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To be able to deal head on with the social and environmental sustainability failures linked to NON-CIRCULAR TRADITIONAL ECONOMY thinking the Brundtland Commission in 1987(WCED) led us away from that type of thinking by recommending sustainable development tools....The WCED did not recommend then to go CIRCULAR TRADITIONAL ECONOMY THINKING to solve the social and environmental problems created by traditional economic thinking as in both economies you are not accounting for the social and environmental costs of doing business.
To be able to deal head on with the environmental sustainability failures linked to NON-CIRCULAR TRADITIONAL ECONOMY thinking the United Nations Commission on Sustainabiled development in 2012(UNCSD) was leading ust the way of circular green markets through green markets, green growth and green economies, away from business as usual.....The UNCSD did not recommend then to go CIRCULAR TRADITIONAL ECONOMY THINKING to solve the environmental problems created by traditional economic thinking as in both economies you are not accounting for the environmental costs of doing business.
In other words, the WCED was trying to fix a social and environmental sustainability problem by using sustainable development means to leave traditional thinking behind; and the UNCSD was trying to fix an environmental sustainability problem using green market thinking.
If the circular economy thinking has the same problems as the non-circular economic thinking of Adam Smith in social and/or environmental terms, how can circular economy thinking be presented today as the solution to the problem that the circular economy is also contributing to?
And this raises the question, Does CIRCULAR ECONOMY THINKING means a WORLD living under permanent social and environmental market failure?
What do you think? If you think No, why do you think so? If you think Yes, Why do you think so?
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Thank you Stephen, for commenting, We agreed then GOING CIRCULAR ECONOMY THINKING means formalizing a world under permanent market failure A LA BUSINESS AS USUAL but circular.
But the WCED 1987 "Our common future" and the UNCSD 2012 "The future we want" aimed for a world AWAY FROM TRADITIONAL MARKET THINKING as the only way to correct social and/or environmental market failures, one by going the way of sustainable development, and the other by going the way of green markets. Both of them were geared to leave the traditional market idea behind because it has embedded in its pricing mechanism the root cause of social and/or environmental problems: DISTORTED MARKET PRICES, Prices that do not reflect the social and/or environmental cost associated with the working of the traditional market,
GOING TRADITIONAL ECONOMY CIRCULARITY TO SOLVE THE PROBLEMS OF TRADITIONAL MARKET CIRCULARITY BY ASSUMPTION is a punch in the face to the recommendations the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Development and to the 2012 United Nations Commission on Sustainable development BECAUSE DOING that is GOING FROM POLLUTION PRODUCTION MARKETS WITH BROKEN CIRCULARITY OR LINEAR TO POLLUTION PRODUCTION MARKETS BUT CIRCULAR,
In a traditional economy, in the case of the environment, the good produced are not green and the goods consumed are not green. In the circular traditional economy the good produced are not green, the good consumed are not green, and therefore, the good recycled are not green. The environmental system may collapse in front of you under the circular economy thinking, but while the system is collapsing the corporations will still be making money by externalizing environmenal costs and those cleaning after corporations to close the circle with also be making money while externalizing their environmental externalities, two layers of environmental externalization now,
Thank you for commenting
Respectfully yours
Luico
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The Brundtland Commission told us in 1987 in "Our Common Future" that the traditional development model has failed us as it has brought with it deep social and environmental sustainability problems, and to leave TRADITIONAL ECONOMIC THINKING BEHIND they recommended sustainable development thinking, sadly they did not set priorities such as to focus sustainable development thinking to fix the social sustainability problem first, then the environmental sustainability problem or to focus on the environmental sustainability problem first, and then the social sustainability problem or focus on solving both problems, the social and environmental sustainability problems at the same time.
Notice, the WCED did not recommend to go CIRCULAR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT to lead traditional thinking behind.
This lack of foresight led to a very active competition between different sustainable development schools of thoughts, where in 2012 Rio +20 the WIN-WIN ECONOMY AND ENVIRONMENTA MODEL or the ECO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT SCHOOL OF THOUGHT WON the sustainable development contest; and they indicated the need to go green market, green growth, and green economies in THE FUTURE WE WANT(UNCSD 2012) as now, there was a priority, to solve the environmental sustainability problem first through green market circularity as WIN-WIN meant that now the environmental cost associated with economic activities were going to be reflected in green market prices.
Notice, that RIO +20 conference did not recommend to go CIRCULAR TRADITIONAL ECONOMY then because they knew it is not pollution reduction friendly as it only account for economic cost of production; and hence it is not consistent with the environmental responsibility priority they had set to advance now environmentally friendly development models.
Both the WCED 1987 approach and the UNCSD 2012 approach are approaches leading the world away from BUSINESS AS USUAL as both of them knew that the sustainability issues they were tasked to solve are driven by irresponsible market behavior in social and/or environmental terms.
Now like if the WCED 1987 process and the UNCSD 2012 process never took place, out of no where the world is systematically pushing the idea of CIRCULAR TRADITIONAL ECONOMY to solve the development problems IT HAS CREATED as documented by those 2 different but linked processes.
They are presenting the idea of the CIRCULAR TRADITIONAL ECONOMY as a solution to the environmental market failure the WCED and the UNCSD linked to traditional market thinking under broken circularity in practice, but circular in theory by the environmental externality neutrality assumption given to us by Adam Smith in 1776 and under which his market can expand for ever without producing environmental externalities. Hence, it seems like the market supporting this CIRCULAR TRADITIONAL ECONOMY is no longer a traditional market, and hence, it is no longer AN ENVIRONMENTAL POLLUTION PRODUCTION MARKET.
And this raises the question, What type of market and price structure is behind this current push on traditional economy circularity?
What do you think?
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Thanks Prof. Lucio. I appreciate your contribution quite very well. I understand perfectly the essence of green economy and that was why I mentioned the adoption and utilistation of green fuel as substitute to hydrocarbon fuel to enforce an environmental sustainability all the world over. Thanks once again for your submission Sir.
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There is an environmental pollution problem linked to the environmental pollution production market of Adam Smith the world has been trying to solve ongoing since 1987/Our Common Future and later in 2012/RIO +20 The Future We Want. Both the WCED 1987 and the UNCSD 2012 recommended solutions other than CIRCULAR ECONOMY THINKING. They did this as they knew that this thinking is not environmental pollution reduction friendly and it is not pollution-less market/environmentally clean market friendly.
In other words, both the WCED and the UNCSD knew that the working of the traditional economy, circular by assumption or by definition leads to environmental problems, reason why the WCED asked us to go beyond traditional economic thinking, circular or not, to solve the sustainability issues of the day.
Yet today October 2023, the circular economy is presented, contrary to the facts above, as the solution to environmental problems caused by the traditional economy that feeds them or will feed them as now polluting is profit making and cleaning pollution is also profit making. This makes the circular economy a predetermine or science-less approach that can only be supported by alternative academic facts as it is not aimed at fixing the root cause of the environmental problems.
And this raises the question: Is the current circular economy thinking push a current example of academic tunneling?
What do you think? Yes, and why you think so? or No, and why you think so?
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Since polluting is profit-making and cleaning pollution is also profit-making, the circular economy theory hasn't solved the problem but provided short-term succours. For instance, those in the pollution-cleaning economy such as those converting plastics to other products, need a continuous supply of plastic waste to remain in business. The best way is to address the issue from the source of pollution not bringing back the pollutants into the environment in a modified form.
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Think of the environmental sustainability problem the Brundtland Commission highlighted and documented in 1987(WCED) in “Our Common Future” as an environmental pollution production market problem, the consequence of a market failure that was always there and which has always been there embedded in the perfect traditional market thinking, but it was assumed away using environmental externality neutrality assumptions. A problem that can only be solved by internalizing the environmental cost of production in the pricing mechanism of the traditional market to shift it to green market pricing. Hence, only when we fix the root cause of the environmental pollution production problem, the environmentally distorted traditional market prices, we address the environmental pollution problem head on as when doing this we are making environmental pollution reduction a good business opportunity for green producers.
Since we have not fixed the root cause of the problem yet as there are no green markets in place today to transition green economies towards the environmentally clean economies; then this raises the question: Is the current traditional circular economy thinking push worse for the environment than the perfect traditional market economy thinking of Adam Smith that created the environmental problem in the first place?
If Yes, why? If, No, why not?
What do you think?
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One of the interesting things about research is that, the facts generated as the ultimate findings today might be disputed tomorrow when replicated under the same conditions or different contexts. At the onset of the open market before the circular one, one of the presupposition of the earlier scientists was that, polyethene bags were environmentally friendly. However, this fact has been disproved and resulted in an idea of circular economy. To me, to conclude that, the traditional circular economy is doing more harm than good is sketchy. It has to take time to reveal itself. For instance, consider AI that has been in existing since 1950s but only recently most of its intelligent agents get accustomed by a majority of its users. Probably, the same thing with circular economy. To construct a viable structure requires time, energy, patience, perseverance, etc.
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Avoiding the shift from perfect traditional market thinking to perfect green market thinking since 2012 RIO +20 has created a deep green market paradigm shift knowledge gap.
Flipping perfect traditional market thinking to imperfect dwarf green market thinking since 2012 to avoid the shift to perfect green markets has created a deep dwarf green market paradigm flip knowledge gap too.
These knowledge gaps are apparently helping those researchers and institutions implementing development under permanent environmental market failure as well as confusing environmental stakeholders on proper place for action and protest as the responsibility of governments, of businesses and of consumers are changed, and even inversed depending on the market in question.
