Cross Cultural Psychology - Science topic

IMO, Business-oriented journals tend to publish case studies more than Psychology journals. You might also want to check out the Common Ground research network for Diversity in Organizations, Communities & Nations (ondiversity.com). The latter does not have a huge circulation and is not registered with Web of Science, but they do provide peer review for papers submitted for publication and you can pay for an accepted article to be open access. Their conferences are great too, with case studies accepted for presentation.

Unless you have a priori hypotheses about specific paths that would be expected to be non-invariant, I would think that the omnibus chi-square difference approach (comparing the fully constrained vs. unconstrained models globally) is the more appropriate approach. This is somewhat similar to what you would do in ANOVA. You look at the omnibus F test first. You run post hoc tests (pairwise comparisons) only if you obtain a significant F statistic. Otherwise you run into the risk of type-1 error inflation.

In your case with a non-significant overall chi-square difference, you would not compare individual paths.

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Hi this might of some use to yourself it's Just a PDF format

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I have used the Triandis scale, and will look in my digital files to see if I can find a copy. I have also used the 53-item Sociotropy/Autonomy Scale and the 30-item Self-Construal Scale.

Hi Robert

My one student is conducting research on role of family factors on juvenile delinquent behavior in Pakistan. I wonder how much your instrument will be helpful in using it in the field.

You can share it on sanaullah.panezai@gmail.com

Hi Faith Obioma ,

Your question starts by acknowledging a research gap in literature related to measurement of gender stereotypes on the African continent since Williams & Best (1990). From that statement, I'll assume that your "data collection" question refers to (1) "the data collection instrument" (i.e., a suitable measurement scale for gender stereotype to be included in your questionnaire), rather than (2) the logistics associated with sampling. I'll however try to provide some advice on both:

(1) The data collection instrument

If there is a gap in literature regarding a suitable measurement scale, you may either "develop" a new one, or "adapt" an existing one. Please note that the instrument you cited (Williams & Best, 1990) is nearly 30 years old. Hence, some dimensions might be outdated (e.g., the gender binary male-female classification is not considered inclusive today). In that case, I wouldn't recommend scale "adoption". Also, bear in mind that you need to validate the construct in the study area/context where you wish to apply it. [Please note: if you have a multidimensional scale, test for internal consistency (i.e., Cronbach alpha) at sub-scale level]. Since Africa is a culturally diverse continent, language alone might imply translations which don't distort the original meaning of the item.

(2) Sampling issues

I agree with the advice provided by Dennis Alvarez . You might want to pick a country whose perceptions may be generalized over an entire region. For instance, if you select Gabon as a country, you should know that the ethnic group (Fang) predominantly residing in the northern province of Gabon (Weuleu Ntem) is also found in Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea. They share the same culture and might be hypothesized to to share similar perceptions as far as gender stereotyping is concerned. The same scenario can take place with the Shangane ethnic group found in South Africa, Mozambic, and Zimbabwe; or even the Hausa people who are the second largest ethnic group in Africa. They can be found in about 14 African countries. The point is ethnicity is a trans-frontier construct which might improve your odds in generalizing your results.

If you seek a data collection company in South Africa, I would recommend the

Inter African Research Consultancy (IARC). Search for it on LinkedIn. It's flexible and cost effective. I used them for 3 rounds of data collection for my ongoing PhD dissertation.

I hope my answer was helpful.

All the best,

Kimo

I'm glad my comments were useful. You will also find that if a question is shaped primarily by analytical concerns, you will likely not be able to translate the question into everyday language that will be easily understood. If we ask a survey question in any language, and we get a puzzled look, then we have failed to do our job. A good survey question is one for which you know in advance more or less what answers people will give; you just don't know how many will give which of the 3-5 likely answers.

Hi Lusine,

I am not sure it is still relevant for you, but I have published an ethnic fractionalization index that covers 162 countries annually for the time period 1945-2013. You can fin it on Harvard Dataverse here:

Interesting!

india and othere countries in south asia WERE colpnized

I guess that the following three could constitute basic principles for multiculturalism:

1. Mutual respect for any difference in colour, ethnicity, religion, language and sexual orientation

2. Secular education

3 Cultivation of universal human rights.

For more details see Education in a Multicultural Cyprus

A couple of comments. With the PVQ-RR, there are 3 items per value for 19 values. When used to measure the 10 values, there are from 3 to 6 and 9 for universalism. The PVQ-RR has shown quite good reliability for all or almost all 19 and 10 values in every country studied thus far (30). It is available in 46 languages. The average time for completion is approximately 6-8 minutes. Reducing the number of items has very little effect on the time required because it takes about 3-4 minutes to respond to 20 items because respondents take more time until they get used to the format.

Whenever possible, I recommend measuring all values. Some reasons are:

1. Attitudes and behaviors are influenced by the trade-off between opposing values. Measuring only those values expected to either promote or to inhibit an attitude or behavior is likely to miss a significant part of the causal/explanatory association.

2. The scales are all balanced so that values expected to receive similar ratings are separated to reduce automatic responding. Changing the order by dropping items can affect the levels of response to the other items.

3. Value responses are quite sensitive to framing by other questions. The full value scales cover the full range (circle) of motivational goals so they have little or no biasing effect on other questions. Hence it is desirable to administer the value scales first. However, if values not of interest to the researcher are drop from a value scale, that scale may bias subsequent responses.

Contrary to what Dante ... writes above, in my article on Basic Personal Values and the Meaning of Left‐Right , values were good predictors of political orientations. As we and some later work have found, the meaning of left-right in former communist countries differed from its meaning in the West. For some respondents in those countries, the meaning of this distinction is reversed, for others it is ambiguous. Consequently, value orientations do not predict left-right because it is not a meaningfully clear concept.

