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Election Studies - Science topic

Interest in election studies, voting behavior, party competition, campaign and media
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My POTUS takes:
I think Joe Biden will be the kindest to Palestinians, out of our current options. I think Trump is and will continue as a Zionist. I predict all the other candidates will probably lose.
Sources:
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Your rhetoric is measured as single digit micrometers. I've read many of your unpublished, self conscious BS sheets that serve almost exclusively as your references.
Think you'd most enjoy debating your shallow self.
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Modern politics is characterized by many aspects which were not associated with traditional politics. Big data is one of them. Data mining is being done by political parties as they seek help from data scientists to arrive at various patterns to identify behavior of voters. Question is, what are the various ways in which big data is being used by modern political parties and leaders?
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Big Data platforms allow government agencies to access large volumes of information that are essential for their daily operations. With real-time access, governments can identify areas that require attention, make better and more timely judgments about how to proceed, and enact the necessary changes.
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For a paper, I am looking at how political dynasties in India have allowed for Uttar Pradesh to produce much more female MPs in the Lok Sabha when compared to Kerala. It is counterintuitive as we would expect a more developed place like Kerala to have more female MPs. The only explanation that comes to my mind is that political dynasties allow women (who have husbands, fathers, or brothers that were MPs) to be selected as they already have some political fame in their surnames. I was wondering if there could be any other explanations for why Uttar Pradesh produces more women MPs than Kerala?
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Political dynasties could be a factor, but without analyzing the family background of all current MPs from Uttar Pradesh and Kerala it would be difficult to arrive at a definite conclusion. Other factors are relevant- for instance, how many women were given tickets to contest elections in both the states, campaign strategies, funding. Also, the pattern is vastly different in the context of regional politics in both states. In my opinion, the overwhelming success of the BJP in the 2019 general election is an important factor for more women representatives from UP in the Parliament.
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Once the campaigning is over, the election is done and results are out, one of the competing parties goes on to win the election. Question is, whether the governance of the incumbent could be seen as an extension of their campaigning carried out during the election and if it is indeed the case then what about the party which loses the election? 
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Yes, the way one governance, particularly in African countries are largely based on their manifesto which they had promised to implement if elected. Since most of them want second term, they will always ensure that they fulfil on their pre-election pledges.
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As an electoral geographer I often present various electoral maps. I would like to create some contiguous cartograms in ArcGIS software but I have problems to find any geoprocessing tool that will work. If you have any advice for me I would be very greatful.
Thank you for your answers.
Best regards,
Radek
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Hello. I am writing a research paper on municipal elections in Saint Petersburg. The recent elections of 2019, according to observers, were held with a large number of violations. In my work, I try to check this. But I have some questions. If I understand correctly, the elections are held using the “Multiple non-transferable vote”/Block Vote system. In other words, the voter can choose up to five candidates from the entire list, and the winners are those who received the highest number of votes in all precincts. Are there any countries with such a voting system, and open data about elections? For example, in Russia, it is possible to view data on each specific polling station where elections were held, for example, how many votes were cast for candidates, how many ballots were issued, etc. Could you recommend literature specifically about this voting system?
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In Croatia you can have one preferential vote from the list. Although ot seems not significant we had a last person on the list being elected for EU Parliament due to preferental votes.
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Modern politics has witnessed the anvil of the dual concepts of political branding and political marketing which have played crucial roles in such political events like elections, specifically, the campaigning aspect of it. Question is, how they differ from each other? The difference ought to be highlighted with regard to the practical implications arising out of the two and not merely the theoretical one.
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Sigge Winther Nielsen (2016) defines the political brand as “Political representations situated in a pattern, which can be identified and differentiated from other political representations” (p. 71). Over time, the electorate attaches certain meanings to the names and electoral symbols of political parties, which allows them to differentiate and vote from one party to another in elections (Smith & French, 2009, p. 211).