And this raises the question, green market paradigm shift knowledge gaps and dwarf green market paradigm flip knowledge gaps, are they academic tunneling/willful blindness push helpers?
What do you think?
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The concepts of "Green Market Paradigm Shift Knowledge Gaps" and "Dwarf Green Market Paradigm Flip Knowledge Gaps" represent critical areas of concern in the context of environmental sustainability and market dynamics. These knowledge gaps signify the disparities in our understanding of the evolving green economy and the challenges it presents.
The "Green Market Paradigm Shift Knowledge Gaps" pertain to the lack of comprehensive insights into the transformative changes occurring in the global economy as it increasingly shifts towards sustainability, eco-friendliness, and renewable resources. Addressing these gaps is crucial for policymakers, businesses, and researchers to harness the potential of this green transition effectively.
On the other hand, "Dwarf Green Market Paradigm Flip Knowledge Gaps" refer to the often overlooked or underestimated aspects within this shift, which could have significant impacts if ignored. They signify a potential blind spot in academia and policymaking, which, if not recognized, might hinder progress toward a truly sustainable global economy.
Both these knowledge gaps underscore the importance of robust research and comprehensive understanding in shaping a more sustainable and environmentally responsible future, ensuring that we do not inadvertently hinder our progress by neglecting critical aspects of the green market paradigm shift.
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Under perfect green markets if there is a market failure, should governments be expected to act as market failure correctors and enforcers in the face of social pressure?
I think yes, what do you think?
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Umesh, thank you for commenting. We agree then, under perfect marketing thinking, including perfect green market thinking, the only way government intervention is appropriate is when addressing market failures.
Let's flip the coint, What do you think the government would do if DWARF GREEN MARKETS, which make the environmental market failure permanent while externality management is going on, tend towards clear collapse,,,,should we expect them to act as market failure correctors and enforcers?
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The dirty economy is an economy running on dirty energy and the clean economy is an economy running on clean energy.
To seriously address the pollution generation problem of the dirty economy to go beyond living under polluting environments we have to transition it to the clean economy so one day we can be living in clean environments as living under polluting environments for ever is a daunting idea. Which raises the question, Is the idea of going carbon neutral through for example sequestration a clean market friendly idea?
What do you think?
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Douglas, good day. Long time not hearing from you.
I would appreciate if you read the context on which the question here is supported to guide you….the question is about carbon neutrality/ sequestration ideas and clean markets and friendliness. Your answer is not directly related to the actual question so I will not comment.
In case you have not seen them, you may find some good food for thoughts here related to your comment from an outside the box angle about figuring out among other things how to go and not to go to a free carbon future:
Sustainability thoughts 139: How can the 2012 road to transition from environmental pollution based traditional economies to the environmentally clean economies that the world never built be pointed out?
Sustainability thought 162: Can we transition from the environmentally dirty economy to the environmental clean economy with the use of dwarf green markets? If no, why not?
Sustainability thought 179: Can we transition from the environmentally dirty economy to the environmental clean economy with the use of green markets? If Yes, why?
Sustainability thought 177: What are environmental pollution production markets, environmental pollution reduction markets, environmental pollution management markets and no environmental pollution production markets? How do they work?
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For the UN:
"A circular economy entails markets that give incentives to reusing products, rather than scrapping them and then extracting new resources. In such an economy, all forms of waste, such as clothes, scrap metal and obsolete electronics, are returned to the economy or used more efficiently."
And this raises the question: Is a circular economy focused on reusing waste a green economy or a dwarf green economy?
What do you think?
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A circular economy focused on reusing waste can be considered a green economy, as it promotes sustainability and reduces waste and resource consumption. However, whether it is a full-fledged green economy or a "dwarf" green economy depends on the scope and extent of the circular economy practices.
A green economy is an economy that is low-carbon, resource-efficient, and socially inclusive, and aims to promote sustainable development while reducing environmental impacts. A circular economy can contribute to these goals by reducing waste and promoting resource efficiency. However, to fully achieve a green economy, circular economy practices must be integrated with other sustainability practices such as renewable energy, sustainable land use, and reducing pollution.
Therefore, a circular economy focused on reusing waste can be seen as a step towards a green economy, but the full transition to a green economy requires a more comprehensive approach that addresses a range of environmental and social issues.
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Circularity in reusing waste implies a world under ongoing waste production disconnected from green supply and green demand dynamics.
The UN works seems not to even think about the need to link circular economic thinking with clean economy thinking so as to envision one day such a transition
And this raises the question: Can we transition to the environmentally clean economy through the use of reducing waste based circular economies?
I think No, what do you think?
What do you think, Yes or No, and why you think so?
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The transition to an environmentally clean economy requires a multifaceted approach, and while reducing waste through circular economies can certainly be a part of that approach, it is unlikely to be sufficient on its own.
Circular economies can help reduce waste and improve resource efficiency, but they do not necessarily address other environmental challenges such as reducing greenhouse gas emissions, promoting renewable energy, and protecting biodiversity. A comprehensive approach to the transition to an environmentally clean economy should involve a combination of measures, including circular economy strategies, clean energy development, sustainable land use practices, and policies to reduce pollution and protect natural ecosystems.
Furthermore, circular economies themselves must also be designed with environmental considerations in mind, as not all circular economy models are necessarily sustainable or environmentally beneficial. For example, a circular economy that relies heavily on the use of fossil fuels or other environmentally damaging practices may not be effective in achieving environmental goals.
In summary, while circular economies can certainly contribute to the transition to an environmentally clean economy, they are unlikely to be the sole solution. A comprehensive approach that includes multiple strategies and takes into account the environmental impacts of circular economy models is needed to achieve a truly sustainable and environmentally
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China's rise to ‘great-power status’ in the 21st century, together with the growing
influence of the EU as a ‘normative power’2 has ushered in a period of significant geopolitical reorientations of the Central Asian states and of major external players. Specifically, over the past decade, the emergence of the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) appears to have relatively altered the existing ‘balance of power’ in the CA region. By inventing the SCO— an inter-governmental security cooperation organization China has markedly increased its presence throughout the region politically, culturally, economically and militarily.At the beginning of the 21st century, however, the EU’s foreign policy toward the CA states underwent radical changes. On the basis of empirical observation, it can be argued that the events of 9/11 accompanied by the rise in ‘global discourse on terrorism’ made EU policy makers more aware of the rising political profile and strategic importance of the CA countries and encouraged them to carve out a differentiated, meaningful and value-oriented strategy vis-à-vis the region. How do the EU's norms differ from the ones promulgated by the Chinese and Russians within the SCO club?
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Good question asked for almost a decade ago that its answers are visible to all contemporarily
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Setting aside the problems raised by positive conflicts of jurisdiction, does it make any sense that the alleged corruption of MEPs is dealt with under Belgian (or French, or any other national) law, and is thus subject to the definition of the offence and the penalties it provides for?
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Many thanks for all the answers.
Indeed, there is no EU law that directly provides for the definition and punishment of corruption of an EU official (or any other offence, for all that matters). I agree that, in such a context, national laws apply, based on the classic grounds of jurisdiction. However, this is the starting point of the discussion, not the conclusion - should it be so? Should the punishment of an offence against a legal interest of the EU (which does not concern the Member States) be left to national laws and their idiosyncrasies? The problem is not which national law should apply - but whether *any* national law should apply. Suppose that, for some reason, the competent national law (eg., the territorial law) only punishes the corruption of national officials. Or - more likely - that the penalties provided for by the several national laws for the bribery of an EU official vary widely. The position of the EU in this respect is fundamentally different from other international organisations: it is a *political Union*, endowed with legislative competence, also in the field of criminal law (art. 83 TFEU). My point is that, for the protection of a few legal interests of its own, the EU should have the competence to define the offences and set the penalties via an act (a regulation) that would apply across the EU, irrespective of the place of commission or the nationality of the perpetrator. Of course, this would require a specific basis (and hence a change) in the Treaties.
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I think Yes, what do you think?
Below are some articles with some food for thoughts shared recently in order to understand the nature, structure and expected working of exism movements
Sustainability thoughts 133: Stating the expected step by step road from majority rule based liberal democracies to permanent authoritarianism: The case of the 2016-2020 rise and fall of Trumpism
Moral and Amoral Liberal Democracies: How Targeted Chaos Can Affect the Democratic Process?
The 2016 shift from normal liberal democracy to extreme liberal democracy in the USA: Pointing out the structure of Trumpconomics, its meaning, and its expected local and global implications, both analytically and graphically
Sustainability thoughts 131: How can the shift from normal liberal democracies to extreme liberal democracies be used to extract the democratic structure that leads to the rise of temporary and permanent authoritarianism from within?
Sustainability thoughts 131: How can the shift from normal liberal democracies to extreme liberal democracies be used to extract the democratic structure that leads to the rise of temporary and permanent authoritarianism from within?
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Yusuf, if you look at exism movements from the point of view of an paradigm shift from normal democratic outcomes to extreme democratic outcomes you need an outside the box thinking model to solve the problem of the paradigm shift knowledge gap created, you need new concepts/ideas no found in dictionaries that how the growth of knowledge works if you remember thomas kuhn's paradigm evolution loop.
If you know what exism movements are you can point out to the answer without looking at the specific concepts.
What is your view on the answer to the question?
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I have to write my bachelor's thesis on international relations and I'd like to dissert on children's legislation, with a comparison between east Asia (Japan or South Korea) and Europe. Does anybody know about some cases that may have entailed both?
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May please see the following link, if possible. Perhaps it may render some relevant material.
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I think Yes, what do you think?
