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I ask students in my methods classes to complete CITI training, this is an ethics training program supported by our university and approval is critical for anyone that will conduct human subject research. Would be interested to learn how people incorporate CITI training and ethics into their class.
For me, what started as an ethics week (many years ago) has developed into a part of the discussion throughout the semester. We focus on identifying not only ethics as defined by the university and CITI but also in terms of our roles, our connections to our respondents and so forth.
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Yes, I include CITI training in an ethnographic methods course and have found it works well. I have done it with and without inviting a representative from Research Compliance (IRB office) to speak to the class. In both cases all students successfully completed the online training and received the certificate for the course titled Group 2: social and behavioral investigators and key personnel.
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I would like to add some visual example to illustrate the different types of participant observation (complete observer, observer as participant, participant as observer, and complete participant). Any suggestion is welcome.
Thank you,
Isabella
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Hi everyone,
Would you share your thoughts on the challenges and opportunities of conducting ethnographic fireworks during Covid-19? I have fieldwork this summer; your feedback is highly appreciated and will help me prepared.
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Dear @Bula Wayessa, I think there is a typing error... firework?
Or I have misunderstood?
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With the Mexican Circle of Korean Studies (https://www.facebook.com/CMEC.edu/) we are looking to build a latin-american perspective of korean studies, so we are wondering about the pioneer works and classic texts which are part of the korean studies in and outside of Korea. Thank you so much!
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The book that I remember reading with interest was: CHENG, Sealing. On the Move for Love: Migrant Entertainers and the U.S. Military in South Korea. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Nonetheless, I have learned much more about South Korean cultures by visiting the astonishing National Museum of Korea in Seoul. After, one can complement the rich experience by going to the National Folk Museum of Korea.
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Dear researchers,
I am conducting a Netnographic study and looking for a solid model to adopt. Any suggestions.
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Are you thinking of a theoretical model or a model for performing the data collection?
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Ethnography has been used in marketing and consumer research for many years. If you were designing a textbook for consumer ethnography, what chapters would you include?
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I am glad you find the chapters interesting!
George
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What is your understanding of ethnography? What approaches to research does ethnography encompass? How would you define or describe ethnography?
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Yes, ethnography is a systematic, comprehensive and topic oriented approach using observation and participation or particularly participant observation. I think the concept of ethnography as "thick description" as coined by Clifford Geertz is relevant here. Ethnographers can also study their own societies or communities, which might be more challenging than studying other foreign societies.
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I am looking for research that does not merely defend their choices of method and methodology but also describes and problematises the complexities and troubles in doing empirical work - in the ethnographic tradition of the field of "Science and Technology Studies".
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Marilyn Strathern "Cutting the Network" (article) and Partial Relations (book).
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I have a question about the formulation of hypothesis in an ethnographic research? i read a couple of books and found opposing views. In her discussion of participant-observation method, Schilling Estes (2013) says  that we can "consider what we observe, formulating and reformulating hypotheses, then return back to the community for more focused observations based on our ever more finely tuned hypotheses" (p. 117), whereas Eckert (2000) notes that “Rather than testing hypotheses against predetermined categories, ethnography is, among other things, a search for local categories. Thus while survey fieldwork focuses on filling in a sample, ethnographic fieldwork focuses on finding out what is worth sampling.”.  I am a bit confused which one is more suitable for an ethnographic fieldwork in a sociolinguistic study? to proceed with research questions or to formulate a testable hypothesis right from the scratch?
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Hi,
Actually, there are opposing views in ethnography on this issue. Broadly speaking, If you prefered extended case method, you would start with a theory and go into the field, then go back to the theory to elaborate it. However, if you would prefer gorunded theory, you would enter the field without a specific theory and you would end up with a theory. For extended case method, I suggest you to look at Buroway and for grounded theory , as the previous answer mentioned, Glaser and Strauss.
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In which american newspaper I can publish my study:Sundial of the Big Apple City?
Many newspapers in NY just ignore my proposed note.