The brand concept is a powerful and attractive tool for understanding political images. According to Margaret Scammell (2014), branding has the potential to unify the rational and emotional aspects of political behavior. The beauty of the brand (brand concept), says Scammell (2014) is “broad and inclusive; brings together the rational and the seemingly irrational, the hard and soft elements of voter choice, the important dimensions of political reputation and the seemingly trivial details of the appearance and tone of voice. In short, the brand concept is attractive because it has the potential to bring together perspectives from political science, economics-based approaches to political marketing and cultural analysis of modern politics”(p. 8). According to Gareth Smith and Alan French (2009), political brands can be understood as a complex with three distinct elements: “the party as a brand; the politician as his tangible characteristics; and politics as basic service offerings”(p. 212).
  1. Nielsen, S.W. (2016). Measuring political brands: An art and a science of mappingthe mind. Journal of Political Marketing, 15(1): 70-95. DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2014.959682.
  2. Scammell, M. (2014b). Politics and Image: The conceptual value of branding.Journal of Political Marketing, 14(1-2): 7-18.
  3. Smith, G., & French, A. (2009). The political brand: A consumer perspective. Marketing Theory, 9(2): 209-226. DOI: 10.1177/1470593109103068.
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Political branding has been a phenomenon which has come to characterize the campaigning associated with an election in modern politics. Question is, apart from an election, where else does the concept of political branding find traction in the scheme of a political party and/or leader?
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La marca política si se extiende hoy día más allá de las elecciones, en la comunicación de Gobierno por ejemplo la marca política se usa como parte de la "campaña permanente". Además un fenómeno interesante que estudio como parte de mi doctorado es cómo la marca del líder político se utiliza hoy (al menos en Latinoamérica) de la mano de las Marcas País o Nación. De esta manera el valor de marca es reconocido desde el uso político y se disfraza tras marcas nacionales que tienen mayor relevancia, circulación mediática y trascendencia.
Le paso un artículo que traté al respecto por si le sirve alguna referencia.
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It has been widely felt by those dealing with the affairs of Britain and USA that the two most prominent events of last year, namely, Brexit and the USA Presidential Election has resulted in much alienation on the part of these two major economies thereby creating an image which is of being less friendly to the outer world. Question is, the present trend is here to stay or would it give way to a better situation in future?
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The history is ideological weapon! As shows history they are always in the same boat.
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The social media is abuzz with a lot of action these days what with every organization worth its salt making its presence felt on social media. Question is, is the time ripe to claim that social media could very well help in gauging how effective the performance of a particular organization is? And could the same parameters be applied to political parties and leaders? Asking so because of late, social media has come to play an increasingly significant role in the build-up to the election during the campaigning phase.
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Yes, actually social media activities are also frequently used in political marketing practices. For example, Obama is one of the presidents who benefited most from this concept. During the campaign process, the on-line question and answer sections on the voters with Facebook made it possible for the voters to receive immediate answers to their questions, while the leader also identified the voter problems through face-to-face interviews and contributed to the effectiveness and efficiency of the promotion and advertising activities.
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What is your view in terms of manipulation of results and other factors when comparing electronic voting systems vs manual balloting?
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Electronic voting - reduce time, but problem with reliability. Manual voting - slow speed, high reliability. Maybe India's experience using this EVM can be used to consider this method.
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Hello, I am currently doing research on Australian elections, using Australian Election Study datasets from 1990, 1998, 2004, 2010 and 2016. I've run a multinomial logit regression on each of them, with the DV of vote (Coalition, Labor, Greens parties), and the main IVs of religion, education level, parental vote and generation.
What elements of my coefficients do I need for accurate comparisons of these variables across time? There are a lot of significant P values, but are there acceptable differences between standard errors and that kind of stuff?
I'm also happy to post some regression outputs if that will help answer the question. Thanks!
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unable to view it after downloading
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There are many theories and studies in the domain of political branding which delve in the psychology of the voters. Question is, who could one quantify the effect of political branding with regard to helping the voters behave rationally in an election?
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It is a well-known fact that the religious beliefs of voters are their personal choices. However, when it comes to voting in an election, the same plays a crucial role in the formation of opinion on the part of the voters and the political parties and leaders make a concerted attempt to influence them on the basis of their religious beliefs. Question is, how effective are the religious beliefs of voters with regard to their making election-related choices?
