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I am looking for a a framework to write a critical review from an economic and historical perspective, which is unfamiliar to me. You will find joined files of both articles I have to review. All suggestions, plans, guidelines are welcomed. Thank you.
Best regards,
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The first article can be approached with the study of the production function, with respect to the baisic assumption of the authors (different goods///different production functions///historical formation of production pattern).
The second article about cooperative wine production can be approached from the basic insights into cooperative economics in capitalist markets, e.g. the trend to high quality wines, after 1980.
Both articles are case studies, which also needs methodical attention, with respect to the economic historical framework.
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I am wondering if there exists any good paper that has analyzed the relations between climate change and the standard of life before the Industrial Revolution. As we know the real wage rates for British building workers since 1200, I am particularly interested if we can detect any correlation between temperature in England and the real wage before 1750 or before 1850 before England shows a sharp growth in real wage rates.
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Dear @Yoshinori Shiozawa Kindly check the following links, and attached pdfs; hope, these could be important sources of insight to the answer of your question.
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In Wikipedia (English), the article "John Wanamaker" tells that 
  • the first "Fixed Price" retail Price Tag appeared in 1861 at Oak Hall, at Sixth and Market Streets in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. This was the invention of John Wanamaker.
  • Oak Hall grew substantially based on Wanamaker's then-revolutionary principle: "One price and goods returnable".
 The article notes:
  • One could argue that the Sumerian culture established some of the concepts of Fixed Pricing along with perhaps Bennetts Of Irongate in Derby, United Kingdom, however these are not the system-wide retail Fixed Pricing systems and Tags we know in a modern context.
  •  Wanamaker was an innovator, creative in his work, a merchandising genius, and proponent of the power of advertising, though modest and with an enduring reputation for honesty.
  • Although he did not invent the fixed price system, he is credited for the creation of the price tag; he popularized it into what became the industry standard and did create the money-back guarantee that is now standard business practice.
 In article "Department Store" (Wikipedia), we read
  • One of the first department stores may have been Bennett's in Derby, first established as an ironmongers in 1734. It still stands to this day, trading in the same building. However, the first reliably dated department store to be established, was Harding, Howell & Co, which opened in 1796 on Pall Mall, London.
In the textbook of History of Japanese Economic History, the story of Mitsui Takatoshi is famous (Mitsui is family name and Takatoshi is his given name.).
In 1673, he founded a cloth shop in Edo (now Tokyo) named Echigoya and started the system "payment with no overcharges" (meaning fixed one-price) and "selling cloth by inches". Although there was harassment from other shops, it prospered and it is told that this fixed one-price system spread afterwards. Echigoya was the origin of all Mitsui companies.
I wonder if Mitusi Takatoshi is the first person who publicly announced fixed one-price policy. Does someone know a case of older date where a kind of fixed one-price policy  was announced publicly?
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I found two additional information on the beginning of one-price system.
One is noted in Werner Sombard's Liebe, Luxus und Kapitalisum.(1922). Sombard notes that it was Au Petit Dunkerque, a bijoux shop, situated at 3 Quai Conti (6e Arr.), Paris. Somard cites a book by Mercier published in 1783. The note appears in number (4) of the short history of silk industry in Section 2, Chapter5. (p.277 in Japanese translation Kodansha Gakujutsu Bonko).
Another information is given by Neil McKendrick in McKendrick, Brewer and Plumb (1982/2018) The Birth of a Counsuemer Society. He writes in page 86:
  • what James Lackingtonhad tried to introduce in 1780 -- fixed prices and no credit -- was regarded as being established by 1800, and by 1821 a single fixed 'No ABATEMENT' linen draper was reported to be taking £500 a day and employing thirty assistants.
The Echigoya case of 1683 (See my three posts above) precedes about one century before one-price, no abatement and no credit system seemed to be introduced in Paris and London.
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Ashraf and Galor published a paper in American Economic Review in 2013:
Quamrul Ashraf and Oded Galor (2013) The 'Out of Africa' Hypothesis, Human Genetic Diversity, and Comparative Economic Development. American Economic Review VOL. 103, NO. 1, FEBRUARY 2013, pp. 1-46.
I am interested of how this paper was received among mainstream and heterodox economists. I know that several responses were made by anthropologists, even before the official publication of the paper. But, I cannot find any specific papers written by economists. Does this mean that the paper was accepted as one of ordinary plausible papers? Or is it either rejected as invaluable or ignored as nonsense?
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I have co-authored a paper that discusses A&G' s findings. See: V. Daniele, A. Di Ruggiero, The Roots of Global Inequality: The Role of Biogeography and Genetic Diversity, Journal of Development Studies (downloadable in ResearchGate).
See also: Ideen A. Riahi, Why Eurasia? A probe into the origins of global inequalities, Cliometrica.
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I have a project to evidence Thomas Robert Malthus theory about a principal of population (Malthusian Spectre/Malthusian Trap). I want to attest, his theory about a relationship of population and earth production/environment. is that applied in a country that i would like to attest or not? But i was confused, what variable that i can use to analyze it empirically?
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I should have added in my initial response that instead of a time series approach an equally simple way would be to do a cross sectional analysis. Use data on population growth and per capita income from a variety of countries with differing income levels. Also, if there is some reason not to use regression analysis just setting up the data in a scatter diagram would offer some insight into the relationship.
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I am working on the economic history of Switzerland and I would like to know which determinants foster industrialization during the 19th century.
I am working with time-series. My dependent variable is the Gross added value of Swiss industries and I have 5 explanatory variables (like education, railway, tariffs etc.). The times period studied runs from 1890 to 1913.
I first used a VAR model but reviewers are not so convinced... They prefer panel data (but I don't have !) or they think that VAR is unusual...
So, do you have any idea about the macroeconometric model I should use to deal with my research question ?
Thanks a lot !!