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Dear Nurtraev,
If you are looking for an American newspaper to reach Americans, I would just publish it somewhere else and with the impact it may cause, you will surely be read in New York and have some more doors opened. 
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It has been written that Franz Boas -the father of modern anthropology- was critical of Edward Curtis' photographic and ethnographic project for being weak on methodological rigor. Among Boas' vast bibliography and unpublished archives, is there any record of his views on Curtis?
Attaching link to Franz Boas archives at The American Philosophical Society.
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Thank you for your answer Ms. Destro!
You are getting to the heart of the issue. These notions of cultural authenticity and objectivity of a photograph permeated the visual arts and cultural theories through the mid-20th century. Today, in our image-saturated social media reality it is more relevant than ever. I have read accounts of Boas' curmudgeonly attitude towards Curtis, but I have yet to see any primary or even secondary sources that researchers have based this on. David, above, identified the members of Roosevelt's committee to review the case, so we should expect there to be some trace in the presidential archives - I'm in touch with them but might need to make a trip to Washington to see this through. 
What words did Boas use to make his case? How did he talk about objectivity, authenticity, and the problems he saw with including a natural setting in a photograph? How did Boas critique the famously doctored images where Curtis removed modern artifacts (e.g. clock) to further his romanticized portrayal of the American Indians? It is one of the earliest and more significant examples of a modern debate over cultural authenticity, fetishization, appropriation, etc.
I'll continue searching for these sources.
Sincerely, Mr. Ted Strauss (I am not a professor :)
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Strong criticism exists about the approach. What methods, approaches or tools can a researcher engage to reduce the criticism? I am considering including auto-ethnography as a triangulating approach in a future study am looking for strong methodological descriptions of research practice.
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Robert Kull spent a year alone in the Patagonian wilderness and he was the subject of study on his own PhD. This is the article he published in Canadian Geographic:
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I am looking for someone to write with me, or write on their own, about the subject of netnographhy in the context of consumer behaviour. If you are interested then please contact me and we can discuss this.
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Hello Paul. I just joined research topic. Just conducted a research on netnography on tourism industry in my country. I designed with a colleage a model and wrote 3 articles.
One of them already publish and 2 in revison. I am interested hope we can get something now in 2016. 
Best
W. Camilo Sanchez Torres
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I am especially interested in studies on the Ladin community in the Italian Dolomites but also on the Raeto-Romance community in Switzerland. Thank you.
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If you mean Ladins, for example:
POTENTIAL FOR CONFLICTS IN AREAS OF ETHNO-LINGUISTIC MINORITIES OF THE EASTERN ALPS (pdf)
The Effects of Amenity Migration on Ethnic Minorities in the Alps Case Study: the Italian Alps (pdf)
CONTACT MODELS AND INTERGROUP RELATIONS IN AN ITALIAN AREA BORDERING ON AUSTRIA (pdf)
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Officially there are 14 different aboriginal tribes in Taiwan. I am interested in their rite of passage and tattoo traditions. Do you know about any publications or books about it, or archives in Taiwan, where I could go?
I was already in archives in China and Brasil for my book research on the body art history and found every time great information.
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 Dear Bella Volen,
Please see this book:
Aborigines of Taiwan. Outline of ethnic history and traditional culture
Year: 1993
Author of scientific work: Chygrynskiy, Michael Fal'kovich
Academic Degree: Candidate of Historical Sciences
Place thesis defense: St. Petersburg
Code Special WAC: 07.00.07
Best regards,
Nikola Benin
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I am seeking participants for a study who's youngest child has left home in the last 12 months. 
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I think Eliann is correct. You are going to have to performs snowball sampling to find your participants. You might also want to contact people who do research on family communication and aging. There are people at Bloomsbury and Rutgers: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Jennifer_Theiss/publication/271992351_Applying_the_Relational_Turbulence_Model_to_the_Empty-Nest_Transition_Sources_of_Relationship_Change_Relational_Uncertainty_and_Interference_from_Partners/links/54e395bd0cf2b2314f5d988a.pdf
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As we all know that based on their experiences & perceptions of urbanization & trends, western theories contextualize generalization to the the third world cities. there are lot of ambiguity and confusion about it. One of the interesting discussions participated by Prof.Ananya Roy & Solomon Benjamin has illustrated the direct examples to disapprove  to unify the global theory of sub-urbanisation.