Hello,

It is an old source that you have used. You can find a copy of the original article here: https://www0.gsb.columbia.edu/faculty/bkogut/files/1988_JIBS_Kogut_Singh.pdf

There were using the data for a different purpose and their procedure probably would not be applicable now as there are now six dimensions. Look at page 12 of the link I just pasted. It briefly explains how they used their formula.

Good luck you!

read the following articles:

I would like to add the conclusion I have reached through my project. A generic scale measuring responses to globalization-based acculturation has been developed by Sylvia Chen and collegues (DOI:10.1037/a0039647). This scale looks very promising and I have employed it in some of my new research. However, I chose a more culture specific approach in my Ladakh project which can be found here:

Since I have not studied your study area, I have not comment..

The only thoughts I can provide are to be certain that your premises are all correct. Does the improvement you claim effect all economic classes and cultures equally? I think you may find a contradiction within this assumption.

Dear Jimmy,

I'm going to offer some thoughts on why measuring cultural differences in your chosen domains is very difficult. I'll consider spatial confounds first.

Firstly, if we accept that there are individual differences between people's spatial abilities by virtue of the degree of hemispheric lateralisation and that this lateralisation may be influenced profoundly antenatally (for example, by exogenous androgens or estrogens like DES, potentially though environmental contamination or contraceptive practices), then it would be impossible to control for differential effects of the environment between cultures.

Secondly, I was fortunate to attend a guest lecture by Dr Markus Hausmann, associate professor at the Centre for Vision and Visual Cognition in Durham, UK, who explained that the differences in female cognition at different stages of the menstrual cycle measured through neuroimaging are confounds that only become distinct through a small effect size (Cohen's d >0.3 and <0.5) if the participants' cycles are monitored very precisely and experiments are synchronised accordingly. This makes spatial cognitive experiments involving females very effortful and is why many are conducted only with males. It would appear to set a very high barrier for controlling for such effects across cultures where gender may be very relevant.

I could go on, but I think the disappearance of small cultural differences amid many uncontrollable confounding variables is almost inevitable: too small a signal amid too much noise.

Now I'll consider cultural confounds.

Firstly, if we accept that experience shapes cognition, as is evident from language acquisition and the evidence that unfamiliar phonemes cannot be discerned or reproduced after early infancy, then it is impossible to control for the effects of language - namely differences in precise meaning between terms that we use to operationalise experiments, between cultures. Classically, what is "attractiveness"?

Secondly, with specific reference to "individualism versus collectivism", cultural variations in symbiosis and enmeshment will be confounded by variations in attachment style when measured with the Experiences in Close Relationships-Revised (ECR-R) Adult Attachment Questionnaire, for example. How could the effects of patriarchy on attachment style be controlled for to reveal individualist versus collectivist differences?

Again I could go on, but I think that the small cultural effects would be overwhelmed by the scale of normal individual differences.

Thus, in summary, I think that spatial and cognitive differences across cultures don't lend themselves well to the quantitative analyses implied by the domain. On the other hand, articles like this one on colour perception show that qualitative analyses could reveal striking differences.

I have attached Vermunt's Inventory of Learning Styles.

Harter's scales are good.  But may be less helpful for the preschoolers than for the older people's scale.  You need to be wary of "measurements" of these constructs before age 8-10.  Scores are not very stable from one measurement to another---not reliable.  The thinking is this is because recent experiences (like making a mess while painting the morning before testing in the afternoon) ) have a big influence on responses.   Preschoolers do not generalize or transfer from one situation to another.  Therefore, they don't have a "general self-.... summed across time, situations, activities.)   Harter's will give you a "Global Self- Worth sub scale, and that may be more helpful to you because it is based on feelings rather than skills, activities, etc. Also, beware that any self-concept measure is culture-bound. (To deal with that,  Harter's "Importance" sub-scales are really helpful.)

Sincerely, I share some links to papers on MOOC and impact.

Revista comunicar. Vol 44 spanish  English

Curso o MOOCs , sus características fundamentales de calidad

I hope will be helpful.

Ungar conducted a mixed methods study with 1500 youth from 11 countries and created this Child and Youth Resilience Measure. Below are articles of interest.

Ungar, M. (2008). Resilience across cultures. British Journal of Social Work, 38, 218-235. doi: 10.1093/bjsw/bcl343

Ungar, M., & Liebenberg, L. (2011). Assessing resilience across cultures using mixed methods: Construction of the child and youth resilience measure. Journal of Mixed Methods Research, 5, 126-149. doi: 10.1177/1558689811400607

Here's one recent discussion: Diversity, culture, and personality disorders. By Rebeta, James L.

Beck, Aaron T. (Ed); Davis, Denise D. (Ed); Freeman, Arthur (Ed). (2015). Cognitive therapy of personality disorders, 3rd ed., (pp. 140-151). New York, NY, US: Guilford Press, xvii, 506 pp.

Personality and its disorder must be considered in light of relevant cultural perspectives if we wish to ensure that treatment is ethically framed and effectively delivered. Ascoli and colleagues (2011) aptly state that "the diagnosis of a Personality Disorder, as well as the very definition of what constitutes a 'normal personality' is entirely a cultural and social construct" (p. 53). They further contend, "Culture plays a role in the definition of the self, in the expectations on the orientation of the person (towards the individual or the social group) and in the definition of how a normal personality is constructed and expresses itself. The very difference between what is considered a normal or an abnormal personality depends on culture" (p. 53). This contextualization for anyone considered to have a personality disorder poses an even greater challenge than mere recommendation to attend to aspects of "diversity" in the patient-therapist relationship. