., within a framework of cultural interpretive anthropology. Big focus on mythology. See my article in the current issue of the Journal of the Polynesian Society: "Mythic origins of moral evil: Moral fatalism and the tragic self-conception of the Mekeo."
Also, as a linguist first, I am an unashamed proponent of comparativism , hence very interested in cross-culturally exploited "primary symbols" (Ricoeur) like the fence.
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In Canada, aboriginal people have developed a set of principles to govern data ownership, control, access, and possession (the OCAP principles, see the attached link for more information). I would like to know of concrete examples where these principles have been applied to research project, whether it worked or not. Of particular interest to me are examples detailing what has helped in the implementation of the OCAP principles, and what barriers can be encountered (and, if known, how can these barriers be overcome).
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Thanks for your answer Philipp. Regarding the (non) reaction of indigenous people in Ecuador to your research, I think you cannot ascertain they "don't care" until they tell you so. Otherwise, you could interpret their silence in other ways. For example, maybe they think your research is ok, but do not have time to participate as they might be overwhelmed by other issues they have to deal with more urgently. Here, in North America, many aboriginal communities are small (a few hundred or a few thousand members) and thus lack the human and monetary resources to do all they would like to do. Maybe also they think your research is conducted in an exogenous fashion, and that their point of view is not welcome (even if this is a misinterpretation, as you clearly asked them for feedback). Aboriginal communities in North America are often distrustful of research undertaken by non aboriginal researchers. They have been fooled for so long that now, they simply won't trust anyone easily. This is perfectly understandable. As we say, "once burned, twice shy". One way to overcome this problem is to develop trust with people and communities (this can take some time), and then work with them from the beginning of the research process, i.e., elaborate the research question and methodology in collaboration. This way of doing things is not easy to reconcile with the imperatives of scholarly publication and requirements of funding agencies, but for me it's the best way to go.
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I have come across a lot of great and insightful research on African IK by researchers from all over the world. To enrich my perspective, I would like to get more acquainted with research by African IK scholars . I have learnt a lot from publications by Ngugi wa Thiong'o and Queeneth Mkabela. Anyone else you would recommend?
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Thank you Justin. That is quite an extensive list! Highly appreciated.
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Most of Indonesian territory is waters; this consequently affects the long coastline (number 2 after Canada) and widely coastal area. Most of the highest biodiversity is in the coastal area and Indonesia has three dominant coastal ecosystem, i.e coral reef, seagrass bed and mangrove. It means that most of coastal people very much depend on these ecosystems' availabilities.
Most of the indigenous peoples in the coastal community have their own role in managing natural resources, including coastal resources, especially those related to their needs, such as fisheries. We known a few of community based management projects, which are run by indigenous people, such Sasi, Awiq-awiq, Panglima Laot, Parrompong, and so on. But most of them only manage how to maintain fisheries, not their habitat/ecosystem.
This is by the lack of education in most of indigenous people. They know that they should guarantee that they could earn or utilize their fisheries not only today but also at the future. But, they have a lack of knowledge about their fisheries resources being linked to their habitat or ecosystem.
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In my view the best way to share about ecosystem services is to establish a conversation that is about two-way communication. Seeking to understand the indigenous knowledge from their point of view first before trying to 'educate' them as to our way of thinking. In Australia the indigenous people understand ecosystem services but not in those terms, because they already think in a holistic way. It is the science approach that is segmented.
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I look forward to any feedback, suggested readings, and examples.
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That's so true Cj Wright. Education wasn't used as violently here in New Zealand as it was in North America and Australia, but it was still used to destroy Indigenous communities.
I was also thinking about what the question "which scholar first raised this notion?" means. Che-Wei Lee, what do you mean by scholar? I got a telling off a few years ago by one of our Indigenous thinkers (Moana Jackson) for privileging published scholarship (based on western academic traditions) over our own academic traditions. So often, ideas like community-based education, restorative justice, permaculture and the like, have their origins in the way Indigenous communities organised, but they get re-discovered by Western academics, who re-package them, and give them a flash modern name. That person gets to build their career on the knowledge of Indigenous people . Much like the European 'discovery' of our lands, the discovery of our knowledge acts like we were never here.