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According to ancient texts, there are three types of fire: fire in the forest, fire in loins, and fire in the stomach. The whole world perpetually goes around all the time for only one kind of fire: the fire in the stomach.
Are Dalits Hindu? Do they vote for non-Dalit Hindus? They and many other sects of hinduism divide the Hindu vote with consequence.
There is a single policy adopted by all National and regional parties in India as a fail-safe measure: appeasement of the minorities, regardless of the religion, to quench the raging stomach-fire of opportunity for the minorities, including its creamy layers, through reservations.
Let me tell you how nations rot with reservations not in my words but the words of Nelson Mandela: "Destroying any nation does not require the use of atomic bombs or the use of long range missiles. It only requires lowering the quality of education and cheating in the examinations by the students"-displayed at the entrance of the University of South Africa.
Indians and Indian polity preach all over the world but never care to learn anything from the world, and like other peoples, never choose to be eclectic.
Modern India is in iron-grip of a tornado that is creating an unimaginably traumatising downward spiral. Nothing of this has anything to do with religion.
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There have been many proponents of the concept of political branding which is basically an amalgamation of the dual concepts of politics and branding. Question is, what all activities and events as practiced and performed by the political parties and leaders would qualify to be considered under the concept of political branding? Asking this question so as to understand how well the concept of political branding could be understood in terms of these of activities.
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For some scholars, political branding is the lens by which all the communications pass (look to Marland (2016, etc)). Or Needham (2005) proposes that a party who forms the government can use those resources to reinforce his own brand. We can imagine how policies can become a way to reinforce a certain element of the brand of the party.
So in a way, I would say that every activities of a party/government has the potentiel to reinforce a brand or modify it, whenever the party does it consciously or not.
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Of late, social media platforms like Facebook is seen as an indicator of voting behavior as well as used for extensive campaigning. However, a considerable number of it is below 18 years, the legal age to vote in countries like India. According to a report published in 2014, almost 11% or 10 million of the users at that point of time were below 18 years of age. Question is, in such a scenario, how prudent it is to consider it as a valid measure to gauge voting behavior?
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If there was some way to conveniently eliminate the 11% of underage users, then I think you could run some sort of tests to obtain a random sample from the remaining 89% which would be indicative of future voting behavior.
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Modern politics has been witness to aloofness on the part of the voters when it comes to voting on the D-Day as has been highlighted in the works of many thinkers as well as the data corresponding to the elections. This is particularly true for western democracies like USA and France which went to polls recently. The downturn in the voter turnout has been discussed at length by many experts. Question is, what all reasons could be behind it?
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One reason is the belief that the various political parties are so controlled by special interests that, regardless of who wins, real social change will never be accomplished. I take the failure of the US Congress to implement single-payer, universal health care as a case in point. Research consistently shows that such a system works best. So how else, apart from politicians receiving large sums of money from corporations that would take a financial hit if single-payer health care were implemented, does one explain the reluctance by many Democrats and virtually all Republicans to adopt this model? 
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The present question can be viewed in two parts, namely, the influence which religion has on the outcome of an election and the bearing which it has on the economic progression made by a country. Asking so because as per some recent studies, atheism has been associated with economic progression in some of the developed nations. Moreover, it was brought to the limelight that in countries like USA, people are increasing shunning religious beliefs thus highlighting that indeed religion and economy could very well be two sides of the coin or are they? This needs to be viewed for such countries like India, one of the most religious countries (more than 90% of the population believes in it) as well as China, one of the least religious nations (almost 70% of the population doesn't believe in any religion).
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I would agree with most of the comments above, but include the examples of Sri Lanka and Indonesia. In the 2015 election, violence erupted between two hardline Buddhist groups, the BBS and the JHU, who split their support between Rajapaksa and Sirisena. Nationalist groups make up a small percentage of the electorate, but did have an impact on a rather surprise result. In Indonesia, the recent gubernatorial election highlighted religious differences between the incumbent ethnic Chinese Christian and his Muslim challenger.