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Hi Charles, I visited Switzerland twice for 1-month and 6-month internships. Nice country. Yeah, Switzerland's industrialization should be a nice research topic, but I wonder about your period of study. Do previous studies consider 1890-1913 as a period of insustrialization in Switzerland? Do you have quarterly or monthly data for running the VAR model? For how many Swiss industries do you have the gross added value? Of course (since Einstein's job in Switzerland), do you have the time series of Swiss patents for that period? By industry or broken by type of patents? Considering the empirical section of your study, (if you only have annual data) I would strongly recomend to add the 40 or 50 years after the period of study because a plain VAR model is not good for small samples of data (a Vector Error Correction -VEC- model should work better for such data, instead). But there is another reason explaining the cold reaction of the reviewers: a VAR model is not quite useful for discovering the industrialization determinants since it is an "atheoretical" statistical model: you may need a "Structural VAR" (aka SVAR model) or better a Structural VEC (SVEC) model. Then you will be able (abstracting from the data frequency I already mentioned) to propose a theoretical structure (meaning, useful research estimated parameters) to discuss following your hypotheses. Those hypotheses should come from the previous section, the core section, which is the "theoretical" section. Such a section should consider at least the hypothesis you can select from reading many studies about economic history of Switzerland BUT also review some growth models, like the classic ones usually reviewed in macroeconomics' textbooks (Solow model, etc.) and other more recent ones like Romer's model (which consider the idea of Research & Development (please remember my idea about patents). For discovering those models, Romer's book for graduate students is the best. Finally, allow me a personal comment: I do like reading about economic history because it is a great companion for macroeconomic economists. It is such a down-to-Earth topic !
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Is it time to re-examine the labelling of Africa's regions as North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa? Should there not be a more modern term for the larger subdivision of Africa. One that communicates its larger land mass, population , historical, anthropological, genealogical and economical significance. While not sure of the origin, but sometimes these terms originate with cartographers or journalists and then persist in the language? We seem not to have persisted with labels such as Asia Minor and Asia Major (see map).  On the other hand, in the Caribbean there is an historical division of the Antiles as Greater Antiles and Lesser Antiles.  Is the label Sub-Saharan Africa still apprpriate?  If not, what would you recommend the larger Africa be referenced as ?  Greater Afica ?  Africa Major ?  Some other reference ?
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The term "sub Saharan Africa" is used to refer to countries on the south of the Africa continent. The Sahara desert acted as a blockade dividing the sub Saharan Africa from North Africa. Also the north has a unique Islamic features because they had contact with the Arab world even before the incursion of Europeans in Africa.
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I'm looking for books or other works of culture that would help me write about hikikomori in Japanese literature and popculture. I already know "Welcome to the N.H.K!" and Murakami's "South of the Border, West of the Sun", also some of anime series with hikikomori characters in it - but I'm looking for something that shows the way of thinking of these people, or some interesting points of view on the topic.
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I don't know if you're still researching this topic, but I think that Shiraha in Convenience Story Woman (コンビニ人間) is somewhat hikikomori, although he is in his 30s.
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I am looking for historical data on coal prices.
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IMF monthly coal (Australia) prices start in 1990. Their data are curated. If you are interested in recent data, you could also look at futures markets which would provide you with high frequency data of, likely, a few years.
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Data starting in the early 1900s or before, with a broad cross-country representation would be great.
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The MacroFinance and MacroHistory Lab in Bonn can be of some help with data on exports, imports and IP sin 1870 for 17 countries. You can find it here: http://www.macrohistory.net/data/
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In recent years, the United States has experienced economic growth, low inflation, debt and deficit growth, low interest rates and rising stock markets simultaneously. Classical economic theory tells us that the presence of these economic phenomenas are incompatible. In fact, economic history tells us that they have not coexisted historically, except recently, and I believe that if this has been because of the expansionary activity of the monetary policies promoted by the Fed.
Do you think that this scenario of simultaneity of economic growth, low inflation, debt and deficit growth, low interest rates and rising stock markets is going to be extended much more over time and what will be its final consequences?
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Pedro,
I do not see the phenomenas you are describing as simultaneous. The present situation is rooted in the 2008 crisis.
First, economic growth is recent in the US and is a consequence of President Trump policies of lowering taxes and reducing regulation. Before, the US was stuck in a slow recovery.
It is this slow recovery that has forced the fed into a long term zero interest rate policy that is very difficult to get out of and therefore has pushed stock market prices very high.
Inflation has remained subdued because of the US imports from countries with very low wages and the will of previous governments to accept huge external deficits.
So it is an odd combination of several factors that give the appearance of classic economic laws becoming obsolete.
I suspect the pendulum will come back and I would guess that the first sign of it would be an increase of inflation.
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I am now writing a paper (one of four chapters in my present project) on the negotiation and transactions between two parties. The two parties may include relations between firm to firm and between firm to consumers. I am thinking that this form of transaction is more fundamental and typical of all forms of transactions, of which organized markets like security and commodity exchanges are uniquely highlighted in the textbooks.
A possibility is face-to-face transaction. This term is fairly good in indicating the difference against the organized markets. The inconvenience is that it is opposed to transactions through internet or telephone transactions in legislation. I want the term to included transactions by internet between two parties.
Another possibility is two-party transaction. This term seems to have also some special connotations in law, but engenders fewer confusions.   
Do you know any other good expression? If you do not, which of the above two possibilities do you judge more preferable for my study?
In addition, is there any paper which argued my question, i.e. the opposition between  organized market transaction and transactions between two parties?
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I would call it a two-party transaction. However, I think the distinction has to be defined more precisely, because even on security and commodity exchanges there are normally only two parties to any transaction, even if other people are witnesses to it.
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Hi Guys,
I am writing a forecast over the future of Emden, a 51,000 inhabitants town in the north west of Germany which is heavily dependent on the automotive industry. The Volkswagen Group now plans to re-structure its plant here switching from fuel-driven to electronic cars and set ambitious goals as to the year 2023.
Yet, given the sluggish technological and sales performance of electronic cars so far, it is questionable whether this aims can be achieved. If not, I guess there would be major disruptions to the regional economy, in terms of rising unemployment, decreasing tax income, repercussions for the real estate sector, and others.
Detroit is a major example to what might happen to a city or region when the major employer(s) vanish or decline. That is why I want to include a case study over Detroit into my research.
I now ask you, if you know somebody who made some research over the economic history of Detroit, up to the presence. People who can offer economic, statistical, regional development and/or city planning expertise are welcomed for an exchange of ideas.
Don’t hesitate to contact me over this platform or my e-mail:
Alternatively, you give me a hint where to find the appropriate person. Also, if you have any ideas what other towns or regions had to suffer from a decline of one leading industry or company.
Thanks a lot for your ideas, your efforts, and your support!
