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I remember reading many years ago (perhaps more than 40 years ago) that Antonio Gramsci wrote somewhere about the time awareness of workers who originated from Sardinia. According to my vague memory, he argued that Sardinian workers had more loose time awareness than workers who grew up in Torino and its suburbs and it reduced their labor productivity.
Does someone know where Gramsci made this kind of argument? If possible, I want to know the exact argument he made and the circumstances of this argument. It is possible that I read it someone's paper other than Gramsci himself.
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It was in A. Gramsci. I quaderni dal carcere (his letters from jail, several editions), namely a letter dated March 26, 1927, sent to his sister Teresina Gramsci Paulesu. There are nowadays more than 400 of these letters published and you will find several addressing the special culture of Sardinian workers.
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Does anyone here know scholarship, research, publication, or sources that would be good on the Latin/Roman treatment of "Societas"?
I am reaching out to the community here for some help to understand the use and character of "socius, socii" and "societas" in Roman and Latin customs.  I am very much interested in understanding the difference between what I take "societas" in Latin to mean (the relations among Rome and its Socii) and what the Greeks understood as koinonia.
I am also interested in Roman and Latin practice regarding "socius, socii" and "societas" and what Roman law had to say about the issue. So if can direct me to sources you think I should look at I would be very grateful.
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One of the main sources is Cicero, De Republica, text that translates the Aristotelian concept of "koinonia politike" by "societas civilis". It is probably a key development since "socius" was used to any kind of association from trade to other professional gatherings. Cicero explains that the specific difference which makes a people is to be the unit from a plurality (multitiudo) formed by association (sociatus), on the basis of a legal agreement (consensus juris) and a community of interest (communio utilitatis).
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What is some good scholarship on the Roman the patronus ("patron") and their cliens ("client"), as compared/contrasted to practices in Ancient Greeks? And what if any did this factor played in how civic life was understood?
What would be the best scholarship to turn to on this? Especially scholarship that addresses why such relations are less clearly prevalent in Ancient Greek social practice.
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I am not quite sure if it is good, but perhaps:
Andrew Wallace-Hadrill (Hg.): Patronage in ancient society. London, New York 1989.
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Here I need an equation or ideas to narrow the left view on ranking and categorization system and to widen the right view on ranking and categorization system.
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Hi Mohammad,
Could you please provide a more precise question? (Context of research?) What (I think) I see is: you are interested in 'category generation'. Have you read the tons of reinforcement learning books out there how categories are learned? Or the literature on 'category generation' models (e.g. SUSTAIN)? Or the "Bayesian approach" asking/formalizing where category hypotheses come from? (The last one looks like the answer to your question on a superficial level.)
Best, René
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There have been repeated accusations that Sen systematically misstated the facts in his sources. These have been meticulously referenced, comparing what he said, with what his sources actually said. The implication is that his work on this is a work of fiction.
See for example the work of Bowbrick, Tauger, Nolan, and others.
And Sen has not attempted to show that he did not misstate the facts.
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I think that Sen's work revealed what people working in a more applied way on hunger said even before him: hunger is often the result of poverty than insuffieint food being produced. When the idea of food enttitlement decline came up, many I know said that this is little new, but obviously it was new in academia. The myths about hunger were taken up already by Frances Moore Lappé, Joseph Collins in 1977. Also in many NGOs working in the fields of food security the idea that hunger and also starvation is caused by poverty was not entirely new. Beyond that, of course, one can only establish command over food that is there, so the supply side is not entirely out, but food security is a combination of the supply and demand side of food.
Lappe, F. M., Collins, J., & Fowler, C. (1977). Food first. Beyond the myth of scarcity. Houghton Mifflin Co..
Lappé, F. M., & Collins, J. (1986). World hunger: Twelve myths.
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Não é incomum que empresas públicas desenvolvam especificamente projetos conceituais para vários fins, projetos esses que por ainda não estarem "maduros o suficiente" podem sofrer alterações substanciais antes mesmo de os serviços serem licitados.
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Algumas empresas já fazem isso. Substituem alguns impostos para financiar pesquisas e projetos.
Alguns editais ficam abertos nas páginas das próprias empresas.
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From cultural relativism emphasizes the idea of defending the validity and richness of all cultural systems. Well, although it is true that from a moral point of view all the traditions, customs and values of a particular culture must now be respected without that reigns ethnocentrism, from an ethical perspective when certain cultural patterns threaten the physical integrity of the human being, and they violate their rights and freedoms, under no circumstances must be defended or supported , and much less respected, as is the case with the ablation of the clitoris. For this practice, in addition to depriving women of the pleasure of female sexuality, can cause serious problems at the organic level such as infections, sterility, bleeding, pain and problems during childbirth, and in the worst case death itself.
¿Es la mutilación genital femenina justificada por el relativismo cultural?
Desde el relativismo cultural se hace hincapié en la idea de la defensa de la validez y riqueza de todos los sistemas culturales. Ahora bien, aunque es cierto que desde un punto de vista moral todas las tradiciones, costumbres y valores de una determinada cultura han de ser respetados sin que impere el etnocentrismo, desde una perspectiva ética cuando ciertos patrones culturales atentan contra la integridad física del ser humano, y vulneran sus derechos y libertades, bajo ningún concepto han de ser defendidos ni respaldados, y mucho menos respetados, tal como ocurre con la ablación del clítoris. Pues esta práctica, ademas de privar a la mujer del placer de la sexualidad femenina, puede causarle graves problemas a nivel orgánico tales como infecciones, esterilidad, hemorragias, dolor intenso, problemas durante el parto, y en el peor de los casos la propia muerte.
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The process of FGM highlights many complex universal human rights and cultural relativism arguments including, but not limited to, perspective, creation, and acceptance.  Recognizing the importance of cultural relativism, however, is also critical to having an accurate and honest discourse regarding why FGM has been viewed positively in various cultures. FGM poses serious mental and physical health risks for women and young girls, especially for those who have undergone the more extreme forms of genital mutilation. A young girl who does not undergo FGM may suffer long-term cultural consequences. For example, the girl may be ostracized by her  family  and,  in  some  instances,  may  not  be  able  to  marry.Failure to suffer through the procedure can lead to various social pressures. FGM is a practice that demonstrates the “systematic victimization  of  women.”  Critics  have  argued  that  “to say women  are victimized  reinforces  the  stereotype  that  women  ‘are’  victims. ” However,  if  women  do  not  recognize  their  victimization,  they  are denying their subordination and thus will be unable to speak out against male dominance.
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As indicated, I'm interested in when and where the Politics may have been written?  I suspect that it was begun in Athens when Aristotle was at the Lyceum.  Hopefully someone will be aware of internal or external clues as to just when.  Also, how long did Aristotle live after he was forced to flee Athens?  Could he still have been working on the work up to his death?  And how close do scholars think the work was to being finished?
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I am exploring the presence and impact of classical republican/ civic humanist discourse in the Spanish 'liberal' Generation of 1808 (Quintana, Blanco, Antillón, Flórez Estrada, etc.). I am interested in any secondary literature on the classical republican tradition pertaining to the Spanish-speaking world in the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth centuries.
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In regard to early modern republicanism some contributions from Jose Angel Achon Insausti (University of Deusto, Bilbao) would be a good start (this is on early modern forms of republicanism in the Basque context). John Adams, second American President, mentions the aspirations of Basque republics in his travel diaries and also discusses aspects of the same theme in his various writings on constitutions and constitutionalism. The whole debate about Basque egalitarianism and universal nobility  has also produced some insights that might be worthwhile pursuing. A closer look into early Catalan political history could also produce some results but I am less knowledgeable so will leave it to others to comment.