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You are an original thinker and researcher; I have taken your works on sustainability into account. Astronomy replaced astrology, chemistry replaced alchemy; the same process is currently in the making, with respect to social science: what is now understood as economics (mainly a mathematized derivate of private wealth accumulation and subsequent management practices) will be replaced by a more scientific model of human economic action, cleaned up from ideological wishlists. I do regard the profound study of other authors as a precondition of learning, dear Lucio Muñoz Most of my articles and books, i.e. my own work and views, are on my RG account (e.g.
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Do the processes of unifying market, financial, economic, etc. structures on an international scale increase the economic, financial, energy, etc. security of the countries participating in this process?
Does the unification of market structures, an increase in standardization and homogenization of the functioning of economic and financial systems on an international scale, the removal of barriers to the cross-border flow of goods and production factors, the introduction of a common currency cause the acceleration of economic development, an increase in the level of economic and financial stability of the region composed of countries that thus increasingly cooperate with each other economically and not only economically?
An example of the unification of market structures, an increase in standardization and homogenization of the functioning of economic and financial systems on an international scale, the removal of barriers to the cross-border flow of goods and production factors, the introduction of a common currency is the European Union with its area of ​​the common currency, the Euro. European integration includes international cooperation, unifying market structures, removing barriers to the cross-border flow of goods and production factors. A higher level of international economic and financial integration is the adoption of a common currency, e.g. the Euro currency. Poland, just after the system and economic transformation in 1989, because already in the early 1990s, adopted a plan to adjust the economy, financial systems, banking, legal regulations, institutional and organizational issues, etc. to the standards of the European Union, in order to join the EU structures . The central bank in Poland, ie the National Bank of Poland, adopted a strategic plan to combat the then hyperinflation, stabilize the economy and prepare and adjust the financial system, including the banking system, to European Union standards at the very beginning of the 1990s. This process was carried out efficiently and effectively. Poland joined the EU in May 2004. Thus, the aforementioned period of adjustments to the economy, financial systems, banking, legal regulations, institutional and organizational issues, etc., lasted over a decade. The unification of market structures, an increase in the standardization and homogenization of the functioning of economic and financial systems on an international scale, the removal of barriers to the cross-border flow of goods and production factors leads to the reduction of the costs of the implementation of these processes and thus the formation of pro-development impulses that automatically activate economic processes on unified, homogenized markets . As a consequence, economic growth can significantly accelerate and stimulate economic development in the entire region of shared market structures operating in countries that increasingly cooperate with each other. The above-mentioned Unification of market structures, the functioning of economic and financial systems on an international scale, the removal of barriers to the cross-border flow of goods and production factors are also key factors accelerating the processes of economic globalization, globalization of financial systems, etc. Unfortunately, the governments of some, few countries in Europe act as if they did not appreciate these values. For example, unfortunately, this is how the current PIS government of the country in which I operate has operated for 7 years. The plan for Poland to adopt the common currency, the Euro, was adopted at the end of the 1990s. This plan could be implemented a few years after Poland joined the European Union. Unfortunately, the global financial crisis of 2007-2009 caused problems which resulted in the postponement of this plan. However, when the financial markets stabilized after 2009, there could be a return to the implementation of the above-mentioned plan of introducing the Polish economy to the area of ​​the common currency, Euro. However, the political options that took over the reign of power in Poland changed. The current government, which implements a populist economic policy consisting in increasing the scale of centralized state intervention, and finances new socio-economic programs mainly by increasing the public debt and printing the domestic currency PLN. Precisely because the largest socio-economic programs, including anti-crisis shields, which were used during the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) coronavirus pandemic in the form of public financial aid consisting in providing non-repayable subsidies to companies and enterprises, were also based on the reprint of the national currency PLN. The result of the use of additional printing of domestic money during a pandemic on a historically record-high scale was the increase in inflation, which started almost from the beginning of 2021. As the printing of the domestic currency PLN and additional issues of treasury bonds, increasing the public debt are the key instruments for the current government to implement government economic programs, the current government does not want to implement the plan of introducing the Polish economy to the euro area, adopted over two decades ago. As a result, the risk of debt and financial liquidity in the public finance system of the state increases, and inflation continues to rise. Recently, the Central Statistical Office published data showing that in August 2022 inflation increased again and reached a record level of 16.1 percent. Producer inflation is still much higher than consumer inflation, which, combined with the growing interest rates on bank loans, contributes to the deepening economic slowdown, the symptoms of which appeared already in mid-2022. The above-mentioned negative processes, in line with macroeconomic forecasts, will cause a serious downturn in the economy in Poland in the following quarters and in 2023. Core inflation is estimated at around 10 percent. Core inflation is estimated by subtracting food, fuel and energy, i.e. the key factors of international influence, including the impact of the war in Ukraine, from total consumer inflation. As the core inflation generated by internal factors in Poland is much higher than in the European Union, the domestic economic policy, national public policy, public finance management by the government, domestic monetary policy of the politicized central bank, etc. politicized, centrally controlled, interventionist and monetarist, national socio-economic policy in Poland increasingly distances Poland from the plan of adopting the common currency and increases the risk of liquidity and debt of the public finance system of the state. Therefore, in the event of the emergence of another global economic and / or financial crisis in the future, the Polish economy may find itself in a more serious crisis compared to previous crises. Besides, continuing these considerations in order to answer the question: Do the processes of unifying market and financial structures, etc. on an international scale increase the economic and financial security of the countries participating in this process? - further threats that affect the economies and civilization of many countries, such as the currently developing energy crisis and the constantly growing long-term risk of a future climate crisis, can also be taken into account. Transnational economic integration in the European Union also applies to environmental and climate policy, which, unfortunately, also do not belong to the priorities of the current government in Poland. The process of pro-environmental and pro-climate transformation of the Polish economy, including the energy sector, has been slowed down for 7 years in Poland. The result is still a significant advantage of dirty combustion energy in the generation of electricity and heat in Poland. Energy production in Poland based on the combustion of mainly hard coal and other fossil fuels is still 3/4 of the total energy sector. It is also a result of ignoring the guidelines of the environmental and climate policy of the European Union in Poland for many years. Therefore, the level of energy security in the context of the current energy crisis has been significantly lowered by this type of national energy policy. I examined the issues of the above-mentioned standardization of market structures, the functioning of economic and financial systems on an international scale, the removal of barriers to the cross-border flow of goods and production factors, I examined these issues on the example of the adaptation of the banking system, including commercial banks, to European banking. I have included the results of my research on this issue in articles that were published on my profile of this Research Gate portal. Researchers and scientists studying analogous processes of adjusting market structures, financial systems, banking, etc., are invited to scientific cooperation.
In view of the above, I address the following research question to the Honorable Community of Researchers and Scientists:
Do the processes of unifying market, financial, economic, etc. structures on an international scale increase the economic, financial, energy, etc. security of the countries participating in this process?
What is your opinion on this topic?
Please reply,
I invite everyone to the discussion,
Thank you very much,
Best regards,
Dariusz Prokopowicz
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In terms of volume, they do but LDCs and economically weak partners pay the price of becoming wholly reliant on FDIs while, due to lack of local economic structure, technology transfer is minimal.
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What are the main areas of EU influence? Why? How can we say that in a given geographical area the EU is acting as an International actor?
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The coming of exism movements in 2016 led to the coming of extreme democratic outcomes within majority rule based liberal democracies like in the USA.
And this brought a change in the nature of democracy as it has led to a shift from true democracy thinking to temporary democratic authoritarianism thinking.
We are probably familiar with the structure of the forces competing for power in a true democracy, I think. but not with the forces competing in a temporary democratic authoritarianism system. Which raises the question, what is the structure of temporary democratic authoritarianism? Any ideas?
Feel free to express your own views so we can exchange ideas in a positive academic environment as this is an academic question, not a political one.
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Lucio Muñoz , I would like to correct your impression, as follows: "If she would have thought that my answer was lacking, she would have said so including why she thought my answer was lacking so I have the change to reply, but she did not say so…
If there is a paradigm shift, Thomas Kuhn told us in the structure of scientific revolutions, those inside the box cannot see it and they will resist it at the beginning…. During the time of resistance in my view “they are a kind of living in the past”….
The question and focus here is: What is the structure of temporary democratic authoritarianism?"
This is my first opportunity to read your response to my question(s) because I had to work on several manuscripts, in case you are wondering, (1) a theoretical paper on Sacajawea as the matriarchal leader of the United States of America; and (2) East-West influences on Derek Walcott, the 1992 Nobel Award Winner in Literature, the first African American to win it, which blazed a pathway for Toni Morrison, in 1993 the first African American woman to win a Nobel Prize in Literature. If I had been here, I would have thanked you for responding to my request to define "outside of the box." However, it is true that my question, or rebuttal and supporting timeline, with regard to your assertion of what you posited as Trumponomics' dependency on warfare has remained unanswered.
I apologize in advance if there is another delay. Today's email brought a request that I revise a manuscript I wrote a couple of months ago and submitted for consideration for publication as a refereed journal article, which tries to argue my case for the multifaceted depiction of Capitalism in a classic film by Hitchcock, in which I also attempt to indicate ways in which the film coincides with the ideas of Newton, Einstein, Darwin, Freud, Marx, and Veblen. Needless to say, there is a good deal of generalized topical material, which makes a study like this quite vulnerable to (constructive) criticism, for which I am grateful.
I am still interested in knowing whether or not you still hold the view that what you call "Trumponomics" is inextricably bound together with a wartime economy, or have you changed your view?
With best wishes.
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How do you evaluate the European Union's position on Refugees? Is the EU fair enough? Can irregular migration be prevented?
