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I would be grateful for an explanation of how to correctly cite the Nag Hammadi texts. I could not find a manual on google, perhaps I typed wrong words in the search.
I paste a few fragments which I need to quote, supplemented by my "numbering" of the reference below, which is most surely incorrect. I also added a page number from Robinson's translation.
1. “[i]t is I who am God; there is none [apart from me].”
NHC II, 86, 30–31, James M. Robinson, ed., “The Hypostasis of the Archons (II,4),” in The Nag Hammadi Library in English, trans. Bentley Layton, 3rd ed. (San Francisco, CA: Harper and Row, 2000), 162.
2. “the archons took him and placed him in paradise. And they said to him, ‘Eat, that is at leisure,’ for their luxury is bitter and their beauty is depraved. And their luxury is deception and their trees are godlessness and their fruit is deadly poison and their promise is death.”
NHC II, 21, 17–24, James M. Robinson, ed., “The Apocryphon of John (II,1, III,1, IV,1, and BG 8502,2),” in The Nag Hammadi Library in English, trans. Frederik Wisse, 117.
3. “[t]his time he planned to bring a flood upon the work of man,”
NHC II, 28, 34–35, Robinson, “The Apocryphon of John,” 121.
4. “Come, let us cause a deluge with our hands and obliterate all flesh, from man to beast.”
NHC II, 92, 5–8, Robinson, “The Hypostasis of the Archons,” 166.
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On pgs 121-122 of the attached book you will see that you need to cite the specific gospel and the line number and then full details of the text that you are using in your bibliography.
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I would like to start a paper on the relation and development of early Christian symbolism and authority within the Early Church. I'm looking in particular for a recent index of symbols. Could you recommend me any? Thank you!
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Perhaps you could consult Ildar Garipzanov’s Graphic Signs of Authority in Late Antiquity an the Early Middle Ages (OUP 2018), https://global.oup.com/academic/product/graphic-signs-of-authority-in-late-antiquity-and-the-early-middle-ages-300-900-9780198815013?cc=cz&lang=en&
And also the volume edited by the same author and alii published by Brepols:
Also invaluable and classic is the Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie in 8 volumes published by Herder:
Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie. Hrsg. von Engelbert Kirschbaum (Bände 1–4) und Wolfgang Braunfels (Bände 5–8). 8 Bände. Herder, Freiburg im Breisgau u. a. 1968–1976, ISBN 3-451-22568-9.
Of interest could be also:
Diefenbach, Steffen
Römische Erinnerungsräume
Heiligenmemoria und kollektive Identitäten im Rom des 3. bis 5. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. (De Gruyter 2007)
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For this, I have chosen Saint Augustine (354-430), or often known as Augustine of Hippo, in present day Algeria. He was an early Christian father and philosopher, who added a few additions to the Christian faith changing it effectively from a pacifist set of beliefs with an acceptance of women (or at least not institutionalised misogyny) into one that, through his concept of original sin, made female sexuality a spiritual threat and sex distasteful, and through his concept of a Just War Christians into potential warriors. Many of his other, not-mentioned, ideas made Christianity into a paradigm of introversion and neurosis.
Of course there are many others more obvious, Fascism and Nazi beliefs, but there are many others wrongly celebrated that have caused immense problems and numerous deaths. Socrates and Plato I believe fostered elitism, and, with some effort, that can be viewed as ultimately damaging. Make a choice......
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While I agree with you of course, Peter, that idealism has killed billions, certainly when attached to religion or religious behaviour, and Marx cannot therefore be excused, also he did not intend what happened under the Bolsheviks, who made a particularly violent approach to Marx's ideas. There's something of the early Islam in Bolshevism, that its ideas can be forced onto others. Here I'm talking about the early conquest tropes, where the message and morals were so absolute that day to day morality was bypassed. Bolshevism was not the only approach, just the worst.
Marx's writings in general indicate a highly moral personality, shocked by poverty, injustice and suffering (to an extent) of others.
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In spite of claims to the contrary, there's no credible evidence that Jesus ever traveled to India. There are, however, many reasons to suggest he was influenced by Buddhist missionaries traveling through Palestine during his formative years. Many stories and ideas in the gospels parallel similar stories and ideas attributed to Buddha. Is their proof that the Buddhist stories pre-date the gospels? 
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I see no reason to assume a Buddhist connection to the account of the wise men in Matthew.  That story is far more easily and logically handled by looking at Parthian connections.
Now that there were Buddhist missionaries is very clear and it is plausible that they influenced some of the teachings and/or stories of Jesus, but it is not necessary.  It is interesting to see the arguments brought forward to make the connections, but some of the arguments are not convincing at all.  Some of these look very much like the arguments that since there were pyramids in both ancient Central America and in Egypt that there must be a connection.  I tend to think that parallel ideas can develop independently of each other.  And there is also the notion that commonalities sometime do not reflect mutual influence but rather some deeper, unrecognized common source.