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One one looks at Polybius's treatment of revolutions in Book 8 of his History, it looks as if he never read Aristotle's Politics book 5.  In fact Polybius's account of the cycle of politeia looks more indebted to Plato and to Plutarch than to Aristotle.  What evidence is that Polybius knew of Aristotle's Politics, or like most Roman authors, Aristotle's Politics was unknown to him?
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Mainz, Germany
Dear Ward & readers,
The readings you suggest might certainly be helpful to the present question and thread, but if it were a matter of explicit references to Aristotle in Polybius, then I suspect they would have already turned up.
Lacking explicit references, it remains to look for similarities of content. Does Polybius make use of recognizable Aristotelian arguments in relation to his doubts on the persistence of Roman rule? What grounds does he give for this view? Looking again at the summary Bates initially supplied, what strikes me as interesting are the Aristotelian arguments concerning revolution and neglect of "small matters" and arguments concerned with lack of cultural homogeneity in the polity.
Generally, I'm inclined to suppose that a major defect of empires generally, is that the central, cosmopolitan authority becomes incapable to keeping track of relevant detail in the expanded provinces. The sheer extent of the empire becomes problematic along with the variation of constitutive political and social detail in the provinces.  Imposed uniformity of policy may facilitate central administration, but at the danger or cost of disrupting local life and relations. The provinces may thus become more like subservient dependencies, ever in need of support from centralized administration, instead of offering support to the empire.
H.G. Callaway
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After the history of political thought had an impact on the state of the art in political philosophy, by now there is a trend among historians of political thought to influence international relations. Do you agree with that trend? If so, what can be the specific constirubtions of these researchers to present day challenges in international relations?
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Dear Ferenc,  hi, two points:
1.  There is much work in IR that demonstrates that the use of historical analogy by policymakers has led to poor policies being adopted. This does not seem because policymakers are poor historians (I note Goldstein's Lessons in Disaster here) but rather that the past and the future in terms of our understanding and knowledge really are different.  
2.  IR scholars are great 'data miners' who search history for specific events that support their hypothesis - what else can they do?  Historians are similar in imposing their mental frameworks on the past - but again what else can they do, this is an inherent human cognitive constraint. (note that this is different to the instrumental use of history for political purposes which is arguably growing).  I do like E.H Carr's 'What is history' for a person who encompassed both disciplines.
Regards,
Peter 
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I am looking for a good quotation that captures the essence of Southern culture.
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Are you looking for a symbolic qutation from a famous charactor, or "a" good one about your suject matter, in general? A good qutation could come from an experienced native individual, without any influence of outsiders, too.
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This question concerns views of the nature of politics. Is thinking an integral part of politics, in other words is political thought a deed? And what can be learnt about (real) politics through investigating the history of political thought - which seems to be an indirect way to approach it?
In order to avoid to have too much theory, let us take an example! How should later analysts approach the present political crisis in Europe caused by the immigration issue. What clue can they gain if they analyse political thought today? If they wanted to do so, what sources should they choose to look at, to get the essence of the issue?
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I agree with much which Professor Callaway has to say and would be interested in his views on another recently posed question about what John Boehner's resignation has to say, if anything, regarding the political "atmosphere" in Washington.
Regarding the relationship between politics, political thought, and the history of political thought, I think it is more likely that the work of political thinkers has been influenced by political events than that political actors facing challenges, such as pressure placed on nation state borders by a surge of immigration, have been influenced by political thought. 
For example, Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) was deeply concerned by the execution of Charles I and the English Civil War.  He states this explicitly and his defense of absolute monarchy in Leviathan is believed to be justified in preventing similar wars of "all against all".  John Locke's Second Treatise of Government, published in 1688, argues that absolute monarchy is no (legitimate) form of government at all and is a defense of the success of England's Glorious Revolution.