Annaya Roy directly disfavored these arguments and suggested these generalization are not the universal ones as they can not spread beyond certain boundaries, hence they are not hegemonic theory. Similarly, Prof.Benjamin suggested that this big terminologies loose its significance to explain the realistic situation at micro level and that too from global south cities.He emphasized upon the ethnographic cases which could directly give the flavor of  that case/ site. 
Definitely, the formulation of theories should come from the empirical understand of the local cases, then it can be validated for similar context featuring homogeneous characteristics in terms of governance, economy and institutional aspects.
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You might like to take a look at a book I'm reading at the moment: 'Confronting Suburbanization: Urban Decentralization in Postsocialist Central and Eastern Europe'. It is edited by Kiril Stanilov and Ludek Sykora (2014, John Wiley and Sons, Chichester) who have a broad and simple (but not simplistic) definition of the characteristics of suburbanization globally as well as regionally and contrast urbanisation and suburbanisation in socialist countries before the turn to capitalism. This might give you a new perspective on the breadth of literature in this field so, hopefully, you can align yourself with some whose approach you have sympathies with as well as making critiques.
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At present, my doctoral is a purely ethnographic study. In criminology, many such studies have been published as books (e.g. the works of Elijah Anderson, Dick Hobbs, Coretta Phillips). However, as regards academic papers/theses, even ethnographic studies seem to all have a component of stand-alone analysis: e.g. content analysis, discourse analyis, using NVivo or other such programs. In short, I'm trying to ask the following: if a thesis aims to purely be an ethnographic study,  what explicit modes of analysis must be used (if at all)? And does this have to include computer-programs for data analysis? 
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Although grounded theory is now heavily identified with interviewing, all of the original studies by Glaser and Strauss (e.g., Time for Dying, Awareness of Dying, etc.) used what a sociologist would call participant observation, which is pretty close to what others would call ethnography.
From an ethnographic perspective, the most important component of grounded theory would probably be "theoretical sampling," where you use field notes and memos to keep track of your emerging theoretical insights, and then select further further types of observations (or interviews), based on what would do the most to advance your current insights.
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How can we measure the impact of out-of-school intervention among school children?
The aspects covered are - communication skill, leadership, extra-curricular activities, sports, art and culture. They are organized into Children's club in the villages. 
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In my opinion, longitudinal qualitative studies have more value in this area than quantitative studies. I feel this way because qualitative studies can identify the perceived effect as experienced by the subject in their own words. This data can then be compared to social and economic measures already being gathered by other researchers (both governmental and NGOs) to form a more complete picture of the human experience--the more complete the picture, the less vulnerable the data will be to agenda driven misuse by the media and politicians.  I'm aware this is restating some of the opinions above, I just wanted to add a little "why" to the answer in plain language.
Thanks,
A.B.
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Reality check shows that policy makers never read the communication from the citizens. In fact, under this New Public Management, they treat the citizens as customers. Therefore, when the citizen's request help, they always send them to the customer service agents or other "John Doe." Policy works are contracted out to the think tank groups that have connections with the politicians. If you want to close the gap between policy makers and the citizens: 
First, they have to treat the citizens as citizens, not customers.
Second, policy works should not be contracted out to the private parties or the think tank groups. The quality of the policy work done by these groups is questionable, tend to be one sided and short-minded.
Third, the policy makers should be the doers of the tasks, not simply giving out policy ideas orally then argue and debate in the chamber.
Fourth, but the most important is the policy makers must go through special training for policy work. They do not have the intellectual training for policy work and do not have job descriptions. They also do not have training about the government, its roles and functions. In order to close the gap, they must go through the development process and learn about the government and its roles and functions.