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I'm writing a paper on the exegetical methods applied in the Epistle of Barnabas, and I'm currently stuck a bit while trying to determine whether a certain piece belongs to one or another type of interpretation. It sems to me by now, that these types are sometimes quite inseparable and work together to support the author's thought, intervined and completing each other.
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Dear Nikita,
Let us not forget that the Midrash comes from the Hebrew verb Derash or (daras in Arabic) which simply means to study. Studying the Hebrew bible usually necessitates two strategies: pechat and remez. (literal versus metaphoric meaning). It is sometimes very hard to draw a line between both strategies since both of them are sometimes used to deliberately make this material less accessible to the casual reader and prevent its abuse by detractors. My advice is to follow the chronological order of interpretation. The older it is the more likely it would be literal and vice versa. because most fo the time , metaphoric interpretation is an answer to a controversial issue.
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From our Latin American modernist in the 19th century, who established the closest link between journalism and the short story in Latin America through his writings? Najera, Marti, Dario or Rodó? Why?
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Esa es la eterna realidad, siempre habrá otra versión diferente a la nuestra. Pero eso es lo que estimula las ideas, los nuevos libros, la civilización. Todo es un eterno cambio. Para mí, la conexión que usted hace es importante porque la ignoraba. Me es casi imposible estar al tanto de todo. En todo caso, agradezco el intercambio intelectual con usted.
Saludos!
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Since context is a fundamental aspect of obtaining a genuine understanding about ideas and traditions, I'm curious about the extent to which the early Church fathers and early Christian community adhered to existing norms within Hebrew and Roman culture/society. Influence is often a two-way street, in that ideas produced by a particular source can spread throughout and influence society, while at the same time becoming reactions to the social environment of the time.
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A multi-layered question indeed.
And quite complex also: in physics the mechanic outcome of elastic collision can be easily calculated in case of two balls. That is not thruth in case of three balls.
It is somehow similar the case of the collision of the roman, hebrew and christian religion – during the first centuries. Sorry, during the last centuries. Khmm, during few millennia ago…
Because even by using a christian, roman or hebrew calendar, the user may lost her/his/it’s (!) objectivity.
The question is formulated in a kind of holistic vision. It can be approached by simplifying.
1. the R-C relation : romans did not regarded christianity as a religion, but as a superstition. And they regarded christians as high-nutritive-valued food for their captive lions. Good for circus of the Panem et circenses slogan
2. the H-C relation: hebrews regarded Jesus as an apocalyptic prophet, not as a Messiah. So, they considered christianity a sect which took a wrong turn.
3. The R-H relation was marked by the first jewish revolt (ended with the destruction of the Temple in 70) and the third revolt led by BarKochba, ended by Julius Severus’s 12 legion, which accomplished the first genocide in 135 (580.000 Jew killed in Judea. Roman soldiers stopped stabbing and killing the Jews to save their own horses, because the jewish blood rose till the level of their horses’s nostrils – according to the Torah)
These aspects can shed some light to the complex interrelations which shaped the evolution of these religions. These relations were driven mostly by the desire of physical extermination, territorial and financial dominance of the opponents - or sometimes to force them to convert (this had an unconvenient aspect: converted people could not be taken as slaves, expropriated or forced to pay double taxes.)
But if we approach this multi-layered question in this simplified way, we will find a lot of similarities with our modern problems. We fight and kill people in name of Christ (modern crusades), Allah the (Djihad) or to build the Third Temple – saying that we fight for democracy and justice. We declare that the territorial claims, the petrol, the interest rates are on a secondary plane.
Early christianity, the last roman emperors or the Kingdom of Judea had to find their ways of survive in a highly complex situation – and one of them has failed. The biggest and strongest.
Did we learned something from their exemple?
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The background of this question is the issue of whether the apostle Paul could have criticized the Roman empire in his letters without any danger (cf. John M. G. Barclay: Why the Roman Empire was insignificant to Paul).
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Dr. Helig,
My dissertation advisor at Harvard University Divinity School is the late Prof. Dieter Georgi. He passed away in March of 2005. His doctoral dissertation completed at Heidelberg (in the late 1950s/early 1960s) is: The Opponents of Paul in II Corinthians. His dissertation was originally produce in German.
The English translation of Prof. Georgi's disseratation was published in 1985 (via Fortress Press, in Philadelphia, PA, USA). Prof. Georgi's interest in Paul remained quite pronounced throughout his scholarly life.
His habilitation published in German in Germany in 1964 is on The History of Paul's Collection for Jerusalem. That work, too, was published in English in 1992 under the title: Remembering the Poor: The History of Paul's Collection for Jerusalem.
Another work of Prof. Georgi's that might be related to the question you pose is: Theocracy: In Paul's Praxis and Theology (1991).
In addition, I think a collection of essays published in 2004, less than a year before he passed away, might, more than any other of Prof. Georgi's publications be relevant in relationship to your question above. The book is entitled: The City in the Valley: Biblical Interpretation and Urban Theology (from an SBL series: Studies in Biblical Literature).
I hope that what I have shared above might prove helpful.
Thomas M. Scott, Th. D.
Associate Professor of Religion
Clark Atanta University
Atlanta, GA