Although Locke's political thought was of tremendous influence on the delegates who wrote the US Constitution, which was ratified in 1787, I think it is fair to say that no work of political thought has played nearly such a formative role on political actors or events in the US since the Constitutional Convention.  
Finally, the harmonious, transcendent, and absolute nature of Plato's ontological Truths, presented in The Republic and other dialogues, have been seen by many of his interpreters as a reaction to the political turmoil and declining cultural dominance of Athens evident during his life (427-347 BC).
To the extent that political thought can provide guidance to political elites dealing with the current "immigration crisis in Europe", the normative nature of state borders is an issue of key importance.  Among contemporary political thinkers there is more disagreement than agreement on the nature of borders.  Michael Walzer (Spheres of Justice) argues that without clearly-defined and secure borders, a state stands to lose control of its very identity.  On the other hand, thinkers, such as Carol Gould (Rethinking Democracy), have challenged traditional conceptions of the sanctity and normative significance of borders with theoretical work on global democracy and transnational justice.
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there has been numerous evidences which categorically accounts the reactionary remarks of anarchism towards the practice of reductionist planning principles in modern era. however such criticism confined to the passive expression for bringing reversal from the utopian project of capitalist planning mechanism. later, the formulation ofpost modern theorieswhich brought a new revelation interms of redefining the conceptual logic of place and space synthesised from neo marxism and radicalism.hence, what role anarchism played in defining the  order of life,function and place in city space?
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Hello Vishal,
I would say that social anarchism is not a political ontology, but rather, a political philosophy. Political ontology has a place in the overall ontology of human life and some ontologies are bound to include political concepts. I have been out of that business for several years so I cannot direct you toward current events.
Best regards,
Marion
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Lately in his recent works Pierre Manent, the French political theorist and friend of Bloom and others of Strauss students, points to the concept of the political form.
This is especially so in his last three works, the book on Cours familier de philosophie politique (Translated as A World beyond Politics? by Princeton Univ Press), La raison des nations (published by ISI as Democracy Without Nations: The Fate of Self‐Government in Europe with two additional essays not in
the French edition) and his Les métamorphoses de la cité (not yet in English). Some of my French friends pointed me to the work by Claude Lefort translated in the early 1990s as The Political Form and Modern Society.
I raised the issue that what Mannet and Lefort speak of is not at all consistent with what Leo Strauss teaches about the polis and the state being the two forms of the political community, that the nation is merely something that because of the modern state becomes politically viable where as prior to the state, it was something subpolitical. Strauss spoke of the tribe (nation), Empire and the city/polis‐‐latter being the political community per se. Whereas Manent insists on the political form being tha city, the nation and empire.
At the time I pointed to the possibility that both Lefort and Mannet get their concept of the political form from the early Schmitt, especially in Schmitt's Roman Catholicism and the Political Form (1922) and Schmitt's magnum opus Verfassungslehere (translated as Constitutional Theory by Duke U Press). While
scanning these works by Schmitt I see no reference to where this term political form arises in the writing of others at the time. Schmitt is reacting to the mystical tradition of the state theory that emerges from right Hegalism, the neo‐Kantian legalism tradition of German jurisprudence, and the Weberian‐Marxian
economic view of the origins of modern society (a view that subordinates the state to capitalism as the engine of modernity).
I for a while thought the concept might have come from the constitutional writing of Georg Jellinek‐‐but from my eye he is more neo‐Kantian.... But I am still not as strong on Jellinek to simply reject that link.
Does anyone among us can either make a case that I am wrong and the concept comes from either Jellinek or others and Schmitt is using a concept common. Or that Schmitt himself coins the concept.
I know this is a bit off Strauss per se but it does deal with an attempt to defend his position in The City and Man counter what I see in Manent.
Thanks in advance
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Dear Clifford,
thanks for your kind notice, it is good to hear that in some respect I had a good intuition. ANd again, it is a good cautionary remark that translations may easily misrepresent their authors.