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I want to create a rich description of the experiences of adolescents with Type 1 Diabetes, and then use this to create designs that address adolescents' adherence to their treatment regimens.
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I agree that the diary method will be most appropriate if you are not present. if you are able to make an initial visit to the setting to familiarize yourself and make the observations it would give some credibility to the diary recordings.
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He was an important investigator in the theory and methods of culture studies. When I began my own studies in ethnomedicine in Finland in 1981, I learned to know him. Living in Turku, he gave me advice at our yearly meetings until 1990's. Studying now musicology in Turku, I am again reading his articles about the practice and theory of ethnographic fieldwork.
I would be interested to know how you see his scientific impact at the moment ?
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Piret, thank you. I see Lauri Honko as a specialist in folk narrative and belief systems and their typologies. Because I am myself more interested about field study and material analysis methods, his approaches - although so thoroughly thought and presented - are some far from my own focus area. He encouraged me especially during the first years of my study in the 1980's. I respected him but never got very close to him. - By the way, here at the Turku University, his old "castle", Fennicum, is not anymore the place for Turku folklorists. They have moved to an other building nearby.  
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I understand that in anthropology, doing ethnographic fieldwork on a particular tribe requires permission from the authorities of that tribe since not every single member would be given a consent form to sign for study. However, I still fail to understand how ethical enough that is anyway to just enter into a society and only ask for permission from the authorities who decide on the whole society's behalf. I just wonder if asking authorities for permission gives enough right to enter a society and study the people for your own purposes.
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I read something long ago by Mary Douglas--I can't remember what it was, so what follows can't be an exact quote.  But her words were to the effect that we can't control naive adventurism by people not trained in ethnographic theory, methods, or technique (who--although I don't remember her saying so--will also conduct ethnographic fieldwork blissfully unaware of fieldwork ethics).  
Even the most well-schooled ethnographic researchers--in this case I'm thinking of anthropologists and folklorists--must struggle with their own biases without even knowing what those are, protected only by the knowledge that if we have biases (and we tend to think we don't) we'd be the last to know (which is what the word "bias" is named after).  
Despite all the restrictions of IRB controls, we remain ever vulnerable to bias, or prejudice, and knowing as much remains our only real protection against it.  How much more vulnerable is a fellow academic who conducts ethnographic research with no training at all in ethnography or ethnographic fieldwork?  
Of all possible biases, agenda-driven research may be the most troublesome, because it can emerge among the best educated in every discipline.  When all is said and done, IRB standards become irrelevant at the point where agenda-driven biases produce distorted conclusions drawn from accurate data that was arrived at in the most pristine way--no matter what the discipline. 
I am a folklorist; the worst offenders in my research experience have been lofty, agenda-driven academics unschooled in my specialty; indistinguishable from the naifs who also worried Mary Douglas--eagerly "malpracticing" ethnography (for lack of a better word), with no training in that specialty, and apparently blind or indifferent to the consequences of their findings--findings which are given (and often received) as ethnographic scholarship, rarely publicly recognized as the prejudicial material that ethnographic dilettantism almost inevitably produces.  
Allport's classic, "The Nature of Prejudice," described the difference between ordinary misconceptions, and bias, or prejudice.  He said that prejudice, unlike a simple misconception, is actively resistant to evidence that would unseat it.  Thus one can discuss and rectify misconceptions "without emotional resistance."  That means, being challenged for a misconception is going to send anyone seeking accuracy back to the drawing board.  But those with agendas more valued than accuracy will instead react emotionally, defending demonstrably unfounded views--since there is no scholarly argument to defend them--by personal attacks on the challenger.  These are all the more maddening because part of the dilettante syndrome is to project one's own personal failings onto the perceived enemy.  No one--no scholar or anyone else--should ever have to endure that, but how can we prevent it, both in the field, and and in print?  Is ethnographic dilettantism--as Mary Douglas said--something we can do nothing about?