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It is a known fact that in a democratic set-up how do voters exercise their franchise to vote goes a long way with regard to how accountable the next government is going to be. In fact, the progress of a democracy is very much dependent on the right choices being made by the voters during the course of an election. In this regard, it becomes pertinent to dwell upon the various reasons which enable a voter to vote judiciously. The question is, what all factors enable a voter to vote in a rational manner during an election? This needs to be explored particularly in the case of such democracies like India which is not as much evolved (on the virtue of being relatively new) as compared to say the USA or Britain.
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The first premise of accountable voters is an educated populace-- not necessarily through formal education exclusively (although literacy is very important) but through communication of policy platforms and ideas in a clear and precise manner. If voters have been misled, or misunderstand, they may not vote consistently with their interests.
Obviously, however, there is some incentive for political parties to mislead their voters. They will use emotional or social appeals to push beyond rational voting behaviour and into tribal behaviour: associating their party with ideas like "goodness," "righteousness," or "family." They may also do the opposite, making voters associate their opponents with emotionally negative ideas.
Arguably, the best way for voters to be informed is for a functionally neutral source to report on the platforms of the parties. This should be delivered in clear, accessible, easy-to-understand language, probably not more advanced than the primary school level. 
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Economic and political activities are the two most important aspects as far as the affairs of a nation are concerned. Question is, how much interdependence these two have on the other, especially the economic activities on the political ones? Asking so because there are many instances when the economic decisions taken by the incumbent prove to be its doing or undoing in the bid for reelection. The success alleged by the incumbent or the failure as pointed out by the opposition on the economic front play major role in such a scenario.
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Whether politics influence economic condition of a nation reminds me to the traditional chicken or egg problem. Politics is about power and economics is about wealth. So what can you do with power in a bankrupt economy? Nothing, except autarchic politics, whereas the appliance of power towards the right politics helps to create a wealthy economy, which again helps to sustain and or increase power. So in a free world, politics become to be the art of the possible, which is such a skill that, according to the measure (power/politics) of the possible, knows what its wants (economy) and wants, what it can do (politics).
Enter your answer
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There are studies which highlight the role played by emotions and culture with regard to highlighting the voting preferences of voters. The question how does one measure the same, that is, quantifies them?
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Dear Amit,
I think you can analyse two cases from area you research: Poland and USA. I think that the problem you investigate happened in those two contries during last governmental and president elections. Try to compare the features of cultures, accompanying emotions and the usage of social media.
All the best!
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My just-concluded doctoral work featured the topic of political branding, a concept which is much popular in western democracies and has been extensively used in the advanced democracies like USA. I couldn't help but notice the differences, as well as the similarities which exist between the two nations as far as the notion of having a democratically elected government and the style of governance, is concerned (Presidential vs Prime Ministerial). This made me think about all the characteristics which these two democracies exhibit.
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Okay. I stand corrected on that regard. However, my question still is how similar or different are the two democracies with regard to their respective political setups apart from the Presidential system in USA and Prime Ministerialship in India.
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Proportional representation (PR) characterizeselectoral systems by which divisions in an electorate are reflected proportionately in the elected body. If n% of the electorate support a particular political party, then roughly n% of seats will be won by that party.
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This is about 10 years old, and not updated, but it can be a good starting point for your research.
Especially the sources indicated at the end.
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There are countries which provide for women special seats to join the parliament. 
This group of women, normally join the parliament through special criteria. They do not have constituency. Kindly help in identifying such countries. Thank you.
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Respected colleagues I want to identify the relationship of {transparency and social protection} but I did not find any related research which have shown or suggested the relationship of these two variables or future research. I just want to know can I use these variables or I have to find first the research paper and have to identify the reference…… waiting of your kind response, Thanks in advance
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No, it is not necessary. Have confidence in yourself, go ahead and do not forget; a better work, first, in terms of innovation, deserves a better journal.