Best,
Ferenc
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I am conducting research on the moral and intellectual history of the idea and its practice especially in European thought from classical times, through modernity, and to the present.  I am seeking to understand how honour, even in its most mundane sense, may come to positively underwrite obligations of governmental bodies or individuals (including sovereigns) holding formal political authority.
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These are helpful.  I welcome others who have ideas.
Briefly, the association with artistocracy is quite of interest to me.  And, the notion of fulfillment of a social demand in honour killing (even if reviled by others) is helpful to think with as well.
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How would you translate the German term Verbürgerlichung? I am interested in a comparative study of European thinking of /about townspeople or city-dwellers, from the perspective of the history of political thought. I am familiar with the research around Jürgen Kocka, but I wonder if there are updates to it, and whether there are English language researches in the topic.
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Dear Feri,
embourgeoisement is the (forced?) translation of  the German Verbürgerlichung butthat you of course know,  and the English word does contain bourgeoise -- you are right; the problem only repeats itself.
I am groping in the dark and I try to recall something from my Shakespeare-studies. What now comes to my mind is that the word borough  does not only mean 'town' or 'city' but also 'district', 'region' and, indeed, the biggest city in England (perhaps in Europe) in Shakespeare's time, i.e. London consisted of loose regions: city of Westminster, the city of London (itself) around St Paul's Cathedral, etc. So even if there was a wall or there was not, they thought of what we today call a town or city in terms of regions (districts), thus a town was an 'aggregate of districts' not a separate unit consisting of districts. In other words, a 'city-dweller' identified herself not as somebody living in a town but in a region: she lived in Westminster, and only "secondarily" in London. The further complication was that  Queen (Elizabeth) and her administration was in 'London', too but she lived in the Whitehall and not, strictly speaking, in 'London'. And boroughs were very much like villages, often with separate churches and markets, and the reflection and consciousness of living in a "town", or "city" came much later, when the French term was "borrowed". For some reason, they looked at organisational units, from the everyday perspective, differently: not in terms of a "unit consisting of...." but "some regions slowly built together creating a unit" (as in Hungary Balatonboglár and Balatonlelle 'reached' each other and for a while they were Boglár-Lelle, or Moson+Magyaróvár became Mosonmagyaróvár etc., not to mention Buda+Pest (+Óbuda))    Maybe one should do some research concerning the history of city/borough administration (where did the taxes go? to the borough or to 'London'?) and the legal-system  (did every borough have a judge?) -- the clue must be in their "form of life" :).   If one thinks she lives in a village (region/district), the village is the unit of  self-identification and not the larger unit (the city/town) the village had joined.  In Germany, there had to be city/town privileges which made it worthwhile to think in terms of belonging to the city directly (there were -- secondarily -- 'districts', 'regions' in 'German' cities/towns, too, of course).
But I am not a historian and this might be pure and false speculation, then ignore it., please :)
Best regards,
Géza
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Is political theory based on a more scientific method rather than political thought? Is there no difference ?
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Often political theory is seen as a sub-field of political science.  Unlike other sub-fields of political science, political theory does not model its approach to knowledge on the natural sciences.  Political theorists see their field as among the humanities and as drawing from other humanities, such as the disciplines of ethics, history, linguistics, cultural anthropology, and other relevant fields.
Political philosophy is often seen as a branch of academic philosophy, with especially close and sometimes overlapping relationships to normative moral philosophy and meta-ethics.  Aristotle is particularly clear in underscoring his view of the reflexive nature of these relationships.
In comparing political philosophy with political theory, the scope and the broader more all-encompassing nature of political philosophy strikes me as essential.  Plato (Republic), Hobbes (Leviathan), and Marx (in the entire body of his work), are but three examples of political philosophers.  On the other hand, I would identify Machiavelli, James Madison, and Isaiah Berlin as three on many examples of political theorists.