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Economic and financial crises, military crises and the growing climate crisis occurring in developing countries and the lowest income countries, advancing unfavorable climate changes and the effects of these climate changes, such as the more and more frequent droughts and pest infestations on farmlands, drying out wells, and soil sterilization, the decline in the biodiversity of natural ecosystems, etc., are key factors that will result in an increasing scale of international population migration. Therefore, it is necessary to develop social welfare systems for refugees, support in adapting to new realities, develop social solidarity, accept and tolerate other cultures and value systems, etc.
Best regards,
Dariusz Prokopowicz
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Taking into account the substantial changes of the EU institutional architecture, which of its institutions and bodies increased their competences under Lisbon Treaty? Thank you!!
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Thank you all for your contributions. These help a lot
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The EU legal order has two interfaces one in relation to the national legal orders of the Member States and the other in relation to the international legal order and its function of external representation. From an outsider's perspective the competence of the EU for the purpose of external representation seems to be a complementary one. In reality this area is one of shared competence and therefore it is characterized of a high level of complexity.
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Which policy area are you interested in? For EU - WTO relations its Portugal v. Council relying on Fedoil and Nakajima. See also Opinion 1/94. All ECJ cases. 
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Hey all,
I am currently working on two contributions dealing with Euro crisis countries. I have been able to review some literature on the matter at hand, but I was wondering whether there already is academic analysis on the following subjects:
1. Are Euro crisis countries, which are receiving support under an adjustment programme a sort of "second-class state", causing differentiated integration within the Euro area? One thing I noticed is that some provisions of the Two-pack are being applied differently to programme countries, so I was wondering whether there is further analysis on that subject.
2. Countries such as Greece and Spain have signed Memoranda of Understanding in dealing with the crisis. In this regard I would like to know whether there is analysis focusing on the political influence, the ECB receives in this setting.
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Hello,
At least for Portugal there are some studies that sugest positive sectorial results as an outcome of the Memorandum of Understanding.
See the links to two papers:
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I would like to find partners with common interests but different skills in the fields of Political Science, International Relations or International Organized Crime.
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Hi Ruben,
I am interested in this research. I am a Professor in a Nigerian University and this is a stumbling block to how much I can be useful to you as a research partner, However if you feel this will not be a problem feel free to include me in your request for research grant.
Best regards
Professor Akongbowa Bramwell Amadasun
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In the Time Series econometrics, J-J method of multiple linear cointegration method is acknowledged as more efficient in comparison to Engel-Granger single equation, and D.W statistic comparison methods.
But are there comparisons with non linear cointegration methods in terms of the efficiency and unbiasedness and robustness of the parameters estimated in any of the recent studies? In some studies published, I have seen simply panel using unit root tests of the economic data of different European countries, and if found stationary, the authors claim that those countries achieved economic convergence! My question is, if found non stationary why they rule out cointegration and therefore long run convergence?
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Please refer to the article:
Linear Cointegration of Nonlinear Time Series with an Application to Interest Rate Dynamics by Barry E. Jones and Travis D. Nesmith
at the website:
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Divergence within the EU legal order has many causes. EU law operates in an interactive mode in which the EU institutions and the legal orders of the 27 MS permanently exchange information and design a new legal architecture.
The centralized system of interpretation of EU law can also lead to different diverging impulses. First it is up to the national courts to refer a matter for preliminary ruling or not. Secondly the CJEU does not always provide a coherent guidance, partially due to the piecemeal construction of case law.
But at the end of the day, the most important matter is to know when norms of EU law can be invoked. What are the causes of divergence in your opinion?
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Many cases for preliminary rulings are brought before national courts by domestic groups or firms. The likelihood that/frequency with which groups/firms bring cases to court may vary between member states. An example is the field of environmental and nature protection. The size and resources of environmental and nature conservation groups vary widely between member states. Large, highly professionalized groups are more likely to have the resources and expertise to pursue legal action, which translates in a more active use of legal action and appeals to EU law. This may affect the number of preliminary rulings per country, which may indirectly also lead to differences in the way EU law develops and is applied in different member states. I can imagine this is also the case in other areas and for other types of groups.
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Both archival sources and scientific articles are welcome. Analyses of Turkey's foreign policy towards Balkans generally include Turkish stances towards Bulgaria and Greece, but countries like Albania and Yugoslavia are neglected.
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You have also a book Turkish-Balkans Relations - The Future Prospects of Cultural, Political and Economic Transformations and Relations https://www.amazon.com/Turkish-Balkans-Relations-Prospects-Political-Transformations/dp/6054881027
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Dear Colleagues, in the light of the efforts some EU countries share in receiving asylum demands and the discussions and propositions in EU institutions, how do you see the solution for the reform of asylum legislation in the EU?
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The Rectorate of Sigmund Freud University declares that Mr. Peter P. Canaris is not a staff member of Sigmund Freud University. His contributions represent his private opinion which in no way reflect any position of Sigmund Freud University to any topic
Univ.-Prof. Dr. Brigitte Sindelar
Vice Rector for Research
Sigmund Freud University
Vienna - Linz - Bodensee - Paris - Berlin - Ljubljana - Milano 
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I'm looking for publications / articles about cooperation between branded products [especially cosmetics and perfumes] and customs services. How protect consumers from unsafe products and how protect intellectual property and trademarks from illicit trade?
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Before the coming into force of Lisbon Treaty in 2009 the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU has been invoked in several cases despite its then non-binding value. Before this time point the opinions were divided between one stand-point claiming that the binding character would not change anything and an opposite view claiming that the different character would bring a revolutionary change.
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Dear Manuela,
Great question.
You are quite right that the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) had already been happily referring to the Charter from about 2001 onwards, ie more or less from the moment that the Convention which drafted it finished its work.  That might suggest that the Charter's elevation to legally binding status (equal to the Treaties), at Lisbon, would have made little difference (the first of your standpoints).
However, I think that 7 years after the Charter gained legally binding status, we can say that there has been a change, because this development seems to have emboldened the judges at the CJEU to use the Charter in ever more activist (intrusive?) ways, that is, as a means (coupled of course with the doctrine of primacy/ supremacy) to override national constitutional courts' interpretations of given rights, replacing them with EU interpretations which would thenceforth take precedence.  We saw this vis-a-vis the right not to be tried twice for the same offence (ne bis in idem) in the Akerberg Fransson case, and vis-a-vis the right to fair trial (including the right not to be tried in absentia) in the Melloni case.  I refer to both of these towards the end of my case note on Érsekcsanádi Mezőgazdasági, also a Charter case, which is on my RG page.
As the Court said at Paragraph 60 of Melloni:
"It is true that Article 53 of the Charter confirms that, where an EU legal act calls for national implementing measures, national authorities and courts remain free to apply national standards of protection of fundamental rights, provided that the level of protection provided for by the Charter, as interpreted by the Court, and the primacy, unity and effectiveness of EU law are not thereby compromised." [my emphasis]
The Court then went on to hold that the unity of EU Law (specifically the EU Arrest Warrant legislation) was threatened by Spain's intended interpretation of the right in question, and thus supplanted its own.
Given the Court's historically cavalier approach to national constitutions, though, whether or not this is "revolutionary" is perhaps debatable!
Best regards,
Richard
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These used to be on the EP-website, but were taken down for MEPs that were not re-elected in 2014. The historical archives have not archived them and the wayback machine hasn't stored them either... 
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Birgitta Jonsdottir is a member of the Althing, the Icelandic parliament. Her district is the Reykjavík South Constituency. She was elected to the Icelandic parliament in April 2009 on behalf of a movement aiming for democratic reform beyond party politics of left and right, called "The Movement."
The Icelandic banks offered 100% bank loans with the possibility to double or even triple mortgage. Iceland has now rules on currency restrictions being meant to control the use and possession of foreign currency similar with the system existent in the communist countries, where a travel ticket was a requisite for any currency acquisition in the case of natural persons.
The financial recovery imposes a serious economic burden on the Icelandic people, but the burden is in fact more complex involving other aspects. What Birgitta reveals here raises serious doubts concerning the protection of the political rights of the people and she discusses the inflicting effect of the interventions from outside. She calls it the 'evil circle' and makes an analogy with the Greek situation.
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May I respectfully recommend that everyone interested in this question should read the book titled THE END OF BANKING by "Jonathan McMillan" - the name is a pseudonym for two professional bankers who prefer that their actual names are not used on the book.  Banking instability will continue to grow because of information technology, and that puts the financial system and the economy itself in jeopardy. Banking was a good fit with the "industrial society" but cannot effectively cope with the challenges of an "information society."  The authors have an analysis, AND a solution that EVERYONE interested in the issue of financial systems, should become acquainted with.
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Many young British people are against Brexit, but on June,20 a group of the young "True Finns" started their new campaign for exit. Last time they have gathered only 30,000 signs. Now the situation is the following: https://www.kansalaisaloite.fi/fi/aloite/2058 .
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Thanks to Prof. Laguta and all participants for this very interesting and timely discussion thread! Is there a deadline for the required number of signs?
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The BREXIT will have an impact on the economy of the member countries in Europe and an impact on firms. What do you think about the impact?
Thanks in advance for your answers.
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It is not the EU that is destined to collapse, but the UK, as Ireland, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland secede from the UK to apply independently to the EU. No more UK. No more Great Britain. No more Britain, Just little England drifting away, free at last, just like some of the homeless zombies most of us have encountered in our downtowns  who see themselves as so much freer than the rest of us, slaves to jobs, cars, families, bills and mortgages.
Meanwhile, the EU goes from 28 to 27, then to 31.
There were precedents for the whole affair.