Regards 
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I have survey data for which there are non-representative distributions of political ideology. I want to make some comparisons between ideological groups, and need more representative numbers. What is the best way to go about doing this? Can I, for instance, use stratified random sampling on the cases I already have for the over represented group?
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If you create a weight that corrects the whole dataset for it to be more representative, you should be able to use other variables in the analyses as well. Be careful with weighting in SPSS though, as it is less flexible in which types of weights you can use (frequency weight, probability weight,...) than other softwares such as Stata.
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how to relate statistically economic growth and political instability
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hmmmm i alsoo try to some model to run this
 but let seee 
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I am doing a research paper on history of presidential elections and my professor suggested I gather information using this resource.
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Or is it possible to teach about and for citizenship education without referencing elections? A major motivation for, and backdrop to, citizenship education would appear to be the need for greater participation in normative, representative-based elections and voting. The argument is that young people do not vote in great numbers, and that they should engage more in "democracy". However, within my own research on education for democracy, I have found that the over-emphasis on focusing on voting, elections, and electoral processes can have the adverse affect of creating a disengagement from the core of citizenship in relation to democracy. Thus, I am interested to know how colleagues address questions of power relations, participation, social justice, solidarity, peace, political and media literacy, etc., all of which I would include within the rubric of thicker and more meaningful democracy, especially within the educational context, without reverting to the normative, mainstream (generally uncritical) focus on elections. Of course, I fully accept that voting and elections could be a part of the equation, especially if this involved alternative visions, critical engagement, and a full problematization of the meaning of such elections (are they even democratic, for example?). Lastly, during my decade-long research project with teacher-education students with samples in a number of countries, when discussing democracy the almost universal response was that they experienced themselves a limited, uncritical focus on just voting and elections to the behest of the more robust and messy nature of democracy in all of its dimensions.
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Hi Paul,
These are interesting questions that seem to indicate with a fair degree of precision the limitations of a liberal political imaginary that holds sway over teacher education and educational theory. I think that citizenship or civic education can proceed without referencing, or even privileging, elections or a strictly electoral conceptualization of politics. If anything, I would say it's crucial for critical approaches. That's not to say, like you mention, that elections are not an integral issue in contemporary political problems. Obviously the current status of the U.S. presidential election make this clear. But what is more intriguing, I think, is challenging the centrality of the electoral imaginary in mainstream liberal democratic thought. The relationship between elections and citizenship education should, at least in many contexts, bring up quite quickly how liberalism tends to hinge on binaries of inclusion and exclusion, and thus forefronts politics of recognition or fulfillment rather than more transfigurative or revolutionary modes of politics.
A question that your own sparks for me is: what might political education or even a problematized democratic education look like outside of the normative liberal scope of citizenship education. I'm sure that citizenship education, in some corners (perhaps your own), has troubled the hegemony of citizenship and nation-state power as legitimate modes of sovereign power and belonging, but still, I wonder to what degree those problematic notions linger in secondary or even teacher education just by dint of the name. Perhaps citizenship education is overdetermined by a somewhat narrow vision of what politics and democracy actually consist of.
These may not be particularly useful insights, and I admit I'm not especially up-to-date on these fields of study (citizenship/civic ed, social studies ed, etc.), but as they pertain to or are influenced by broader issues in educational theory, I'm excited by the idea of challenging, perhaps even rupturing, the liberal imaginary's stronghold on these very debates. What might happen to citizenship education if it departed initially from a direct problematization of the question and meaning of politics itself? It seems as if your decade of study suggests teacher education students might be receptive to this rupture; perhaps some might even yearn for it. As a teacher education student myself not quite a decade ago, I would have been.
So, in that roundabout way, I'm suggesting that, at least from my perspective, the exciting potential for a citizenship education unfettered by the bonds of a liberal electoral imaginary is the indeterminacy of the questions of politics and political life themselves. These are such open-ended questions that can lead into a vast wealth of intellectual, political, and epistemological traditions. While, in the U.S. at least, such inquiry is constrained by high-stakes accountability and impoverished politics of knowledge and curriculum, the possibility remains. Perhaps the next question then would be how to rupture the norms of citizenship education and inquiry so that students can more easily pursue those many paths.