A work of political philosophy is an attempt to achieve a level of generality which explores and draws conclusions about the nature and relationships between all the major features of government and politics, as well as the context in which political systems operate and are understood.  Works of political philosophy are grounded on significant assumptions about meta-physics and epistemology. Such works are also grounded theoretically by the mutually supportive nature of political principles, concepts, and institutions with fundamental moral principles, concepts, and institutions, such as justice, authority, human nature, and legitimacy. (This feature of political philosophy is no less the case in Marx's work than,for example, in the work of Plato.) The broad scope of political philosophy is complemented by its goal of presenting and defending timeless truths or bedrock meaning. (This is also the case with political philosophers, such as Hegel, for whom history, its laws of development and historical revelation and change are of central importance 
Of course, political theorists take an abstract approach, and  they investigate "the political" at a level of generality unfamiliar to scholars pursuing other sub-fields of political science.  Political theory has a focus on somewhat more specific basic or fundamental issues in politics than political philosophy.  There is far more attention to the development of mid-level or mid-range theory in approaching such issues than to ground understanding and to defend conclusions about politics in the most basic philosophical sub-fields,such as meta-physics, epistemology, or more recently linguistics and the meaning of meaning.
Machiavelli's concern with the principles and moral dilemmas of political leadership and the preservation and stability of a state led to conclusions in The Prince which are examples of mid-range theory that continue to stimulate examination and debate.  Madison's constitutional architecture was prompted by his deeply rooted goal to find institutional solutions under which citizens could be governed peacefully and effectively while, at the same time, prevent these political elites from becoming tyrants.  Madison's mid-range theory in achieving this goal is considered by many to be the most original and influential feature of the US Constitution of 1787.  Finally, Berlin's profound grasp of history and human nature were the tools he found essential to convincingly envision the possibility of tolerant and humane societies in which core objective moral values could be recognized and serve to guide action, while at the same time never forgetting that moral conflict between individuals, between individual societies, and even value conflict within the mind of each individual is inevitable and unavoidable.
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In this I mean other profound scholars that have defined hegemony as having the ability to represent those being dominated in a particular regime of representation.
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Also Bourdieu's symbolic violence is pretty much the same. 
And Gayatri Spivak's "Can the Subaltern speak", also treats the same subject - the powerful classes ability to force its signs onto the dominated classes.
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"Democratic innovation" or "innovative democracy" is a new field of political research. But is it more than the rethinking of old concepts of participatory democracy?
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Markus,
Considering the advances in communication technology, it seems that democratic innovation in the 21st century will be markedly different than the old theoretical concepts of participatory democracy. My reasoning revolves around examples from the Arab Spring and the Hong Kong student democracy protests. What can be seen from these events is that social media has played a crucial role in uniting citizens, while not necessarily requiring physical meetings of the actors. Ultimately, the ability of peoples to organize without congregating physically is a direct evolution of the democratic process and must be understood at an institutional level. The question that comes to mind is how institutions and governments can integrate these new technologies into public discourse in an effort to let the voices of the people be heard, regardless of socio-economic status, party affiliation, or party(ies) in power.  I would recommend a book by Michael Saward which goes through some of the currently discussed problems in democracy. There exists within the book a plethora of examples and writings from various theorists on this matter which may help you direct your inquiry.
I look forward to seeing where this inquiry takes you and please feel free to contact me about any further questions or thoughts you may have about this subject.
All the best on your endeavor,
Regards
Jacob R Chambers 
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Looking for some ideas on how to write or research on the "history of political thought" of India from 1950-2000.
Some major directions like where to start components to be included, where to start etc
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Hi! - A rich information source to start with is" Makers of modern India" edited by Ramachandra Guha (The Belknap Press, 2011). What I like about the book: It puts political thought and political programmes into historical context and also shows how current political thought in India is linked to personalities of the late 19th and early 20th century. What I miss: A more thorough analysis of postcolonial thinkers' influence on political thinking in today's India.
Good success!