Reiner, Professor for Economics, University (HS) Emden-Leer
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Detroit had many factors including the redesign of the factor from vertical to horizontal that contributed. If you want a more comparable city look at Flint, MI which is a more similar size and was decimated when GM pulled out in the last 1970's early 1980's.
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US President Donald Trump's decision to leave TPP , stop negotiations about the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), and the announcement of the revision of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) may be the most important events in the world economic history after the Second World War.......
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I would like to discuss two key phrases of this discussion:
Mehmed Ganic: "Now is it possible to force many" U.S. MNCs to make "(in) economical motivated decisions" and back their business to home ...".
Stephen I. Ternyik: "The personal prices for receiving a good professional education are very high;
 adaptation to new economic conditions has always to do with educational opportunities and models,  i.e. the promotion of talent of the people.
I want to ask: is it possible to "back their business to home" with today's American System of Education. To this question, I decided to give a detailed answer from the famous mathematician Academician Vladimir Arnold from
 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-TlqQjmTLH4 ("Academician Arnold about American Education").
"The Americans explained to me that they are consciously fighting for what they are doing,  that the people were poorly educated and not interested in science,  no culture, not because it contradicts the consumer society,
because if people start to take an interest in something other than washing machines and cars that need to be bought every week new, then they are the worst buyers. Well, if they buy, they start buying Van Gogh or some verses, or theorems to prove, which is harmful for consumers. To prevent this, and, moreover, that the population be an obedient herd in the hands of politicians manipulating them, it is need to make not European, but American System of Education, in which nothing is taught. For example, in the state of California there was a serious struggle among the intelligentsia, that universities did not accept all peole despite the federal rules.They demanded that in Mathematics, for example, not to take those who do not know how to divide 111 by 3 without a computer. In federal laws there is nothing like this: there are no divisions, there are no simple fractions. The journal of the American Mathematical Society published several years ago such statistics: it turns out that such a task as "to divide the number 3/2 by 1/3" from mathematics teachers in US schools depending on the state in some states 1% of teachers know how to do it, and in some 2%, nowhere else. There are no fractions, there simple fractions are excluded, they are not at all. Therefore, there is no fraction 111/3, no one can do it. In Washington there was a discussion of where the senators spoke. One senator from the state of Nebraska said: "I care about upholding the interests of my constituents.I will achieve that not only in Nebraska but also in the US in general, no one would dare to teach anyone anything that I do not understand , for example, divide 9111 by 3. This is the US senator. In the world there is such a tendency as the destruction of the old system of education. A few years ago, a representative of a very large American firm "Boeing", which is well known to all, explained to me that the American System of Education is such that they can not hire students from US universities to make new planes or even repair old planes. "Boeing" exists only on the fact that they hire emigrants, mainly from three countries: from Russia, China and India. Therefore, when we read in your newspapers that you are going to bring your education system to American standards, we understand that according to our estimates in Russia in 30 years there will be the same bad education system, and then we are no longer able to hire anyone at all. Then the entire technological system will collapse, because it is based on emigrants, it is based on the fact that the minds of the whole Europe work in the United States. "
Thus, Katastroika in the American way, which was mentioned by Stephen I. Ternyik, can most likely happen. The Americans have launched Globalization and are now reaping the rewards: Globalization is destroying Education and Science around the world. Indeed, who will work in "Boeing" after 30 years with the American education system around the world? Even difficult to imagine.
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I read the contribution by Ferguson and Voth QJE 2008 who applied event analysis to "measure" the value of political connections in Nazi Germany. May your suggest other contributions about the same methodology applied to political and economic history?
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For a small project, I want to deflate a variable to make it easier to compare.
The data at hand is bilateral trade data from 1800 to 2010. The data was converted in (current) British pound sterling by the authors.
Now my question is whether I could as a first attempt simply deflate the series by:
Deflated Trade Series = [Total trade_t / (Price Level index in England)_t ] * 100
Is there any preferable treatment which I could apply to the data?
The method used will be estimating a gravity equation.
Note:
The dataset used is Two Centuries of Bilateral Trade and Gravity Data: 1827-2014 by Michel Fouquin & Jules Hugot (2014).
The price level data is obtained from the BoE.
I would be happy about any comment or reference.
Kind regards
JM
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convert data in ppp dollar
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I read few books, including Beverly J. Silver on global proletariat (and automotive industries), but while writing about private automobilism from Marxist perspective and still feel, that something is missing. Maybe You know analysis of the cars as commodity fetish, or its role in alienating people from each other and from nature?
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Dear Yeray, thank You very much. It is something new for me.
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My recent book might help since it converts the current pseudo-science of macroeconomics into a true one. Write to me at  chesterdh@hotmail.com and get a free e-copy, that does extend the past sincere ideas.
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I am not familiar with Verbin.  By any chance, do you mean Veblen as in Thorstein Veblen?
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I can found a lot of scholarly studies about the technique of futures markets (both commodity and financial produces), about they work and about their general utility, but I am searching ideas about explaining why a government or international organisations would prefer a future trade instead of other forms of market governance and pricing system.
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For those interested, I have found some interesting discussions in: Walter Y. Oi , "The Desirability of Price Instability Under Perfect Competition", Econometrica, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Jan., 1961), pp. 58-64
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After a PhD about the public land registries from the rural spaces of medieval and early modern Southern France, I am beginning new researches about the role of the surveyors in the same region.
I am very interested in improving our knowledge of this underestimated microcosme, which inserts between the masses and the notables of the countryside, whether these last ones were noble persons or commoners.
I will take with pleasure any bibliographical information or archives references.
Thanks !
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Dear Mr. Jaudon and Mr. Pizzati
It's a lecturer from Department of Economics in University of AJK Pakistan.
I would like to invite you in the class to give 30-60 Minutes Skype lecture about European History in undergraduate course class of History of Economic Thought.
In response to that we can volunteer for your students in any affordable virtual activity. 
The class will be every Monday to Wednessday at 11am (Pakistan time)
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I am interested to know how many foreigners worked in India in 1890's (any particular year will do, a rough figure is also fine) serving the British Empire at various capacities. I want to put this number in a comparative perspective with that of the foreigners who were employed by the Japanese govt. during that period. I am very much aware about the limitations and shortcomings of such a comparison. I just want to get a general idea. Thanks for any help well in advance.
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Allow me to endorse the suggestion that you consult the India Office Records at the British Library. The class L/AG (Accountant General) should provide your answer.