I hope these thoughts are useful, and I would be happy to chat more on the topic. Be well.
Best,
Graham Slater
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evoting
android
egovernance
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Have you contacted and election commission in any county in the U.S.?
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As many African countries are toiling to have free and fair elections, do you think electronic voting or ballot is appropriate?
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Hi, 
EVM might look attractive, but we cannot overlook the logistics of setting them up. especially in rural and poor parts of Africa. For example, power grid, trained personnel, local awareness and training. 
in my opinion, a two step system might work best. Introduce EVM in large urban centers, while maintaining paper ballots/voting in rural areas. Slowly, the EVM might be introduced to smaller and smaller urban centers. 
good luck in your research
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I'm conducting an analysis of pre-election public hearings arranged by a non-profit organization, with a specific focus on how the roles and positions of the government and the voluntary sector are constructed during these hearings. Does anyone know of any studies related to this topic? I'm particularly interested in studies that use observational data. 
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Hi both of you and thanks for your interest! I'm sorry for being a bit vague in my description but yes, Marco, the setup is bit different from the one you describe. Prior to the 2014 parliamentary election in Sweden the leaders of all (then) six political parties in the parliament was invited by the umbrella organization of Swedish voluntary sport to a "hearing" during which the party leaders were given the opportunity to present their position on sport policy issues. They were also faced with questions from the audience on this issues, mostly consisting of representatives of Swedish voluntary sport. Because of this set-up, my idea is to think of these hearings as non-profit advocacy activities during which the roles and positions of both the government and the sports movement (as a civil society actor) are constructed. I'm not sure if this makes my question any clearer... thankful for all the help I can get! I'm sure that studies of the type of hearings that you refer to Marco would be useful!
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There has been an increase in the adoption and implementation of Constituency Development Fund (CDF) on the African continent. However,Ii am yet to know any country with a satisfactory CDF monitoring system and has yielded desired results. Leaders seems to be abusing it and it may actually work against the stable democracies that have emerged over the years. Any thoughts anyone?
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Dear David, Please explain the reasons for your concerns and some references to explain more about the CDF and its methods and goals.   Robin
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Greetings,
We are a team of graduate students at American University’s School of International Service researching African electoral violence for a client in the federal government. We have been tasked by our client with constructing an electoral violence and instability early warning model to aid our client in predicting future conflict. We are reaching out to experts and individuals with experience surrounding elections in Africa to help define our variables, indicators, and trends in election violence. We would be extremely grateful if you would be willing to assist us in this important work. Your expertise and individual experience with Africa and elections will help us identify common trends across the board in Africa as well as indicators that are unique or specific to certain regions or states.
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Hello James, you can check this articles for a better context of your issue:
Collier, P., & Vicente, P. C. (2012). Violence, bribery, and fraud: the political economy of elections in Sub-Saharan Africa. Public Choice, 153(1-2), 117-147.
Bratton, M. (2008). Vote buying and violence in Nigerian election campaigns. Electoral studies, 27(4), 621-632.
Collier, P., & Vicente, P. C. (2014). Votes and violence: evidence from a field experiment in Nigeria. The Economic Journal, 124(574), F327-F355.
I hope be useful in some way from your work! 
Bests, David
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I am trying to find statistics for US Presidential election years 2004, 2008, and 2012. In particular I am looking for voter turnout numbers of Naturalized US citizens which is my dependent variable. My independent variable is married two family household of naturalized citizens. 
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Rami I checked with the FEC they only track finances and not ballots casted.
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I am looking for studies that compare the accuracy of prediction markets for forecasting elections to forecasts from alternative forecasting methods (e.g., polls, expert judgment, quantitative models). 
I am interesting in studies from all countries and all types of elections that analyze forecasts of numerical election outcomes (e.g., vote-shares or seats gained in an election). I am not interested in probability forecasts such as a candidate’s chance to win an election.
The attached document shows the countries/elections for which I have already collected data. I will post the final document here once available.