In my ongoing research on use of disease as a (demonstrably unfounded) Jewish ethnic marker among New Mexican Hispanics, add to the usual ethnographically untrained suspects a number lofty genomic scientists who have jumped on the bandwagon, similarly motivated by unstated agendas more valued than accuracy, and clearly sacrificing good discipline on that altar.  But it takes a long time for journals to publish my work, and I'm grossly outnumbered, which renders me wounded--probably in more ways than I know--from years of attacks on my integrity, and which renders me almost ineffective against the socially negative consequences of pseudo-ethnography, now combined with agenda-driven genomics, in New Mexico.
My discipline has always been inclusive of all interested voices, and unhappy with the idea of exclusion based on academic specialty.  But medicine isn't so squeamish--you don't get to practice medicine without the proper credentials.  And with good reason.  In terms of maintaining academic standards in ethnographic research, and protecting vulnerable populations from the toxic fallout of naive ethnographic adventurism, maybe we should demand that when material dealing with ethnic identity is submitted--regardless from what discipline--ethnographic specialists with no dog in the race be included among reviewers for any academic journal,, and university press, that doesn't specialize in ethnographic research.  It would be ideal to set that standard in the popular press and news media, as well.
Its not a foolproof guarantee by any means; despite all efforts to control it, malpractice still occurs in medicine.  But it might give the public a way to distinguish between ethnographic scholarship and ethnographic dilettantism, helping protect the integrity of ethnographic disciplines, and disciplined ethnographic research.
Judith Neulander, co-director Judaic Studies, Case Western Reserve University
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I have been supervising a research project where several cultural brokers/intermediaries (with a personal background in migration) were hired as interviewers for a study on needs among recently arrived migrants. They were mainly hired because of their language skills and own experience. This brings up very specific ethical and methodological issues. So I was wondering if anyone has worked on a similar project or can suggest further readings on this topic. Thanks in advance!
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Here's another one:
Hanssen, I. & Alpers, L. (2010). Interpreters in Intercultural Health Care Settings: Health professionals’ and professional interpreters’ cultural knowledge, and their reciprocal perception and collaboration. Journal of Intercultural Communication, 23. http://www.immi.se/intercultural/nr23/hanssen.htm
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For a methodology paper, I'm looking for authors that have written about the outline/criteria/structure of a good ethnographic text. So I'm interested in literature on the product of ethnographic research and how it should look like.
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Andrew, I guess you checked Handbook of quali research by Denzin and Lincoln (eds.) where you will find Atkinson and Hammersley on ethnography and partip obs, answelm strauss and corbin on grounded theory methodology an overview, peter reason on three approahces to participative inquiry etc.
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I'm in the process of writing a thesis looking at the construction of infertile selves through talk in doctor-patient encounters, looking at the ways infertile couples create, transform and resist culturally available discourses in the process of constructing their various identities. Has anyone come across a similar topic or piece of research, or could suggest a framework for analysis that would take into account the different variables my topic suggests?
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Have a look in the journal of discourse & society. Also Margaret Wetherell's edited collection on identities research as part of her work at The Open University (uk). I would also reiterate Michael's recommended reading.
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I am looking for fieldwork conducted in northern Kenya, which describes typical patterns of herd management in concordance with seasonal variations in rainfall and the spatial distribution of relevant features such as wells, dry season grazing areas etc. Moreover I would like to know if there are significant differences between regions (for example between Turkana County and Marsabit County). Any suggestions?
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Regarding Turkana District you can ask me! I was Divisional Veterinary Officer from 81 to 89.
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As an archaeologist I work with several typologies. Although I obviously accept the notion that there are types in artefacts, I also assume there is also a lot of variation due to local preferences, personal preferences and sometimes maybe even due to the fact that the creator is not much of a craftsman. For example: when you have a house plan that is built over and over again every 5 years- is this a new type, a new way of building houses, or is this a farmer that is just not very good at building houses? I would like to know a bit more about (the degree of) variation in pre-modern cultures and I think ethnography would the field of research to look for that. Can somebody help me with some good articles that handle this subject?