Moir, A General Guide to the India Office Records, 1996 will give you a useful indtroduction
But start here;
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Utility value theory has vanished classical political economy out of mainstream economics in the turn to the 20th century as economic science became influenced by the socialist movement. Piero Sraffa initiated a critique of marginal value theory in the 1960s but his perspective could not destroy neoclassical economics. Oskar Lange had a different approach to the marginalist revolution and tried not to destroy it, but to make a political use of it. Whose approach is superior considering the standpoint of the communist movement?
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It is quite interesting that Nathan Weatherdon had no occasion to get acquainted with Sraffa or Lange. He has MA from Laval University. This means these two economists are attracting no interests among professors and students in that university.
As Lall B. Ramrattan put it, Lange was once a highly respected economist by his particular positioning. He was an eminent economists who had many edge-cutting researches in the neoclassical and Keynesian orthodoxy (it was the time of "neoclassical synthesis") but was also a socialist and served for the Polish socialist government after the WW 2. He had a vision of market socialism, which was not accepted in the time of Stalinist regime but became a leading idea during the market oriented socialism after mid 1960's until 1990. As an economic theorist, his main tool of analysis was neoclassical marginalist and equilibrium analysis. When the idea of market socialism faded away, he was almost forgotten by the mainstream economists. this explains why Nathan Weatherdon had no chance to hear about Oscar Lange.
Sraffa's contribution is more enduring and still a key to the fundamental innovation (or paradigm change) of economics. He was not a prolific writer but two works that Walter Oetsch cited were destructive. The first The Laws on Returns paper undermined the whole Marshallian system. The second Production of Commodities by means of Commodities book (less than 100 pages) was also destructive for the neoclassical price theory. However, the followers after him were, in my opinion, not sufficiently destructive nor constructive.
It is true that Sraffa's thin book ignited the famous controversy on capital measurement and capital reverse, but this is in my opinion not the central core of Srffa's criticism against neoclassical theory. Sraffa's standard commodity is famous. It is an interesting interpretation of what Ricardo wanted to get in pursue of invariable measure of value, but it has many weak points as Morishima criticized. When technology changes, we should not expect to get such an invariable measure.
The core of Sraffa's criticism is the neoclassical price theory itself. We can now know his lonely theoretical struggle by papers such as Gehrke and Kurz (2006) and Kurz(2012).
Gehrke and Kurz (2006) Sraffa on von Bortkiewicz: Reconstructing the Classical Theory of Value and Distribution
Kurz (2012) Two Critics of Marginalist Theory: Piero Sraffa and John Maynard Keynes
I have posted some comments on both of them.
The mains contradiction between neoclassical economics and classical theory of value is closely related to the law of demand and supply. This law existed before Adam Smith. It is a kind of common people's spontaneous science. Marshall and some others including German Karl Heinrich Rau before him reformulated this law as a cross chart of demand and supply functions. Demand was always understood as the want of goods that have their own utility. This is also an old tradition before the arrival of neoclassical era.
Smith introduced a value theory (although it was quite ambiguous) and Ricardo reformulated it into much more logically refined theory. Their contention was that prices or values are determined by production conditions and demand plays minor fluctuating role. Ricardo was a giant step but soon after his death, the old tradition replaced his theory and returned to the old law of demand and supply.
We can detect many factors that compelled this movement. One of most imporatnt event was John Stuart Mill's examination of intrernational value problem. John Mill had no intension to break down Ricardo's heritage but by an unfortunate circumstances he was led to abandon Ricardo's cost-of-production theory of value and revert to old law of demand and supply. This reversion paved a way to neoclasscial economics. Fora the details of this story, please read my draft paper
Mill's Reversion and an Origin of Neoclassical Revolution
For a further discussion on the nature of neoclassical revolution (in fact it was a counter-revolution to the Ricardian revolution), please see my question page
How do you characterize and estimate the marginal revolution in economics?
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Economics uses classical game theory (John von Neumann, Oskar Morgenstern), but there is also combinatorial game theory (Elwyn Berlekamp, John Conway), which I find potentially fruitful. Combinatorial games have been put in an auction play framework, essentially using a hybrid approach of classical and combinatorial games. In combinatorial game theory, hot and cold games could be useful, as well as thermography and sente/gote. Where is the state of the art of combinatorial games in economics?
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Thank you Dragos! I will read it. A quick look tells me how a simple combinatorial game may be used to run an economic experiment. Actually, it seems nice in its simplicity.
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Dear colleagues! Do you happen to know books or articles (in English, French, German) on how empires (especially European colonial powers in Asia and Africa) used their minting of coins not only according to its intended purpose (pertaining to economy), but also to the purpose of propagandizing the ideas of their invincibility, beneficial character etc. with the help of certain images on coins (like the portraits of kings etc.)? I mean the symbolic role of coins to make imperial rule more acceptable for colonial subjects. So far I know just one such book: Abramzon M.G. Coins as the Means of Propaganda of the Official Policy of the Roman Empire (Moscow, 1995, in Russian). 
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You're welcome. Just mention that you book that you think is written in the Greek language is actually written in Greek and in English. Two language is. The book I had in my hands. I used it for one of my research.
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Please imagine: an important business man, who wanted to manage his enterprise in a deviant way, not according the patriotic (= regime) line. At what point of deviance or opposition would this enterpriser be threatened not only by penalties or prestige losses or other social pressure, but of his or/and his family’s life? Could you tell me examples of this hard way of keeping discipline in the economic sphere? Do you know real cases, that are documented with some evidence?
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From my point of view, it depends on the character of deviation. You can distinguish between (1) resistance with regard to economic policy measures, e.g. the violation of rules that were established to direct the war economy, and (2) political resistance, e.g. resistance against the war effort in general. For the first case, there are several examples in business history that show that there were no or only few consequences since the regime needed managers, engineers and other experts in the war economy (see e.g. Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner (2006): The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry, in: The Journal of Economic History, 66(2), pp. 390-416). But this argument did not hold for the case of political resistance (see e.g. the case of Fritz Thyssen, who was persecuted after he revealed resistance against the war plans).
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For instance, the Stahlhof and the Walzstahlhaus in Düsseldorf (North Rhine-Westfalia) are of such kind. These syndicates resp. their buildings, I am searching for, may have existed pre WW II.