Thank you very much in advance,
Andreas
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You may have already seen the June issue of Significance, the magazine published by the Royal Statistical Society, authored by Timothy Martyn Hill, which does a fair job of reviewing the forecast errors of betting and forecasters., but his questions about the pre-election day polls doesn't distinguish satisfactorily between polls of themselves never forecast, but only measure with definitive reliability the views of the sample on the day they were taken which is a principal reason that the exit in Britain have an excellent 'forecast'' and why pre-election polls do not if public opinion has changed, even on the margin, from the findings of surveys taken before the day of the election itself.
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Two political big forces in Sweden (social democrats and Centre-right Alliance Bloc) have made a deal against the anti-immigration Sweden Democrats. Under the deal, both parties will govern by rotation until 2022. Such a pact is legitimate, but is allowed to designate the parties sharing power for more than a parliamentary mandates? Does this new form of agreement a threat to democracy’s model of Sartori and to the election? Is possible to found such practices in other countries (in the last two decades) where two political groups determine the future government despite election results?
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Dear Professor Krasniqi,
As far as I know, The December Agreement does not include governing by rotation until 2022 despite election results. This kind of practise would obviously be nondemocratic. According to the Agreement, the largest force will form the government despite not having a parliamentary majority. The leader of the winning party will be appointed prime minister. In addition, the opposition will not vote against the budget (rejection of the budget started the 2014 Swedish cabinet crisis) and the parties to the agreement will collaborate in the strategic areas: defense and security policy, pension system, energy policy. Therefore, the future governments have not been determined. The ultimate decision remains in the hands of the people. The Sweden Democrats could still win the election of 2018 and 2022 and form a government.
It is important to remember that Sweden has a tradition of minority cabinets and custom of seeking broad political consensus. So the Agreement should be read in the context of the Swedish parliamentary tradition.
And lastly, as every political deal, The December Agreement can be terminated at any point.
I don’t see how the Agreement could be considered as a threat to democracy in Sweden. Nonetheless, it is undoubtedly controversial and interesting topic.
Kind regards
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I am trying to calculate the effective number of parties, based on seats (not votes), for several countries. Currently, I am stuck on the question of how to deal with the residual "other" category often found in seat data. Usually, this is not a big problem, since it is usually only a handful of legislators, and so I have regularly treated it as a party and input it directly into the Taagepera and/or Golosov measures. However, I have found some cases (e.g. Brazil 1962) where the "other" seats account for nearly half of all seats. Clearly, not making an adjustment would artificially deflate the ENP value. But is there a preferred solution? I haven't been able to find one. Thank you.
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You probably have already read a paper by Golosov introducing an alternative to the Lasso and Taagepera method. I developed an R function on his formulas that can compute the index if you are familiar with R package. I did so, after hearing a college saying he did spend quite few time to figure out how that works.  I wrote a post in my blog about the function: https://danielmarcelino.github.io/r/2014/10/06/A-bit-more-fragmented/
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One of my students is working on Electoral behaviour in Lahore. She wants to compare general and bye elections in Lahore (she can change the focus of the study at the moment). Kindly suggest some useful readings in this regard, outlining determinants of the electoral behaviour and methodology to be used. 
Furthermore, Kindly suggest some scale that has already been developed to study electoral behaviour. 
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Hi,
I think this can be helpful
Who Is Mobilized to Vote? A Re-Analysis of 11 Field Experiments
Kevin Arceneaux & David W. Nickerson (2009)
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Hi, I am looking for some empirical data (survey) dealing with public (or expert) confidence in electoral system(s) (preferably data on the trust in systems' mechanisms, not the whole electoral process - but it depends on the formulation of the question)... any suggestions? Thank you in advance.