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Although you mention you accept that "types" of artifacts exist, our ability to identify meaningful variation is subject to some interesting vagaries of tool or other artifact use and the nature of the archaeological record. Most approaches to technology and its organization depend on two potential views about artifacts. The most common assumes that archaeological artifacts are best viewed as remains from the living system as experienced by people in the past, and assumes we already have many of the analytic tools to compare their similarity or differences in form and material. Another view is they are primarily archaeological artifacts with associations as debris and long-term systemic use. The Wiessner article mentioned in a previous answer explores important views of what may vary in a !Kung tool assemblage, but the argument is less often used to dismiss reliance on "style" as a relevant concept for many artifacts. Binford's Nunamuit articles discuss "curated", "expedient", situational", and "personal" as use categories of task dynamics that have subsequently been turned into static classification. Lithic analysts especially feel that curated or expedient use are qualities that can be consistently identified from degree of knapping investment, shape, or raw materials. The Nunamuit ethnoarchaeology of technology was not comparisons between artifacts of similar use, raw material, or other criteria common to archaeological analyses. Nunamuit groupings of use cut across all those variables we feel we can measure. My ethnoarchaeological work with forages in Venezuela showed that bows and arrows are the most flexible tools (especially bows) in terms of their various different use roles on hunting trips. This is true despite design as a specific kind of implement. In contrast, knives and machetes were monofuncitonal in their roles on individual hunting, fishing or root collection trips, despite being designed as multipurpose tools (see attached article). Those design characteristics would only be visible at a deeper temporal scale. Bows and arrows have few in-camp or other uses outside hunting and fishing. Knives and machetes have multiple roles on other kinds of mobile trips and on many in-camp activities. Design in this case is seen at a deep temporal scale of observation, not in terms of use roles on particular hunting and gathering trips. I think use dynamics is our most underdeveloped direction in artifact analyses. Studying "variation" in tool form would have to first assume we understood tool roles and relevant variation and its implications for the variable technological systems used by past people in many different kinds f environments.
Binford, Lewis R.
1977 Forty-seven trips: a case study in the character of archaeological formation processes. In Stone Tools as Cultural Markers, edited by R. V. S. Wright, pp. 24-36. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.
1979 Organization and formation processes: looking at curated technologies. Journal of Anthropological Research 35 (3):255-273.
1984 An Alyawara day: flour, spinifex gum and shifting perspectives. Journal of Anthropological Research 40 (1):157-182.
1986 An Alyawara day: making men's knives and beyond. American Antiquity 51 (3):547-562.
Binford, Lewis R. and James F. O'Connell
1984 An Alyawara day: the stone quarry. Journal of Anthropological Research 40 (3):406-432.
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I am interested specifically in Maharashtra but also in India overall. Specifically I want to learn about patterns of farming, agricultural practices and crop types as they relate to farmer well-being, income and livelihoods (also interested in suicide rates). I am also seeking to understand more about their trade routes, import/ export, farmers access to markets etc.
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You will find lots of information at website http://asianagrihistory.org/ and in the journal of this society
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I am doing a research about generation relationships in family farms during the generation change process using life course/life span method. Interested to find similar research if there is any.
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You're welcome.
Good luck with your research.
M
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I don't want to transcribe the interviews (at least no more than isolated passages). However, I want to listen and re-listen to them over and over again, so I can extract what I am looking for. In doing this, the feature of marking and tagging specific passages would be of great use (that's why ordinary audio players are not useful).
For example, as I am listening, I mark the time when the interviewee started talking about a specific subject of interest; then I can tag this moment, write some notes about it, etc. By doing this, it would be much easier to go back to each specific passage and then listen to only specific parts, instead of search through all the audio.
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ELAN works well for what you describe (and is free). You can listen to your file and select any segment to annotate with notes or transcription. You can display your annotations in a text window and clicking any segment will bring you to the exact place in the media (audio and/or video). You can expand your coding tiers as you expand your analysis. http://tla.mpi.nl/tools/tla-tools/elan/download/