On page 74 of "The Government and Politics of the European Union", 7th Edition, 2010, a part of The European Union Series, discussing the ratification of the Constitutional Treaty of 2004, author Neill Nugent states that UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, "anticipating the next general election, responded to a Conservative Party promise that it would call a referendum on the Constitutional Treaty by promising one himself."
Cameron was just a copy-cat.
Who failed EU History 101.
In the next paragraph, Nugent wrote, over six years ago: "A referendum is, of course, much more difficult for a government to control than a parliamentary vote. Citizens can 'cause problems' in two ways: by taking a contrary view to the government on the issue at stake, or by expressing a view on an issue or issues other than the one that features in the referendum question.. Both of these 'problems' influenced voting when ratification referendums were held in France on 29 May 2005 and three days later in the Netherlands on 1 June....  The outcomes of the two referendums were clear rejections of the CT.... The question then became 'what now?'"
Doomed to repeat it!  Cameron will have special prominence in the 8th Edition. And a few other places.
The wave that ruled Britannia.
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The UK’s public referendum result means that our democracy has chosen by a small margin to leave the European Union, following a movement termed Brexit. See the media links below, published in the immediate aftermath.
Our Prime Minister announced his resignation. The country is In the throes of instability, political, economic and social. Far Right terrorism resulted in the assassination of a Member of Parliament, immediately before the Referendum. The national mood is unsettled and divided. The international reverberations of Brexit will last for decades and more. There are many uncertainties, on many levels.
On the academic and scientific level, how will universities, international research projects and non-British students be affected? see https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/p041klxk : on Brexit closing intellectual boundaries.
On the political level, does little England still see itself as the leader of Great Britain and the global power that it once postured as? Or are these little islands now a Dis-United Kingdom, which Scotland will now elect to leave?
On the social and societal level, should the English who strongly agree with Scotland consider moving to that beautiful country? Or is there hope that xenophobia, egocentricity and the short-sighted ‘small island mentality’ with its concomitant isolationism will not prevail in England over all that is good in British society?
On the historical level for European diplomacy, we may look for parallels in periods such as that of Offa and Charlemagne: https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m0004f1c
I would be interested in any contributions on these lines. Please post any positive responses – and be respectful of others' views.
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The future belongs with the young. The young believe in international cooperation. They have to live with the decision which is thought to have been made largely by their elders. 
This is how YouGov says that all age-groups voted:
Age:                               Average no of years* to live with the decision:
18-24:     75% Remain                       69
25-49:     56% Remain                       52
50-64:     44% Remain                       31
65+:        39% Remain                       16  
*Life expectancy here is said to range from 88 to 90.
For analysis, see this link:
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After the Lisbon Treaty the single market has been denominated as 'internal market'. Is there any substantive difference in your opinion and if the answer is affirmative, what would be this difference?
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Find the attached for your attention
Thank yo
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I am researching on the relationship between the preambles and the body of EU directives in the context of workers' rights to transnational information and consultation (specifically European Works Councils, but not exclusively). While it's obvious the body of the directives needs to be transposed on national level, the binding force of preambles is a point of discussion.
The questions I am looking at are:
1) Are Member States bound to transpose the content (concepts, not necessarily individual provisions) of the directives? The general opinion is: no, they are not. But, maybe other views or dissenting opinions are known to you?
2) If reply to the former question is negative then another question occurs: what's the role of preambles and if it is to stipulate 'the spirit of the directive' (legislator's intentions, goals, reasons, etc.) are national courts obliged (free?) to refer to preambles when deciding on national matters?
All arguments and references to papers/articles/research, etc. in favour of the importance/'binding' force of preambles are welcome (also in legislative areas other than EWCs/workers' rights).
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Hello Romuald,
This is indeed a very just and interesting question. Some remarks as to binding effect of the preamble of the community act have been presented in the CJEU judgment dated 24 November 2005, In Case C-136/04, Deutsches Milch-Kontor GmbH and in the CJEU judgment dated 2 April 2009, in case C-134/08, Hauptzollamt Bremen. According to these judgments: “the preamble to a Community act has no binding legal force and cannot be relied on either as a ground for derogating from the actual provisions of the act in question or for interpreting those provisions in a manner clearly contrary to their wording”.
I hope it will help in your research. 
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In Poland an entry ban was also applied in asylum cases, accordingly, for a certain time. Fortunately this practice has now been abolished.
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The Directive says it applies 'without prejudice' to the qualification Directive. It is not clear what exactly that means and the qualification Directive does not mention entry bans. There is no CJEU case law on this point yet. The case law does say that the Returns Directive doesn't apply to asylum seekers, and it must follow that it doesn't apply to those who have protection in that Member State, since it only applies to third-country nationals whose status is not legal, whereas the qualification Directive gives people in need of protection the right to a residence permit. In my view the best interpretation is that the mere existence of an entry ban should not affect the assessment of an application for refugee status, because Article 31 of the Geneva Convention says that in principle refugees cannot be subject to penalties for irregular entry. The same provision of the Convention arguably means that if a person shows a genuine protection need, they cannot be subject to an entry ban and any ban which was imposed has to be repealed.
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I am researching to what extent 1/2003 regulation has been efficient in guaranteeing equal competition across the EU with particular interest on the barriers this regulation was not able to remove. Looking for:
- identifying key problems of EU regulatory framework 
- supporting case law of last 8 years
- Commentaries made by scholars.
Any help will be much appreciated!
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Regulation 1/2003 decentralized the enforcement of EU competition law to national authorities, although the Commission remained as the guardian of that law. It could ask for a case to be remitted to it, it controls ex-ante a decision by a NCA. However, substantial problems remain in a level-playing field of enforcement among member states. I have addressed several of those problems in my paper Abel Mateus, Ensuring a more level playing field in competition enforcement throughout the European Union, European Competition Law Review, 12, 2010.
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Would anyone have a copy of the full extraction file for the Eurostat dataset [migr_pop1ctz] that might have been downloaded in 2014 or before?
I am trying to find statistics prior to 2014 for "Population on 1 January by five year age group, sex and citizenship" [migr_pop1ctz] showing "EU-28-countries except reporting country" 
The data for all years before 2014 appears to have vanished from Eurostat...
I contacted the Eurostat helpdesk and they have been unable to help.
Thanks in advance.
Anthony
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Yes. Check the websites of france24 and bbc. They have done good documentries on this issue
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We are very interested in the studies undergone in the Balkan region with relevance for the institutional changes in Bosnia. Thank you
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Hi, Catalina.
I think, there is quite a lot literature on this topic out there. One of the recent texts, I came across, was Ana Juncos´ "Member state-building versus peacebuilding: the contradictions of EU state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina" (http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13523279.2011.635650). You might want to check the reference list of this article to find out other relevant studies (e,g, Gergana Noutcheva has wrote a lot on the EU democratization policy incl. in the Balkans region). 
Hope, it helps.
All the best,
Ekaterina
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Currently, on DG Trade's website one can access speeches up to 1999, inclusive. I found that paper copies are stored in the EUI and some of the oldest speeches are made electronic AEI, but there seems to be a gap. Can anyone advise where I can locate those from 80s and 90s? 
Many thanks in advance!
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Did you try the European Commission's library which used to be where EEAS now resides
Best
Knud Erik
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I need to critically discuss the basis on which Germany, Sweden and France are similar to each other and different from the US and Japan. Which theoretical framework shall I use? In fact, I need to understand the importance of using the framework too. Please guide. And suggest, any reading material too.
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I believe that the person asking the question should be more specific in what he or she is seeking to measure. For example, do you want to compare the European countries (which ones?), Japan, and the United States on, say, economic performance, political governance, economic freedom, income inequality, levels of human development, educational attainment, management of diversity, receptivity to refugees/migrants, civil and political rights, etc.? 
You may want to look at existing comparative studies of these countries, such as those undertaken by Transparency International (corruption perceptions); The Fraser Institute, Vancouver, Canada & The Cato Institute, Washington, D.C.  (economic freedom); Freedom House, New York (civil and political rights); World Bank (Worldwide Governance Indicators); and so on. By consulting the documents published by these organizations, you can determine the methodology that they use.
I would be able to suggest a theoretical framework for analysis if you were more specific. 
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The political and legal approaches even if related are fundamentally different. I am going to post a legal question, but in the back of my mind I am concerned about the appropriate topic. What is your opinion?
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Dear Emanuela, I agree with you. It seems to me that if the methods of various fields of study are characteristically different, they should be kept distinct.
Olav
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What are policies and measures taken by the EU to engage the peoples (general publics, interest groups, NGOs, political parties, social communities, etc), not the governments, of the Central and Eastern European Countries in their transition and accession periods? Any important literature and sources? Thanks a lot!
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Some of the information you are looking for is in my article "The Past, Present, and Future of EU Enlargement". For example, the EU - in cooperation with the candidate country governments - opened "Info Points" in many larger and smaller towns across the CEECs to provide easy access to information about European integration. The Commission also funded training for legal professionals and other interested private sector professionals across the CEECs, much of it in the context of PHARE. I don't have details about support for NGOs but, as one example, the EU did support the creation of European Communities Studies Associations (local ECSA groups) among academics and funded the creation of Jean Monnet Chairs for professors in law, political science, economics, and European history in the CEECs, as well as European Union Documentation Centers either at university or national libraries. I hope this will help...
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Minimum wages are calculated by interpreting national laws. As the recent EC statistics shows (attached), the results are quite questionable.
Some examples:
- Russia has a lower minimum wage than Ukraine but people earn
  three times more in average in Russia.