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There are a few in Greece, nineteenth and early twentieth century mainly. In Aegion (Northern Peloponnese) the warehouses connected to raisin export, and in Eastern Macedonia the tobacco warehouses of Drama, Kavala and Xanthi. Worth a look I think. 
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Respected Researcher/Scholar, Please give a justified answer.
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Thanks every one...
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Do the two terms study different variables or different time periods?
What is the real difference between Economic History and New Economic History?
In what sense the New Economic History is NEW?
With thanks.
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In social sciences, each field is filled with ill-defined concepts and terminology that is inconsistently used and leads toward different starting positions. In short,  In many publications you will find different definitions, while 'new' is a very tricky word. Think of 'new media' 'or new technologies'.
Economic history is, I think, easy to define, since it refers to a systematic, study of economic phenomena in the past. Since it is a scientific endeavor, it uses several methods to warrant  objectivity, validity, and reliability.
New economy, however, reflects different meanings,depending on the angle.
New economy, from an more humanistic approach, refers to the predominance of human values and sustainability instead of mere economic growth.  lf the approach is oriented toward production  then shift from a manufactory-based  toward a service-driven economy is used. And, if te term is used to make distinction in the scientific approach, new economic history refers to more formal or mathematical research methodologies. 
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There are now number of papers with a title which includes "processing trade." One can say that processing trade is now a flourishing subject matter in the research of international trade. The concept is now well established but it is enigmatic that this concept remained obscure in the 20th century.
 Papers and books with titles which include "processing trade" before 2000 are rather rare. For example, we can cite these titles:
  • Kang, C. K., & Chang, S. I. (1987). Processing trade and industrial organization. KIET, Seoul.
  •  Kalyuzhnova, Y. (1995). Outward processing trade between the European Union and the associated countries of Eastern Europe: the case of textiles and clothing. Economic Bulletin for Europe, 47, 109-127.
  •  Dapei, Z. (1997). China's Present Processing Trade and Processing Trade Policies [J]. Productivity Research, 2.
  • Eichengreen, B., & Kohl, R. (1997). The State and the External Sector in Eastern Europe: Implications for Foreign Investment and Outward Processing Trade. In Conference held by the Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy and the Kreisky Forum for International Dialogue:" Will There Be a Unified European Economy (pp. 5-6).
 At around 2000, the titles with "processing trade" increased suddenly. For example, I can cite many papers in the year of 2000 alone.
  •  Görg, H. (2000). Fragmentation and trade: US inward processing trade in the EU. Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, 136(3), 403-422.
  •  Fabbris, T., & Malanchini, F. (2000). Patterns of vertical specialization and European Outward Processing Trade (OPT): a comparative analysis between Mediterranean countries and CEECs. Is there real Competition.
  •  Baldone, S., Sdogati, F., & Tajoli, L. (2000). Patterns and determinants of international fragmentation of production: Evidence from outward processing trade between the EU and the countries of Central-Eastern Europe (No. 134). Queen Elizabeth House.
  •  Zhao, C. (2000). Developing overseas investments with overseas processing trade as the new starting point'. Almanac of China’s Foreign Economic Relations and Trade 2000, 45-46. 
Of course, processing trade has been discussed inside the text. For example, let me cite papers which appeared before 1990.
  •  Watanabe, T., & Komiya, R. (1958). Findings from Price Comparisons Principally Japan vs. the United States. Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, 81-96.
  •  Murakami, M. (1968). Geographical analysis of the industrialization in Singapore. Geographical Review of Japan, 41(9), 541-570.
  •  Watanabe, S. (1972). International subcontracting, employment and skill promotion. Int'l Lab. Rev., 105, 425.
  •  Haitani, K. (1973). Japan's Trade Problem and the Yen. Asian Survey, 723-739.
  •  Yamazawa, I., & Hirata, A. (1978). Industrialization and External Relations: Comparative Analysis of Japan’s Historical Experience and Contemporary Developing Countries’ Performance. Hitotsubashi Journal of Economics, 18(2), 33-61.
  •  Nakajō, S. (1980). Japanese direct investment in Asian newly industrializaing countires and intra-firm division of labor. The Developing Economies, 18(4), 463-483.
  •  Oda, H. (1984). The Administration of Foreign Trade in the People's Republic of China. The Developing Economies, 22(2), 155-168.
  •  Grunwald, J., & Flamm, K. (1985). The global factory: Foreign assembly in international trade. Brookings Institution Press. 
My question is why the notion of "processing trade" did not become major subject matter before 2000. As you see from the list above, early papers on processing trade have been written mainly by Japanese. This can be explained by the fact that promotion of processing trade (加工貿易) has been national policy (or 国是=national principle) for Japan since many years. At the first phase of Meiji period, Japan depended heavily on the exports of Silk and Copper, but soon it started to export cotton textile which was a typical processing trade, as Japan imported cotton flower and processed and exported it. 
The story was the same for Great Britain in the time of the Industrial Revolution. It imported cotton from India, United States and others and exported cotton textile. Lionel McKenzie emphasized that "Lancashire would be unlikely to produce cotton cloth if the cotton had to be grown in England" (McKenzie 1954, p.179). Processing trade promotion is also a vital question for newly developing countries now. 
Processing trade was one of the most important forms of international trade from the beginning of modern industrial economy. It remains to be so even today. It is enigmatic why this important category of international trade remained in the background until the arrival of fragmentation and global value chain. 
Perhaps the easiest answer is to point the lack of trade theory which can treat intermediate or input goods. Despite the fact that McKenzie and Jones pointed the necessity to build a theory of intermediate or input goods, no such general theory was provided during the 20th century. In view of its importance, one may ask again why the theory of input trade was not developed much earlier. 
Do you have any good explanation? 
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Robin Edward Jarvis raises at once so points of discussion that are all important, I cannot follow him promptly. I want to answer to his second post (post number 7). In his third post (post number 10), he makes a point that economics cannot and should not go without ethics. He is fundamentally right, but I am not prepared to discuss this question yet and do not enter to this question in this question page. Mohammad Israr Khan posed a question: How do the economists define self-interest and rationality?
In order to answer to his question in depth, I believe we cannot go without asking the elation between economics and ethics. I only started to learn one or two basic books to consider on this question. I will try to challenge answering in the near future (I hope). 