I think we must start with acknowledging that the reason many Indigenous communities no longer practice their own forms of education, or justice, or agriculture, is because the state violently took away our ability to practice them. Starting from that premise, the only legitimate intervention into Indigenous communities, is one that empowers them to take back those practices and knowledges.
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Welcome any feedback, examples, and contextual cases.
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Prof. Duane W. Champagne argues, "To make college and professional schools relevant to American Indian communities, the colleges must produce students who are intellectually equipped to address the contemporary issues confronting tribal communities from an informed cultural understanding of tribal nation goals, values, interests, and plans" (see source).
Added to his point, I further argue that Aboriginal students to cultivate their transculturation capacity to meet the need of themselves, their communities, and mainstream society.
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What is the status of nurturing Aboriginal talents in your case countries?
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In the case of the United States, Prof. Duane Champagne (2014) argues, "One of the reasons that contemporary college education is not relevant to many Indian nations is that there are not enough PhDs trained in American Indian Studies related issues. To make college and professional schools relevant to American Indian communities, the colleges must produce students who are intellectually equipped to address the contemporary issues confronting tribal communities from an informed cultural understanding of tribal nation goals, values, interests, and plans" (see source).
His observation makes me reflect on the issues of governmental sincerity and effective investment. In addition to stress the limit of the PhDs of American Indian studies in employment, meanwhile, his point highlights the significance of promoting Indigenous substantial contributions to the whole US society.
His case observation also occurs in Taiwanese Aboriginal higher education. In the status of the economic crisis, it is difficult to persuade indigenous and non-indigenous graduate students to study the Indigenous-relevant/specific fields and merely to expect them to contribute back to their communities.
What is your thought on that?
Source
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The assumption of this question is to inquire if indigenous traditionally cultural identity play a vital role in indigenous faculty's individual academic career development. I would like to ask whether that identity, or part of their identity, is of advantage or disadvantage to them in their academic careers (e.g., tenure track, promotion, employment, their own tribal sustainability). And why? In the era of this globalization, what kind of expectation should be desirable for the optimal indigenous talents, intelligentsia, and professionals?
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Che-Wei, at least in Latin America, the experience is that indigenous persons who do succeed in higher education often lose their cultural background due to the kind of this education. So, you find indigenous persons working with state or interstate institutions - and doing stuff that actually harms their people. Mainly, because they are now convinced of the Western way of thinking. This has been analyzed in part by a theory called coloniality of knowledge.
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In recent years, more and more indigenous and non-indigenous scholars/researchers are increasingly talking about indigenous research paradigms applied to various studies, but few mention how these paradigms contribute to a larger society or world. Some fail to address whether other non-indigenous and other diverse indigenous researchers can use a specific indigenous paradigm to their particular contexts. Would a too indigenous-based research paradigm limit its applicability? Welcome any feedback for this question.
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As is clear from the responses above, the question you pose, Che-Wei, is an excellent one that would not have been asked not so many years ago. I agree with Hugo that "research is research" - seeking for knowledge and sharing knowledge are human pursuits. Research is done in a cultural context, whether one uses Western paradigms and methodologies or Indigenous/decolonized approaches. Smith and many other proponents of Indigenous research paradigms don't deny the usefulness of Western methods, including the emphasis on empirical evidence. Instead, they call for us as researchers to place Western methods and paradigms into the appropriate cultural context, which includes the colonial project and the valorization of those same ways of knowing. Recently my colleagues and I had to respond to concerns that our graduate program, where students earn an MA in Indigenous Governance, is quite arduous in its requirements. We successfully argued that our students must be trained in Indigenous and Western paradigms and methodologies. It is exciting to watch these emerging scholars pushing the boundaries but they can only do so from an informed and contextual standpoint. Another important point to remember is that there is a healthy range of positions among Indigenous scholars/researchers/applied practitioners about what Indigenous research really is. Duane Champagne, for example, points out that all research questions do not have to be community-generated, which is counter to many descriptions of Indigenous research paradigms and methods. Other questions/issues that have come up, including in my own research, include: who speaks for Indigenous communities/who gives consent; problems with institutional ethics review boards; perceived legitimacy of Indigenous research paradigms re: funding, tenure and promotion, publications; Indigenous research in urban settings, etc.