- Germany seems to have a competitive minimum wage, but only if
  you have a 38-hours-contract. Today 12 million employees work
  part time, many for 450 Euro only ("Minijob").
- Slovenia seems to have a very low minimum wage. But in Slovenia
  people earn more than in any other Eastern European country.
- Italy doesn't have a minimum wage but in many parts of Italy people
  earn like in Austria and Germany (Lombardy, Venezia, Toscany, Rome)
- UK seems to have the highest average income. But the costs for living in
 UK  - despite the low taxes - are much higher than e.g. in Germany,
 Belgium and Netherlands.
These are only examples. Does it make sense to compare minimum wages without considering the real labour conditions and the price reality?
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In Romania , authorities introduced in 2000  the ''minimum monthly consume basket", containing food and non-food products, also services. (the Emergency Ordinance no.217/2000).  The minimum wage was then settled according to this index. But in 2005, this law was abandoned and now with the minimum wage, settled by the government, it is virtually impossible to cover all costs for one month, taking into account that the cost of goods and services is now more or less the same like in the developed countries of Western Europe. Besides, the phenomenon of people working without official contracts is quite common, so, the minimum wage is a fact only in the public institutions, and just symbolic  in the private sector.
It is an error to compare minimum wages of different countries without taking into to account the cost of life and other factors.  Otherwise, the research is just a nice exercise of applied mathematics.
If you use google translate from Romanian to English, you can find out more details in these articles: 
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I am looking for statistics (official or unofficial) on the residence rights of EU citizens in Italy.
In particular, I am trying to find out the number of residence documents issued to EU citizens and family members in Italy, as well as numbers of EU citizens expelled from Italy. (This includes but is not limited to the expulsion of members of the Roma community).
I have already consulted ISTAT (only total EU resident numbers available) and sent information requests to the Ministero dell'Interno (no response). 
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Hi Marco, thanks for your kind offer to assist. I have sent you a message to your university email.
Hi Rudi, thanks for the links - I did not know about CESTIM, so this is very useful to know.
I plan to provide an overview of residence statistics in all Member States in the chapter 'Who does not belong here anymore? A statistical snapshot of Member States’ practices' in Herwig Verschueren (ed), Who belongs here? EU law and adjudication on the link between individuals and Member States, (Intersentia, forthcoming 2016)
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The WWII co-operation of exiled political representations assembled in London counts to my research subjects. Hardly a revelation: the picture is complicated, probably little more disappointing than one is likely to expect when entering the ground. In a manuscript which I hope to publish soon I conclude:
"The story sketched in this article documents how difficult it was for small European nations, despite a common enemy and a shared meeting-place, to find solid ground for mutual understanding. ...The activities of the exiles were first and foremost directed to the preservation of their threatened nationsʼ identity, state, cultural or other. Thus, much of the communication between them was condemned to fail or to get lost ʻin translationʼ of cultural codes."
Intercultural communication is no doubt the issue I address here. Unfortunately, most literature I came across studies communication between "Great Cultures". This is still useful but my issue - intercultural communication within one (European, Western) culture - seems to lay pretty below the prevalent level of analysis.
Any reading suggestions? 1900-1950 scope will be appreciated.
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Figuring out foreigners by Craig Storti.
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I would be grateful if my colleagues experts in EU law could provide with the relevant criteria to ascertain whether researchers can claim equal treatment according to art. 56-57 TFEU when they take part in individual research projects financed by public authorities in Member States other than the one of their residence or nationality. Can analogy be brought to the fore here to oppose requirements which place this situation close to that of the freedom of establishment? For instance, to require a certificate issued by the State Ministry of Education on the official recognition of the HE certificate (which takes 2 years) in order to take part in a research project financed by a local authority.
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In addition to Frank Emmert's suggestion, I would also recommend that you send a request fro free legal advice to the European Commission's "Your Europe Advice" service - they will be able to provide you with personal advice on your EU rights and if appropriate refer your case to the SOLVIT problem-resolution network.
This is the link to Your Europe Advice:
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I'm doing a case study on Ukraine's Revolution of Dignity and want to find out when and who initially named it as such.
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maybe, for the first time the word 'dignity' was used the 12 of December by Arseniy Yatsenyuk when he has announced a popular assembly on Sunday 15 of December and has called it "The Day of Dignity" (http://zno.academia.in.ua/mod/book/view.php?id=3350).
from the other hand, ukrainian former MP from right-wing party "Svoboda" Yuriy Syrotyuk calls himself the author of the term "Revolution of Dignity" (http://infokava.com/18702-revolyucya-trivaye.html).
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I am currently studying all the models of direct democracy in Europe and i would like some help. 
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Dear Ioannis Mpoitsis,  
Here are some academic studies on the Swiss context which might be helpful:
Bauer, Paul C.; Fatke, Matthias (2014) Direct Democracy and Political Trust: Enhancing Trust, Initiating Distrust–or Both? Swiss Political Science Review, Volume 20, Number 1, 1 March 2014, pp. 49-69
Trechsel, Alexander H.; Sciarini, Pascal (1998) Direct democracy in switzerland: do elites matter? European Journal of Political Research, Volume 33, Number 1, pp. 99-124(26)
Feld, Lars P.; Fischer, Justina A.V.; Kirchgssner, Gebhard (2010) The Effect Of Direct Democracy On Income Redistribution: Evidence For Switzerland, Economic Inquiry, Volume 48, Number 4, October 2010, pp. 817-840
Wolf, Linder (2013) Switzerland and the EU: the puzzling effects of Europeanisation without institutionalisation, Contemporary Politics, Volume 19, Number 2, 1 June 2013, pp. 190-202
Vatter, Adrian (2000) Consensus and direct democracy: Conceptual and empirical linkages, European Journal of Political Research, Volume 38, Number 6, October 2000, pp. 171-192
Blondel, J. (2009) The Politics of Switzerland: Continuity and Change in a Consensus Democracy – By H. Kriesi and A. Trexsel, Journal of Common Market Studies, Volume 47, Number 4, September 2009, pp. 931-932 [review]
Lawson, J. (2009) The Transformation of Social Housing Provision in Switzerland Mediated by Federalism, Direct Democracy and the Urban/rural Divide, European Journal of Housing Policy, Volume 9, Number 1, March 2009, pp. 45-67
Andreas, Ladner; Julien, Fiechter (2012) The Influence of Direct Democracy on Political Interest, Electoral Turnout and Other Forms of Citizens’ Participation in Swiss Municipalities,  Local Government Studies, Volume 38, Number 4, 1 August 2012, pp. 437-459
Altman, D. (2013) Does an Active Use of Mechanisms of Direct Democracy Impact Electoral Participation? Evidence from the U.S. States and the Swiss Cantons, Local Government Studies, Volume 39, Number 6, 1 December 2013, pp. 739-755
Kirchgässner, Gebhard (2007) Direkte Demokratie, Steuermoral und Steuerhinterziehung: Erfahrungen aus der Schweiz,  Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik, Volume 8, Number 1, January 2007, pp. 38-64
Kind regards,
Paul
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I am making a research about the 'Turkish Stream' which is the latest natural gas pipeline between Russia and Turkey. And how could be its affects for the Turkey - EU relations and EU Energy Security. I am looking for some article related or close to these topics. Any favours would be well-recieved... Thank you, Mustafa YÜCE.
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From 2009-2011 I developed my research thesis on conflicts between market freedoms and fundamental rights in ECJ case law (Schmidberger, Omega, Viking, Laval, etc.) And I would like to update my work and to cite recent works on this topic. 
Many thanks. 
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Hi Joaquin,
Check out this article on "Substantial Reform of EU Merger Control on the Cards":  <http://antitrustconnect.com/2014/07/15/substantial-reform-of-eu-merger-control-on-the-cards/>. 
It may take you in a slightly different direction in searching for ECJ cases; however, I think the idea of MNCs being forced to enter a foreign market via greenfield investments rather than the preferred M&A route as one that is rich with research potential.  Could be I am so enthusiastic about this particular angle because, as an American, I deem the right to enter into lucrative financial arrangements and turn a profit to be a fundamental human right that governmental regulatory entities interfere with only at their peril.  Nonetheless, I suggest you look at the article and see if it inspires you (although not hailing from a society driven by market-based capitalism)  to expand your inquiry.
Gwen
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Having in mind that a public service is an economic activity of general interest under the competence of the public authorities which define, set them in place and control them, looking into this area which can be seen as "integration without competence" can be difficult. Namely, alongside the influence of the integration process on the public administrations and convergence towards a common European Administrative Space, the impact on public services remains open. Still, undeniably the EU legislation has an influence and even a transformatory effect that goes beyond the legal thinking itself. 
I have the problem that I have found very little written in this respect and would be immensely grateful if I'd receive some pointers and directions on this! Thanks!
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It can indeed be distinguished between different ways of how the European integration impacts on national public services. 1. Impact through EU law, 2. Impact through the case law of the European Court of Justice and 3. Impact through regular and continuous European and International cooperation in the field of public administration and the regular exchange of experiences and good practices. The impact under 3 is of a more indirect nature and promotes change at the national level of public services through the developments of common viewpoints, opinions with regard to public sector reform and the introduction of common tools such as the CAF, the Common Assessment Framework and the guidelines on customer satisfaction etc.  Examples of networks and organisations which encourage these common learning processes are the European Public Administration Network, EUPAN, an informal network which regularly meets in order to exchange experiences and practices in the field of HRM and innovative public services  and the work of the OECD such as Government at a glance etc. Another interesting development in this context is the recently founded formal sectoral social dialogue committee in the field of the central public administrations, which is supported by the European Commission. For more information in this context, see for instance www.eupan.org. However, even if these developments favour similar development trends in the field of public sector reform, there exists no trend towards a common model of public administration. 