Another fascinating wonderful question, totally new to me, was raised by Carlos Eduardo Maldonado (post number 1) and Robin Edward Jarvis (post number 3, at the end of his post) mentioned on it:
  • There exist large areas of economics which have not yet been studied or recognized although they still do happen  
I will come back to this question after I will have discussed Robins’ two points. 
Robin Edward Jarvis (post number 7) raises many points here also, but I want to discuss following two points in the coming two posts :
  • (1) Technology in economics.
  • (2) Fractal-like structure of the world production network.
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I am in need of authentic literature on the subject of the historically occurred land enclosures in Europe. I will be thankful for your help with regard to any information, document, resource, source, opinion, reference etc.
Your views and opinions on the subject are also very humbly anticipated.
With kind regards to all.
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As far as Britain is concerned I recommend Kemp's book on the industrial revolution.
The British industrial revolution relied on huge supplies of labour displaced from the 'enclosure' of previously common lands by the landed aristocracy.  'Common' lands had previously been widely used by both landless labourers and the few peasants that Britain still had in the 18th Century to rear cattle and therefore survive.  When the artistocrats simply decided that this land could be 'enclosed' so that only they could use it, they created poverty and at the same time a new and quite large social group that could be used in the new factories.  It was cheap labour because it was desperate.
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I am looking for examples of zakat being levied on the proceeds of mining, either in the historical or current context. I am especially interested in gold, platinum or coal, but any analogous product would be adequate. Thank you.
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During my field research in Mindanao, in the Southern Philippines, I've heard several accounts of Muslim rebels/revolutionaries of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) that levied what some referred to as zakat on small-scale gold mining proceeds. While I am not sure about these specific cases, this type of rent extraction often occurs in kind i.e. as a percentage of total income. No hard evidence though...
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I am currently looking at rural domestic energy production and usage in China using data from John Lossing Buck's Land Utilisation in China. Given this was primarily an agronomist's study it is sketchy on actual domestic use and markets for the biomass byproducts. I would also be interested if anyone knows of a digitised database version of Buck's data.
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I cannot answer your question. But I can still say that the data from Buck should be used cautiously. They do give a relative picture of rural China in the 1920s and 1930s, but they have a lot of inconsistencies. I don't think it would give very reliable data to computerize them for biomass analysis in the Republican period. At lesat, they should be completed by data collected by Japanese scholars since the 1890s. Hope that helps.
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I always admired the work of Francois Quesnay (Tableau Economique). It is an early (18th C / 1758) precursor to input output analysis. It is also connected to the modern work of Walter Isard (inter-regional input output models) and to the classical economics / Marx inspired "production of commodities in terms of commodities." (Sraffa). Modern economic geographers (Michael Webber and David Rigby) have also explored the theoretical connections. [The Golden Age Illusion: Rethinking Postwar Capitalism by Michael J. Webber; David L. Rigby]. Surely another ill-fated example is the attempt at Soviet style central planning -- notorious for making too many of the wrong items, due to lack of market driven price signals. So we come back to the market and big data efforts of retailers like Walmart who have long explored patterns with terabytes of data.
Until your nice question / comment I had not really joined these ideas to connect to big data, but you are correct -- there is a nice lineage. At least I think so!
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I am interested in the implementation of the initiatives based on the solidarity economy in indigenous communities. Can someone suggest me a good theoretical work that will give a wide perspective about the main discussions issues? 
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Dear Pablo
I found the following of use in my understanding of ethnoconomics
Regards
John
  1. Berkes, F. & Adhikari, T. 2006 Development and Conservation - Indigenous Business and the UNDP Equator Initiative International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Small Business, vol. 3, no. 6, pp. 671-690.
  2. Bunyard, P. 1989 Guardians of the Amazon New Scientist, vol. 35, pp. 38-41.
  3. Cavalcanti, C. 1998 Ethnoscience, sustainability and ethnoeconomics: what the patterns of traditional resource use can teach us Cadernos de Estudos Sociais, vol. 13, no. 12, pp. 241-264.
  4. Cavalcanti, C. 2002 Economic Thinking, Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Ethnoeconomics Current Sociology, vol. 50, no. 1, pp. 39-55.
  5. Cavalcanti, C. 2006, 'Traditional resource use and ethnoeconomics: sustainable characteristics of the Amerindian lifestyles', in Hunan impacts on Amazonia: the role of traditional ecological knowledge in conservation and development, eds. D. Posey & M. Balick, Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 307-327.
  6. Cavalcanti, C. 2002 Economic thinking traditional ecological knowledge and ethnoeconomics: Principles of sustainability of primitive societies Current Sociology, vol. 50, no. 1, pp. 39-55.
  7. Cristancho, S. & Vining, J. 2004 Reciprocity as principled argument: The ethics of human-nature interactions for the Letuama Human Ecology Review, vol. 11, pp. 36-50.
  8. Delgardo, F., Martin, J. & Torrico, D. 1998 Reciprocity for Life Security ILEIA Newsletter, vol. Dec 1998, pp. 28-29.
  9. Delgardo, F. & Ponce, D. 1999 Research in Andean cosmovision Compas Newsletter, vol. Feb 1999, pp. 30-31.
  10. Hill, P. 1966 A plea for Indigenous Evonomics: The West African Example Economic Development and Cultural Change, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 10-20.
  11. Lye, T-P. 2005 The Meanings of Trees: Forest and Identity for the Batek of Pahang, Malaysia The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 249-261.
  12. Mazzucato, V. 1996 Indigenous economies: bridging the gap between economics and anthropology IK Monitor, vol. 5, no. 1, pp. 3-6.
  13. University, O. S. , Sharing (among hunter-gatherers), [Online], Available from: <http://foragers.wikidot.com/sharing>.
  14. Polyani, K. 1944, 'Societies and Economic Systems', in The Great Transformation, ed. K. Polanyi, Rinehart, pp. 43-55.
  15. Posey, D ed. 1999 Spiritual & Cultural Values of Biodiversity, Intermediate Technology Publications and United Nations Environment Programme - UNEP, London.
  16. Sahlins, M. 2004 Stone Age Economics, Routledge, London.
  17. Schwab, J. & Liddle, L. 1997, Principles and implications of Aboriginal sharing (Issue Brief 17), [Online], ANU Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, Available from: <http://www.anu.edu.au/caepr/Publications/briefs/1997IB17.php>.