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Extremely interested in what other people think on this topic. Finding it hard to locate literature that shows a link between learning a language and an increase in cultural awareness / capital.
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Tanja:
Thank you for sharing the references. All of this is very useful to me.
This is the working definition of culture I came up with for my studies of Mesoamerican pictorial manuscripts (translated here from Castilian): "The ideas, values and collective behaviour patterns of a determined human group; culture consists of a complex of interrelated subsystems, the borders of which are generally blurry and don't coincide; these cultural subsystems are transmitted and learned, and are continously being adapted to changes in the geographical and social context of the group."
The reason I became interested in the relations between language and culture is that the evidence I was looking at suggested the existence, in the central highlands of Mexico and adjacent regions at the time of the Spanish conquest, of a relatively homogenous central Mexican culture shared by speakers of languages from very diverse families (Yutonahuan, Otomanguean, and the isolate Tarascan). There was -and still is- a rather naive belief that linguistic borders tend to coincide with the borders between other cultural subsystems (like diet, religion, dress, social organization and others). The influence of Whorf, direct or indirect, seems to be behind this naiveté. I came to the conclusion that Whorf's postulate that language determines culture greatly overestimates the role of language in determining cognition and culture. Lera Borodistsky tries to prop up Whorf's view, and does indeed show some cases where languages can cause differences in thinking between one language community and another, while cognitive differences can cause linguistic contrasts. She concedes that cognition seems to be a complex of linguistic and extralinguistic processes, while insisting that language plays an important role in most of our cognitive processes.
It is these extralinguistic processes that interest me, especially those related to images, since central Mexican pictorial writing is essentially a translinguistic pictorial notational system, semasiographic in nature, that was shared by speakers of very diverse languages (although this system lends itself to the occasional language-specific glottograph, through homophonic word plays using the "rebus" principle). Central Mexican pictorial writing goes beyond iconography in its conventionality, its complexity, and its use as a mnemonic device to reinforce oral discourse and transmission. It straddles the blurry border between Western semantic categories of "writing" and "painting/sculpture". Indeed, if one looks up "writing" and "painting" in colonial dictionaries with Castilian words glossed in native languages, one invariably finds the same native word for both lexical items.
I also found that cultural subsystems were shared across linguistic boundaries, by comparing lexical items within semantic fields (like social structures, calendrical terms, toponyms, anthoponyms, and others), including metaphorical couplets where the combination of two concepts produces a new concept that goes beyond the sum of its parts.
All of this work led me to the conclusion that the role of language in culture is often exaggerated, especially in anthropological studies dealing with Mesoamerica. The role of mental images has been underestimated. Recent studies in neuroscience are shedding some badly needed light on this area of research.
This time I'm afraid I have gone beyond what Luis was trying to elicit with his question!
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Looking at the involvement of social scientists in the study of climate, where exactly have they come in, and what role have they come to play.
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The Transition Towns movement is very focussed on sociological aspects of climate change - how to engage local communities to take action towards low carbon ecconomies and sustainability. The greatest success of this movement is in locally grown food.
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A traditional healer is a person who is recognized by the community in which he lives as competent to provide traditional health care. They usually practices healing from generation to generation and uses traditional healing methods and medicine that are not scientifically tested. Most of these treatment methods are orally transmitted and have not been documented.
The knowledge of the traditional healers in Sri Lanka is currently tested by the Ministry of Indigenous Medicine by conducting a written and an oral test. The testers are usually Indigenous Medical Doctors who have scientifically studied Ayurveda, Siddha or Unani and have passed out from University.
My concern is whether such system of assessing traditional healers could really assess the knowledge of the healers? and What are the concerns in assessing the knowledge of the traditional healer who doesn't have a mainstream academic education in healing.
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Well, why assess the knowledge of a traditional healer? You want to be careful, tradiational healers often have very specific knowledge. This knowledge is often not meant or designed to be taken out of context. General remedies used by folks is often overlooked for what is known by traditional healers. Also, one group may have more then one healer that use very different means for healing. The spiritual aspects are more valued in the group and by the healer then by outsiders who overlook it because it can not be quantified. How does knowledge perform when it is assessed and extracted?