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Can you provide some research tools for the analysis of the Europeanization of security policies of EU Member States, Candidate Countries and potential Candidate Countries? Can we speak of convergence among security policies in Europe? Thank you!
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Thank you, Mr. Raimundo, for this list. It is indeed useful!!
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I would like to have a comparative idea of how is the situación in the different EU Member States. It will be interesting to have different perspectives of how useful can it be the criminalization of cartels in Competición Law. 
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This is  a brief paper for Veronica Pinotti and Martino S. gives you an idea where anti-trust is considered a crime in EU.
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I have searched everywhere for literature on Podemos and I have found it extremely hard to come about in English since they are a relatively new party only founded in 2014.
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It is a very new party in Spain, I think there is not  literature in English. You can also read about Podemos on Financial Times: www.ft.com/cms/s/0/ecca8824-b7a3-11e4-981d-00144feab7de.html#sl
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Can you cite specific example on how the in-group orientation affect the political system in the locality ? The Filipino values are significantly studied to strengthen the understanding of the society as the culture and tradition is now gradually changing its cultural perspectives because of the advent of science and technology including the use of internet as a means of social networking. The primordial existence of man is the life support of biological maintenance such as food that would change the perception and attitude in dealing with the ideas of respect, dignity, integrity as influenced by the existence of social influence and power exploited by the economic dimensions of in-group orientation. Therefore, the foremost concern of our society is survival that transcends the idea of kapit sa patalim just to save the mere existence of the collective group particularly in the depressed communities.
This study reflects the transitional analysis of the cultural concept of sakop that has been existed as part of the cultural life processes and structures in a given society. The cluster of values is related to in-group orientation on what is known as sakop. It has deeper meaning in social relationships in the concept of the extended family ties. Furthermore, the family worth brings the social analysis of the political power and authority relevant to the idea of sakop. The collective action encompasses the values of human respect, honor, integrity, compassion and etc.It must be noted that social and political relationships defined the group values of pakikipagkapwa, pakikitungo, pakikiramay, utang na loob and other sociological values reflected in our society.
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 Dear Mr. Rajamanickam
       Thank you so much for your interest to know the English translation of the Filipino word " Sakop" and other relevant  cultural and political concepts about this social phenomenological research. In the realm of politics, we can consider this as the  sphere of influence and authority of a local leader to  govern a particular community. The political influence is deeply embedded by extended family relationships in the social system with the presence of the cultural development on the concept of clan and tribe that originated the core of political power of the local leader. The political inclination in the sphere of influence in the locality transcends from sociological ideas of group processes that affinity and consanguinity are the derivatives of the social complexity in the locality. So the  political orientation of the sphere of influence and occupation reflects from the extended families, close relatives and other relevant kinship system as a  social baseline in the in-group orientation.
       The political recognition in the sphere of influence is therefore related to the kinship system in the locality. Basically, the origin of this social system is the family as  the multiplier effects transcends to inter-marriage of the other families that may later grow into clan controlled by the parents which is known as the elderly. The clan expands to a tribe or a community closely-related to the blood lines from the original family which we call it the stages of generation identifying the forefathers in the locality. So the idea of "Sakop" as to its sphere of influence or occupation may not simply mean the political control of certain territory by a local leaders but there is an cultural attachments from the forefathers. So, when you deal with in-group orientation in the political sphere of influence may not simply mean elective local officials in a community but a closely knit family system that controlled specific local territory.
  In the community, where there are established cultural norms and  social beliefs and traditions the political influence and control usually originated from the family through the sociological process of assimilation and acculturation as a result of inter-marriage. Certainly, this is distinct when you discuss the general idea of "politics" where majority votes will have the political authority and power to have the vested sovereign influence for a town, city, province or state. The development agenda of the politicians are reflect by political interests and motives to enjoy the vested political rights on the so called democratic votes covered by deception and greed.  This may have different story when you deal about the sphere of political influence You may read the book entitled  CONTEMPORARY REPUBLIC : THE EMERGING POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC PHILOSOPHY IN THE  21st CENTURY  published in the AMAZON to understand the real meaning of public service in the concept of POLITICS. There are other emerging  political concepts that have been integrated in the sociology about the idea of POLITICS.
    I have many researches conducted not only the idea  of SAKOP that I presented in international conferences and amazon publications such as the CONTEMPORARY REPUBLIC you may even read savior websites to give  more glimpsed about  EMERGING CONCEPTS OF POLITICS that  provides extensive information about political and economic philosophy that transcends from the genuine meaning of public service.
      Finally, the idea of  "Sakop" reflects not only the sphere of political influence but the relevant to the ideas of cultural reciprocity which Filipinos are familiar with the sociological terms on social and political relationships defined the group values of pakikipagkapwa, pakikitungo, pakikiramay, utang na loob and other sociological values reflected in our society.  You may not understand these Filipino concepts, however, the shortest way to discuss it evolves in the meaning of friendship in a particular group with collective interest to work together on a common goal. The interesting part about these cultural concepts describe the essence of the Filipino people as compassionate, loving, friendly, humble and dignified in its character. You may visit our country and find out more about the interesting cultural and social facts about the Filipino life. I am sure you will love what you see about the Filipino identity that the foreigners really love about this race.
     I am sure you will discover the greatness of the Filipino People ....MORE FUN IN THE PHILIPPINES  !!!
    MABUHAY !!!!  Oh, please don't ask me again the Filipino term " MABUHAY" that may be a good question for you to discover its cultural value... in the  Ilokano language we also say to you 'NAIMBAG NGA ALDAW MO APO"
   MARAMING SALAMAT PO !!!
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Dear colleagues,
I am trying to get information on this issue I saw a case in 2011:
24/11/2011: Commission takes Poland to Court over air quality and marine policy legislation and urges compliance with the Nitrates Directive
The European Commission is referring Poland to the Court of Justice of the European Union and asking for financial penalties to be imposed for two failures to transpose EU legislation into national law. Despite earlier warnings, Poland has failed to notify the Commission about the transposition of legislation on the Ambient Air Quality Directive, which should have been in place since 11 June 2010, and about a strategy to protect its seas, which should have been in place since 15 July 2010. On the recommendation of Environment Commissioner Janez Potočnik, the Commission is asking the Court to impose penalty payments. The penalty payments requested are 71,521€ per day for the Ambient Air Quality Directive, and 59,834€ per day in the case of the Marine Strategy Framework Directive. The penalties take into account the seriousness and duration of the infringements. They consist of daily penalty payments to be paid from the date of the judgment (assuming that there is no compliance by then) until transposition is completed.
I would like to know the procedure for calculation of the fine and how the number of days is determined.
Do you know if the fine was paid¡ and how much was it?
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Hi Xavier,
In addition, a nice case where a lump sum as penalty was laid upon Ireland (case C-279/11) involving the EIA directive 85/337/EEC. Ireland can not pay due to the crisis, and so the penaly was reduced...
It would be a nice job to find out how many penalties from the Court are actually payed in the end. I'm afraid you just have stumbled on one of these:
The air quality case against Poland C-48/12 where you are referring to, was removed from the register by order of the president of the Court of 8 January 2013, after intervention of France, Greece, Netherlands, Germany, Belgium, Malta and Hungary, who came in to support Poland. The Order of the president: http://curia.europa.eu/juris/document/document.jsf?text=&docid=135572&pageIndex=0&doclang=en&mode=req&dir=&occ=first&part=1&cid=304713. The intervention: http://curia.europa.eu/juris/document/document.jsf?text=&docid=124582&pageIndex=0&doclang=FR&mode=req&dir=&occ=first&part=1&cid=304713 (in French). I have found no documents on the content of the supporting action. So at least in this air quality case the penalty was withdrawn.
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What are the roles of parliaments within the new context of European integration? 
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The “early warning mechanism” reinforces the position of National Parliaments regarding the subsidiarity principle.
This sysem or mechanism is regulated in the Protocolo (No 2) of the Treaty of European Union, on the application of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality. I think that it is important to note the extension of the documents to provide to National Parliaments, and the power of National Parliaments to send a reasoned opinion stating why it considers that the draft in question does not comply with the principle of subsidiarity... Articles 6 and 7 of the Protocol are very important to see how the Early Warning System of the Lisbon Treaty works
PROTOCOL (No 2)
ON THE APPLICATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF SUBSIDIARITY AND PROPORTIONALITY
THE HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES,
WISHING to ensure that decisions are taken as closely as possible to the citizens of the Union,
RESOLVED to establish the conditions for the application of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, as laid down in Article 5 of the Treaty on European Union, and to establish a system for monitoring the application of those principles,
HAVE AGREED UPON the following provisions, which shall be annexed to the Treaty on European Union and to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union:
Article 1
Each institution shall ensure constant respect for the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, as laid down in Article 5 of the Treaty on European Union.
Article 2
Before proposing legislative acts, the Commission shall consult widely. Such consultations shall, where appropriate, take into account the regional and local dimension of the action envisaged. In cases of exceptional urgency, the Commission shall not conduct such consultations. It shall give reasons for its decision in its proposal.
Article 3
For the purposes of this Protocol, "draft legislative acts" shall mean proposals from the Commission, initiatives from a group of Member States, initiatives from the European Parliament, requests from the Court of Justice, recommendations from the European Central Bank and requests from the European Investment Bank for the adoption of a legislative act.
Article 4
The Commission shall forward its draft legislative acts and its amended drafts to national Parliaments at the same time as to the Union legislator.
