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I'm doing research on the performance efficiency of different oil companies in the world. It has come to my attention that many scholars use DEA Analysis to measure it. However, it is not clear which variable should be treated as an output or input, for instance, should revenue be considered an output? How about oil reserves? Choosing the wrong variable alters the results.
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DEA is taken as Drug Enforcement Agency, USA . The following inputs and outputs variables should be considered.
• Input would be circulating capital, Investment, labor, selling cost, expense, and energy consumption.
• Output would be revenue, monetary income, profit and net value of output value
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I am looking for data on solar levelized cost of energy. I have US data. I am looking for Europe from 2009-2014. Is there anything available on the public domain? Most of the IEA/IRENA reports seem to be reporting for just one year or two. I am looking for trend data.
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Dear all,
I have a question of how to interpret my results:
I am estimating the effect of a set of determinants on the share of renewables in a countries energy supply (dependent variable).
I have a set of explanatory variable (GDP, commodity prices, energy dependence, public policies supporting renewables etc.). I use the natural logarithm of both dependent and independent variables. I do not take logs of dummy variables (for example Kyoto Protocol). However, the interpretation of the public policies supporting renewables variable is difficult because I constructed the variable following two different approaches:
First approach: Dummy variable (taking on the value 1 if a country has 10 or more policies in the given year)
Second approach: Equal-weighted policy index. If, for instance a policy comes into force in a respective country in 1993, then the policy index will equal to one in 1993, if an additional policy is introduced in 1995, the policy index variable will equal to two in 1995 and so on.
How are results interpreted for the second approach?
Best, Teresa
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For example, PNG is a dedicated medium of the transport of natural gas based on already agreed upon import volumes, price mechanisms and long-term contractual arrangements among the supplier, transit and importer countries. However, LNG needs to be transported through marine ships and can be subject to many insecurities and uncertainties like pirate attacks, geopolitics. 
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For PNG, a pipeline will tie both the seller and the buyer closely together as each comes to rely on the other as a source of supply/demand. Obviously it's very difficult for either party to just dig up the pipeline and buy/sell gas from/to somewhere else! Depending on the extent of that reliance (does the buyer have other ways to import gas, and does the seller have pipelines to other markets?) it's easy to see how market power incentives can emerge, and/or how geopolitical instability can lead to this buyer-seller relationship becoming strained/abused. Essentially pipeline imports don't really leave either side with much optionality.
For LNG, the scope for this kind of reliance on a single region/actor seems less clear cut. Even if a buyer has a contract to import and the counterparty fails to deliver, in principle the buyer can still source LNG cargoes from elsewhere in the global market and bring them in through the same import terminal. The amount of global LNG supply is increasing rapidly as well, and many of the new entrants (Australia, USA) are what could reasonably be determined to be countries with much lower counterparty/geopolitical risk.
So I would say that actually from an energy security perspective LNG is increasingly just as secure if not more secure than PNG, because of this optionality component. Japan, for instance, is entirely reliant on LNG imports, and yet it has not experienced supply problems. The flipside to this optionality aspect of LNG is that it probably has less price security than PNG, as evidenced by the very high prices Japan paid to secure it's LNG post-Fukishima.
For PNG, as others have said its energy security is heavily dependent on the stability/geopolitics of the counterparties and any transit zones. Where this is in doubt (eg Russia, Ukraine and Eastern Europe in 2009) then PNG is probably less secure and prices are more volatile than for LNG. Where there is confidence PNG gas will come (eg Norway to Northern Europe or Canada to US) then PNG is probably more secure and prices are less volatile than for LNG.
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The following factors had a strong influence on development of the competitive natural gas market: economic crisis an recession, Russia-Ukraine gas crises in 2008/2009 and 2014... as well as tight connection between oil and natural gas markets in determining natural gas prices. 
Previous low prices and possibility of natural gas supply from the abundant sources located relatively close to the consumption area are no longer available. Due to more difficult conditions in force during the last years, the security of natural gas supply has become the central issue of the energy politics ...
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Darko, I agree with your point of view that diversification of sources of supply is good alternative to reduce the EU dependency from the gas supply from Russia and the security of gas supply is the central issue of the EU energy politics
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The four BRICS countries currently account for 40 Percent population and population is one of main determining factors of energy use. Russia faces a decrease in population...
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Dear Vivek,
Just curiosity ! Is it not BRICS an acronym for Brasil, Russia, India, China and South Africa which is a union of five (not four) countries, If I am not mistaken? 
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In Europe, the EU Commission and Parliament have in their recast of the Directive on Energy Performance of Building made "near zero energy buildings" the future target for the EU.
In their national definition of "near zero energy buildings" the Member State should reflect the national, regional or local conditions, and include a numeric indicator of primary energy use expressed in kWh/m2 per year.
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Minergy is a private company partly owned by swiss states (cantons). Therefore, Minergy has some influence on the regulations. The official regulations only limit the heating requirements to about 15 kWh/m² gross heated floor area (the limit depends on building type and local climate), while the Minergy basic standard limits the energy for heating, cooling, ventilation and hot water to 38 kWh/m². There are no official regulations about other needs, but the Swiss Society of Architects and Engineers, which drafts all building standards, proposes a reference value at about 140 kWh/m² primary energy for all building needs. Once again, the limit depends on the building type. This reference values is used for the building energy certificate according to EN 15217, and corresponds to the top of class B. Class A buildings ¨(that are not considered as NearZEBs) should not use more than half of this.
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I am going to run an open discussion session in my Department which will discuss the above question. I often wonder when scientists do provide some aspects of good news with respect to climate change how this could be utilised by politicians. One example is that politicians may use this to relax meeting emissions targets. Obviously in this example relaxing emission targets is something that should not happen but how much responsibility and care should scientists take in this kind of case? I am interested to know people's thoughts on this, or other considerations to highlight which I can bring into our discussion.
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As a scientist, you should be objective at all times and simply present the results as they are. I would never advise anyone to put their own 'spin' on the results of a dataset in the hope of swaying opinion in one direction or another. Impartiality is a cornerstone of good scientific practice and must remain so, especially in a field as controversial as climate science. Part of the reason why climate scientists are losing credibility is because some have crossed the line of impartiality.