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Colonizer’s objective of providing a Western Education was to promote cultural assimilation by introducing English way of life and English value system. Aim of such education system is to form a class of persons “Indian in colour, but English in taste, in opinion, in morals and intellect.” (Coomaraswamy A: 1946) The colonial Government and Missionary education alienated the young generations from traditional cultures, including religion, value system, language, literature, social occupational structure, and dress sense, making them “captive minds” of colonizers. (Alatas: 1974)
As long as the colonized nations follow the western education system, they will not be able to revive traditional knowledge or to safeguard cultural identity.
How can we introduce alternative forms of education? Is it practical in a world of increased globalization and homogenization?
Notes and References-
Ananda Kethish Coomaraswamy (1946) ‘Indian Culture and English Influence: An Address to Indian Students and Their Friends’, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, January 1944. New York: Orientalia. (P:31)
‘The Captive Mind’ according to Syed Hussein Alatas (1974) is ‘uncritical and imitative mind dominated by external sources, whose thinking is deflected from an independent perspective (P: 692) Quoted in Alatas, Syed Farid (2006) Alternative Discourses in Asian Social Science: Responses to Eurocentrism. New Delhi: Sage Publications (P.47)
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I think it is more than only combine knowledges, it is to decolonize the mind, recognizing the coloniality of knowlege
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Let's start with the classic question. In my opinion (and research) the indigenous is defined in a double process: on the one hand the process of coloniality -the forced positioning of indigenous peoples in a certain social class in the course of colonialism-, on the other the self-identification that has to do with indigenous movements and political ideologies such as indigenism and indianism. Mexican anthropologists called that in the 1970s "ethnic group for and in itself".
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There might also be a difference between the use of "indigenous" as referring to the "first" inhabitants of an area. Such groups may be easy to identify in Australia and Pacific islands, but elsewhere may be very problematic. Who were the original inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula? Even for Native Americans, it is difficult, except, perhaps, for the "Indians" as a generic term for all Native Americans, with the area encompassing both American continents.
Perhaps best to consider the term in the regional context. It might have different meaning when applied to specific political and social questions in Australia or New Zealand, or the position of the Ainu in Japanese history. It might have an entirely different meaning when used in discussion general European or Asian cultures. Linguistically words have meaning is the way the speakers of a language apply a mental construct to them, and who is to judge the legitimacy of one mental construct over another? It becomes less an issue of what a word "means," and more an issue of defining the meaning for its use in a specific political matter when it becomes necesssary to do so, while recognizing that such defining is merely utilitarian, and not all-inclusive.
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Can it be analyzed with social movements theories, like Resource Mobilization Theory, Political Process Theory, Collective Identity, Framing and so on?
At least in the Ecuadorean case, the indigenous movement takes part in a series of different organizations, movements and so on. There are at least 4 aspects on the different organizations of this movement:
- they are social movements (they fight for the interests of a certain group),
- they are development agents (they collaborate with international development agencies, such as USAID or GIZ, and implement their own projects),
- they are worker unions (they fight for the rights of rural workers in their region; some are members of a national union),
- they are part of or stand near political parties in different levels (not only the national indigenous parties Pachakutik and Amauta Yatari, but also local indigenous parties or other national parties)
- and at least one of these organizations is a confederation of church communities.
So, in this case -and I know that others, like in Bolivia or Mexico, are comparable- the indigenous movement is much more than what is traditionally understood as a social movement. Does anyone of you know of a theoretical and/or methodological approximation to this "special case"?
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Is or, rather, was not the the "old" social movement par excellence, labour movement, quite similar to what you describe? At least in the very northern Europe it consisted of a large number of related organisations, labour unions, other interest organisations, political parties, co-operative producer and consumer organisations, cultural organisations like theatres and sports clubs etc. Of course, lately many of the organisations have lost their link to the labour movement: consumer co-ops have become large corporations, sports clubs have dropped "Workers ..." from their name, labour unions have distanced themselves from left parties, etc. The distinction between movement and its organisations is, to my mind, and important one -- though it makes "movement" a bit less concrete phenomenon than when organisations are taken to be the movement .