The European Parliament shall forward its draft legislative acts and its amended drafts to national Parliaments.
The Council shall forward draft legislative acts originating from a group of Member States, the Court of Justice, the European Central Bank or the European Investment Bank and amended drafts to national Parliaments.
Upon adoption, legislative resolutions of the European Parliament and positions of the Council shall be forwarded by them to national Parliaments.
Article 5
Draft legislative acts shall be justified with regard to the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality. Any draft legislative act should contain a detailed statement making it possible to appraise compliance with the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality. This statement should contain some assessment of the proposal's financial impact and, in the case of a directive, of its implications for the rules to be put in place by Member States, including, where necessary, the regional legislation. The reasons for concluding that a Union objective can be better achieved at Union level shall be substantiated by qualitative and, wherever possible, quantitative indicators. Draft legislative acts shall take account of the need for any burden, whether financial or administrative, falling upon the Union, national governments, regional or local authorities, economic operators and citizens, to be minimised and commensurate with the objective to be achieved.
Article 6
Any national Parliament or any chamber of a national Parliament may, within eight weeks from the date of transmission of a draft legislative act, in the official languages of the Union, send to the Presidents of the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission a reasoned opinion stating why it considers that the draft in question does not comply with the principle of subsidiarity. It will be for each national Parliament or each chamber of a national Parliament to consult, where appropriate, regional parliaments with legislative powers.
If the draft legislative act originates from a group of Member States, the President of the Council shall forward the opinion to the governments of those Member States.
If the draft legislative act originates from the Court of Justice, the European Central Bank or the European Investment Bank, the President of the Council shall forward the opinion to the institution or body concerned.
Article 7
1. The European Parliament, the Council and the Commission, and, where appropriate, the group of Member States, the Court of Justice, the European Central Bank or the European Investment Bank, if the draft legislative act originates from them, shall take account of the reasoned opinions issued by national Parliaments or by a chamber of a national Parliament.
Each national Parliament shall have two votes, shared out on the basis of the national Parliamentary system. In the case of a bicameral Parliamentary system, each of the two chambers shall have one vote.
2. Where reasoned opinions on a draft legislative act's non-compliance with the principle of subsidiarity represent at least one third of all the votes allocated to the national Parliaments in accordance with the second subparagraph of paragraph 1, the draft must be reviewed. This threshold shall be a quarter in the case of a draft legislative act submitted on the basis of Article 76 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union on the area of freedom, security and justice.
After such review, the Commission or, where appropriate, the group of Member States, the European Parliament, the Court of Justice, the European Central Bank or the European Investment Bank, if the draft legislative act originates from them, may decide to maintain, amend or withdraw the draft. Reasons must be given for this decision.
3. Furthermore, under the ordinary legislative procedure, where reasoned opinions on the non-compliance of a proposal for a legislative act with the principle of subsidiarity represent at least a simple majority of the votes allocated to the national Parliaments in accordance with the second subparagraph of paragraph 1, the proposal must be reviewed. After such review, the Commission may decide to maintain, amend or withdraw the proposal.
If it chooses to maintain the proposal, the Commission will have, in a reasoned opinion, to justify why it considers that the proposal complies with the principle of subsidiarity. This reasoned opinion, as well as the reasoned opinions of the national Parliaments, will have to be submitted to the Union legislator, for consideration in the procedure:
(a) before concluding the first reading, the legislator (the European Parliament and the Council) shall consider whether the legislative proposal is compatible with the principle of subsidiarity, taking particular account of the reasons expressed and shared by the majority of national Parliaments as well as the reasoned opinion of the Commission;
(b) if, by a majority of 55 % of the members of the Council or a majority of the votes cast in the European Parliament, the legislator is of the opinion that the proposal is not compatible with the principle of subsidiarity, the legislative proposal shall not be given further consideration.
Article 8
The Court of Justice of the European Union shall have jurisdiction in actions on grounds of infringement of the principle of subsidiarity by a legislative act, brought in accordance with the rules laid down in Article 263 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union by Member States, or notified by them in accordance with their legal order on behalf of their national Parliament or a chamber thereof.
In accordance with the rules laid down in the said Article, the Committee of the Regions may also bring such actions against legislative acts for the adoption of which the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union provides that it be consulted.
Article 9
The Commission shall submit each year to the European Council, the European Parliament, the Council and national Parliaments a report on the application of Article 5 of the Treaty on European Union. This annual report shall also be forwarded to the Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions.
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I recently raised the question as to why Europeans often ignore the genre of magical realism as a European phenomena. They often study it as a form of comparative study, i.e. not as a European based phenomena. That is, Europeans often study primarily writers from other regions of the world when looking at the horrible reality and magic of realism, like that of Gabriel García Márquez. On the European continent, readers of a variety of works of magical realism often only include an elite group of regional reviewers.
As Gabriel García Márquez has recently passed away, I would like to ask to what degree either Latin American or European magical realism has been accepted or prominent in the various countries on various continents around the globe. Moreover, has this genre been popular in your region or home country for a long time or only recently? In short, does a book like 100 Years of Solitude affect you or resonate with you more than a novel of similar genre from your own culture?
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You should read Alejo Carpentier's prologue to The Kingdom of This World, published in Spanish in 1950, in which he expounds on the difference between surrealism and magical realism. 
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I am looking for empirical studies in public opinión and foreign policy in European and Asian countries.
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Eurobarometer and Asiabarometer are probably the best data sources, in my opinion, that you might be able to get your hands on. The Euro ones are fairly available directly, and probably your uni library can facilitate either of these if a faculty member can sign off on your request. (There are two Asia barometers. I forget which is the one I consider to be the "real" one. Well, be aware of that.)
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I have been studying post-Communist public administration reforms especially the Romanian case and South-Eastern Europe since 2006 and witnessed the growth of the interest and literature in this field. I am especially interested in expalining the huge transformations within South-Eastern European public administrations through a historical institutionalism approach within the European integration process. Could you indicate the most influential study in the area? 
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In this context the publications of OECD Sigma may also be of interest to you such as the following: Jean-Hinrik Meyer-Sahling, Sustainability of civil service reforms in central and Eastern Europe five years after EU Accession, Sigma paper No 44, April 2009.
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I would like to know more about some national experiences of EU countries on the implementation of legislation for management of waste electrical and electronic equipment (WEEE). For instance the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom.
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Dear Heyd Mas,
as it can be seen from my profile, I have done some research on WEEE and I have published a number of articles regarding a qualitative and quantitative metal analysis and toxicity assessment in WEEE. In these articles, which you may download, you will find valuable information on the 2 most known and used EU Directives (regulations) regarding the waste management, disposal, treatment and concentration limits of hazardous substances in WEEE.
I hope I was of some assistance!
Kind regards! 
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In its judgment on 27 February 2014 the Court of Justice ruled that where a Member State chooses to provide a financial allowance instead of asylum accommodation, the allowance must, inter alia, be sufficient to ensure a dignified standard of living and enable the asylum applicants to obtain housing, if necessary, on the private rental market. Are there any legal or practical consequences of this judgment in your country?
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I think that politicians go so slowly... that mybe in two years, but I think that actually there are no consequences of the C-79/13 Saciri judgment in Spain.  But it is very interesting, I will see!
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I am interested in research related to Transfer qualification (Content/ curricula, success factors, Duration etc.) for teachers within the EU. Since the education of teachers still varies within the EU, this is a non-tarifary hurdle for teachers migrating within the EU and trying to work in other member-states. Also, is there any comparative study on qualification profiles of teachers trained within the EU?
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Dear Andreas, I am not sure if I can help you, but there are several works on teachers in Europe here: http://epthinktank.eu/2014/03/20/teacher-education-in-europe/
Of course actually mobility of teachers is reduced to the Erasmus Programme...
Regards and good luck! 
Joaquín
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Neither the commission, nor the parliament (or Eurostat) are providing this information in a comprehensive way.
So I would rather need information for the elections before 2004. Thank your for your support!
Torben
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Bear in mind that any such information is always based on survey evaluation and not actual electoral roll data. As a result, different surveys can come up with fairly different estimates of participation by age groups (on some election types, differences can easily reach 10 percentage points). This is especially the case to the extent that turnout is a "socially desirable" behaviour and we do not always agree on the specific extent to which different types of individuals are likely to lie about their vote. This is still the best we can get so it is fine to use it ,but the distinction is important to bear in mind.
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As above.
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The FP7 projects PIONEURS (2003-2006) and EUCROSS (2011-2014) focused specifically on this question of European integration "from below". See the book "Pioneers of European Integration" (2009) by Ettore Recchi and Adrian Favell...
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I would especially be interested in how the crime rate is affected by the rentention of telecommunication data?
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The title of the book is 'The Dutch implementation of the data retention directive. On the storage and use of telephone and internet traffic data for crime investigation purposes'.
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According to the ASEAN has the end-goal to the economic and financial integration in year 2015, it is very interesting to study the EU-style economic integration, which has been accepted as a model of regional integration. However, many scholars argue that a region that consists mostly of developing or less developed countries such as the ASEAN is unlikely to develop closer regional integration or as legalistic as the EU. Is it appropriate to compare the EU and the ASEAN?
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Most salient issue is that monetary integration without fiscal control is highly problematic.  Rapid expansion of membership especially to countries that do not share Western Europe's level of development and cultural attributes led to unsustainable expansion.  The key for ASEAN now is depth and not breadth.  
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For my current research, I am looking for empirical material and theoretical analyses concerning the development and the membership of Youth political organizations working at a transnational or international level. Any bibliographical reference or any contact with scholars working on this issue would help me a lot!
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OK!
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