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Great, thank you once again, I will definitely check it! Your paper's topic reminds me Kiril Kolev's article in Electoral Studies "The contingent effect of institutions: Electoral formulas, ethnic polarization, and election quality" - where he tests similar independent variables, however on the different dependent variable (quality of elections)... I am just thinking about one thing - if Kolev had measured his DV as public perceptions of the overall quality of elections (as some scholars do), there would have been maybe a small overlap with your paper... but as I said - i need to check your paper as well :)
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I will measure 'political interest' in a big survey about communication and public engagement. However, the most measurements that are around for me seem to very simplistic, using one single question or following the big election studies, two or or three item question. Has anyone found or used a more sophisticated or other simply different way of measuring political interest? Thanks a lot.
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Some surveys use questions about the frequency of watching, reading, or listening to the news as proxies for political interest, although, of course, people may be interested in the news without being interested in politics.  Having voted in the most recent election(s) is another, less subjective indicator, if voting is voluntary, but yields only a yes-no response.  Asking how closely one identifies with each political party is another (subjective) approach that may yield a strong, moderate, or apathetic response.  As Kylie wrote, it all depends on what you are trying to measure.  It also depends on what you plan to do with the indicator once you have it.  Do you need ten categorical responses?
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Parliamentary elections are under commencement in India. After tireless efforts of election commission voting percentage is surprising.
Urban citizen are considered to be more active and aware about their rights compared to the rural ones. But, picture is totally changes when it comes to right to vote.
Mumbai (the biggest and richest city of India) only 27% voters casted their votes while in rural areas, voting figures are exceeding 80%.
Are educated people taking democracy for granted?
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Voters vote when convinced of the efficacy of their vote in affecting public policy. When not so convinced, they abstain from voting often as a protest against an inefficacious democracy and often as mere indifference to the democratic process. Do we take democracy for granted? We become aware of it when it malfunctions as in cases of corruption. Democracy is like the air we breathe: when fresh we often take little notice of it; when polluted, we protest.
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It is worth having an academic discussion on the estimate of total expenses (as the cost of a democracy) and finding a way to:
1. Minimize the expenditure (and thereby lessening the burden on common man); and
2. Make all expenses accountable (recorded in books).
As we go by the records and report, USA and India are the costliest democracies (as we consider poll expenses) of the world. As we consider, both accounted and unaccounted expenditure, India’s expenses has surpassed that of USA. It is easy to calculate and compare accounted-expenditure, but how to calculate or estimate the unaccounted (black-money) expenditure?
We invite scholars and academicians to please come up with their inputs/ answers, on the above mentioned issues. Please refer the attachment, for further details.
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Nice discussion. It is actually impossible to accurately predict since there are so many 'hidden' expenditures too. Take for example, money spent by people associated with candidates who do not come under any of the limitations/scrutiny. Then there are sponsors like the Gujerati billionaire who says he is actually 'renting' his private jets to the party. No one can vouch as to who pays for such expenditures.
Even in a 'smaller' democracy like USA, one single billionaire is reported to have donated $ 89 mn (out of $ 2.6 bn total expenditure) for the Presidential campaign. In India, with 543 seats, strong regional satraps and as many industrial houses currying favours from everyone, it is impossible to actually quote a figure with certainty.
The best thing that has happened this time around in India though, is not that the EC is watching with its eyes peeled; the common people are questioning such trends and an increasing awareness level amongst ordinary citizens is palpable. We just hope that this would lead to better transparency.
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I am very interested in what may be called alternative voting systems. These interests cover proportional representation, direct democracy, referenda, technological advances in voting systems, etc. Does anyone else have interests in these areas or have any information they can share with me such as publications in these areas, academics working in these areas?
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A student in one of my classes is doing a paper on e-voting in Estonia. There are a lot of neat extensions from the voter ID swipe mechanism (costs $7 and plugs into your computer) in banking and other secure transactions. One article he cites is: Tsahkna, A. (2013). E-voting: Lessons from estonia. European View, 12(1), 59-66. doi:10.1007/s12290-013-0261-7
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Is there any book or other resources that describes the ststistical aspects of the methodologies and analysis adopted in pre-election surveys conducted before the election to forecast election results?
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Michael Lewis-Beck, he specializes in this and modelling elections. last time I heard he was modelling about 6 months lagged with some pretty robust findings. good luck.