  18. Studley, J. 2012, 'Territorial Cults as a Paradigm of Place in Tibet', in Making Sense of Place - Multidisciplinary Perspectives, eds. I. Convery, G. Corsane & D. Davis, Boydell Press, Woodbridge UK, pp. 219-234.
  19. Studley, J. 2011, Where economics meet the sacred: the economic importance of forests and nature conservation to the peoples of Lugu Lake SW China, [Online], Available from: <https://www.academia.edu/5991425/Where_economics_meet_the_sacred_the_economic_importance_of_forests_and_nature_conservation_to_the_peoples_of_Lugu_Lake_SW_China>.
  20. Walsh, R. & Vaughan, F. 1994 Paths Beyond Ego, Penguin Putman Inc, New York.
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Considering that Keynes was an active speaker of Hayek and that he was politically engaged with issues related to new forms of economic coordination that emerged with the end of the laissez-faire age, why was he absent in the Socialist Economic Calculation Debate conducted by Mises - Lange - Hayek?
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Misses and Hayek were battling against the socialists such as H. Dickinson, O. Lange, and F. Taylor on the “economic calculation debate.” Keynes was not on either side. He did not subscribe to the Austrian view, nor was he a socialist.
Although Keynes postulate a role for the government in crises situation, he did not accept the central planning or management view of the socialists. He will go so far as to speak of the “socialization of investment…But beyond this no obvious case is made out for a system of State Socialism”. (General Theory (GT) p. 378).
I think Keynes could have chimed into the debate at the point where the debate focused on information. Government must have information in order to help steer the economy towards full employment. Keynes was hesitant to use probability theory in the GT, although he wrote the famous “Treatise on Probability”. In a fuzzy way, this idea can be put into the same set of thought of Hayek, namely that information cannot be organized as it resides in the brain cells where it is inaccessible to the hands of the planners or policy makers. So both of them have a Fuzzy set of information, one that economic ideas is non-ergodic, and the other that information is only subjectively accessible. Now, the Fuzzy set has picked up another uncertainty element regarding how agents partition information differently.
Keynes was arguing with the Austrians on other matters. His debate with Hayek on monetary matters is well known, starting with Hayek’s review of Keynes’s “Treatise on Money”. Hayek however, did not pay as much attention to Keynes” “General Theory”, dismissing as an inadequate piece on employment.
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I am working on a study regarding the particular case of Romania in the past 25 years and would be interested in other approaches of this subject.
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Dear Tudor, Ciumara,
I think you will find that fiscal policies vary with political ideologies. In the United States the Democrats are in favor of fiscal stimulus (government spending) as they have done in the current recession. The Republicans, on the other side, will hold on to some supply-side policies, where lower taxes will increase supply to the extent that tax revenue will increase (Laffer curve). The current textbook position is that a cut in the tax rate will affect both aggregate demand (AD) and aggregate supply (AS). Lower tax increases the incentive to work, creating more output, but some say that such incentive is small relative to the shift in demand that will occur.
For a recent article, I recommend the entry on fiscal policy in Thomas Cate edited, “An Encyclopedia of Keynesian Economics, second edition, Edward Elgar, 2013, pp. 190-194.
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Towards the end of General Theory by J. M. Keynes, chapter 23, there is an apparently surprising passage:
"I was brought up to believe that the attitude of the Medieval Church to the rate of interest was inherently absurd, and that the subtle discussions aimed at distinguishing the return on money-loans from the return to active investment were merely Jesuitical attempts to find a practical escape from a foolish theory. But I now read these discussions as an honest intellectual effort to keep separate what the classical theory has inextricably confused together, namely, the rate of interest and the marginal efficiency of capital.
For it now seems clear that the disquisitions of the schoolmen were directed towards the elucidation of a formula which should allow the schedule of the marginal efficiency of capital to be high, whilst using rule and custom and the moral law to keep down the rate of interest."
This passage  seems very close to Saint Thomas Aquinas' thought: 
Money is not an end but a means of buying goods and services. Putting money out for the generation of more money is an evil unto itself.
(a first contribution to the discussion may be the Massimo Amato's paper presented during the XIV International Economic History Congress, Helsinki 2006 http://www.helsinki.fi/iehc2006/papers2/Amato.pdf )
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One must understand it clearly that in fact rate of interest and the marginal efficiency of capital have an opposite individual existence. Rate of interest does not takes care about the production activity and the profits and losses incurred, while MEC wholly depends upon the production and productivity. SO for me interest rate is the wildest form of exploitation used with great tactics, it is a vice almost sharing great responsibility in creating the large divide between rich and the poor.
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There are many studies of the18th century that cover the Royal Economic Spanish Societies but not with regard to the similarities and differences in the educational area with other foreign societies. We believe that a comparative study between both might help.
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I,m interested.
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I am looking at a deflating export series since 1962 to see trends in real terms.
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Thank you very much for your answers. Yes, I am working with Comtrade to calculate unit values and checking consistency with shorter time series I was able to find from UNCTAD and CEPII.
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I need weekly, daily data for the UK Famam and French three variables SMB, HML, and RF
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I believe economic historians have reached more or less a consensus on net positive welfare effects for the first generations of industrial workers in England so that the push effect of the enclosures was in effect compensated by positive welfare effects. Thus the historical record seems to contradict Marx's famous Chapter 24 of Capital where he more or less assumes that the welfare consequences of the rural exodus were negative. I have looked for but not found good references on this. Can anybody direct me?
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Fine Henry! Now I think we agree. I never said that welfare effects are enough to study the effects of the enclosures. They are crucial however.
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Was it the second world war, disagreement with Bretton woods with US Dollar dominance or the aftermath of 1929 great depression? 
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All these events were significant. Even before World War II it was noted that competition in this area does not result in anything good (currency wars). Bretton Woods system also had its own weaknesses (periods of suspended convertibility) ... Europe sought to rebuild after the war so monetary collaboration was essential for this reason as well...
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Unusual clay rollers have been found in the excavations at Ban Chiang the use of which is unknown. The one pictured is about 70mm long by 30mm in diameter. Suggestions as to use include design stamping onto cloth, pottery, bark-cloth or even onto the bodies of the deceased. A further suggestion, that is of particular interest to me, is that by Folan and Hyde that they are part of an Accounting system.
Information on these can be found in the link below:
The Significance of Clay Rollers of the Ban Chiang Culture by Folan and Hyde
“…tokens forming part of … an accounting system..…..a precursor to writing…. and….. tokens representing various quantities of goods.”
However, the following link seems to disprove the “Accounting” theory as the rollers seem to be linked only with the burials of very young children.
Introduction to Ban Chiang Archaeological Site
“Among some of the children’s burials were some intricately carved baked clay rollers, the purpose of which is currently unknown. The carefully patterned rollers are from low-fire clay and are about 7-9cm long. They may have been used to add patterns to cloth or used as seals to make an ownership mark on other clay objects. The rollers were buried with children aged just 1 to 6, too young to have been artisans, but this must have been significant. No adult burials had rollers.”
There are a number of links on the Internet relating to the rollers but I can’t find anything new on the subject.
I would appreciate any information that would help to explain these rollers.
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As far as I remember Ch. Higham suggested that the rolers could hardly be used for textile printing because their shape is not well fitted for this. I understood that some experiments have been done and the rollers would have to be covered by the pigment too often to be effective. They could be thus used rather for imprints in clay, but I'm not sure if any prove of such use have been found yet.
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Curiosities as well as commodities shaped the emerging strategies for the empirical study of Nature. But what is your opinion?
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I don't think you can draw a line between the two. For early modern naturalists, every curiosity was potentially a commodity and vice versa. Also, curiosities could appeal to a different group of collectors from commodities. Wealthy scholars and collectors of curiosities had different interests from the merchants who sought commodities, but it should also be pointed out that the in early modern period, the most sought after commodities were ones already familiar to Europeans. They sought first and foremost in the New World, after precious metals, valuable commodities already obtained from Asia. The big draw was tropical climate zones where they could expect to find or be able to cultivate commodities such as spices, aloes and, especially sugar. So for every new commodity they discovered, such as tobacco, "old" commodities that could be found (cod fish from the Grand Banks, lumber for European ships from Canada and New England, beaver pelts from the same regions) or produced (sugar), allowed Europeans to obtain more cheaply goods that were more expensive when obtained from Asia or, as in the case of beaver pelts, from Russia. Curiosities were of interest as well, but that interest was fairly superficial except amongst naturalists and wealthy amateur collectors unless the curiosity could become a commodity.
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History of financial crisis of XX and begin XXI centuries says what we are not learning. Russian default – 1998 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1998_Russian_financial_crisis); Brasilian crisis – 1981-1993, Brasilian currency crisis – 1999 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_history_of_Brazil); Asian financial crisis – 1997–1998 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1997_Asian_financial_crisis); dot-com crisis – 2001 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dot-com_bubble); Argentine crisis 1998-2002 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1998%E2%80%932002_Argentine_great_depression); economic and financial crisis 2007-2009 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Financial_crisis).
May be there is another formulation idea of that question?
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I think it's a matter of principle of conservation of resources. Just as matter or energy, money is not created or destroyed. It has to be generated somehow and it does not disappear without convincing explanations.
The best text I have ever read on the subject of international economic crises was written by Lyndon Larouche, repeatedly candidate for president of the United States and several times he was third.
He is a controversial figure. His texts can be found in the Schiller Institute (www.schillerinstitute.com) site.
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For years I've been frustrated with the textbooks I've seen on Economic History. Either they are focused on Why Countries Develop - and thus on Britain in the 18th and 19th centuries, the US in the 20th and 21st - or else they are focused on a particular region or country. Admittedly, I haven't dedicated a lot of time to an exhaustive search. Are there any recent Economic History books out there that consider the truly global effects of the important events, like the European "discovery" of the Americas, the Industrial Revolution(s), and the Cold War?
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Bonnie
Cameron, Rondo and Larry Neal, A Concise Economic History of the World: From Paleolithic Times to the Present, New York, Oxford University Press, 2003. This is has been my favourite, with different complements. The same for Maddison. (Maddison, Angus: (2002) La Economía Mundial: una perspectiva milenaria, Ediciones Mundi-Prensa. Madrid.)
You may also have a look at Comín Comín, Francisco [2011], Historia económica Mundial. De los orígenes a la actualidad (Madrid, Alianza Editorial), for spanish-language students. (More concise is (my favourite) Comín, Francisco, Mauro Hernández y E.Llopis (eds.) (2005), Historia Económica Mundial, siglos X-XX, Barcelona, Crítica)
Don´t forget Eichengreen, B (1996); Globalizing Capital (Princeton University Press) (2nd edition 2008) as a complement
If you have time, you can go to eh,net: http://www.thebhc.org/resources/syllabi.html for ideas!
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What are the answers in the history of economic thought, or definitions of "one part of an economy"?
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Well, the question is, how I can give a proper definition for "one part of the economy" ... and that means definition of the total economy which can be "cut into pieces" by a defined scale - in its physical presence ... not in a given monetary unit ...
I mean, if you have a rural economy ... all products can be defined as some kind of food (as a very easy example) ... and therefore can be measured by ... maybe its caloric content ...
The same question in principle I am asking for economics.
We live by 100% in a real world. Economy does play in a real world. Therefore there must be a physical expression in different dimensions and characteristics.
The question is: What should we use as the core of economic doing?
And you gave the normally given answer: "Men act." ...
I would say: "Doing work." ... which is the physical description of acting.
But this also stretches out to machine work, controlled by humans.
Doing work is everything.
That is the core of economic doing.
That is the unit to be used as the lowest common numéraire.
It is an absolute value - in the opposit of money, which is always relative.
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I know the books and articles by J. Radkau, K. Appuhn, K. Matteson, P. Warde, H. Küster, C. Totman, S. Dursun, M. Agnoletti etc.
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Oh, thanks! The Social Lives of Forests book is strongest for the tropics. Greg Zaro, at the University of Maine (Dept. Anthropology) is now working on the historical ecology of Croatia, so it might be worth contacting him for some leads to the literature. Good luck with your project!
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I am interested in the Kaldor-Kuznets-Solow consensus on the connection between Equity and Economic growth. Does anyone have some good reading suggestions on the subject ?
I am looking for the historical and empirical underpinnings as opposed to the theoretical.
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The Kuznets part always was hihgly controversial. All textbooks on Development discuss this. The Solow part needs adding aspects of globalization. Kaldor has contributed many important aspects but no framework integrating them: endogenous growth, scale economies, externalities, accelerator investment functions.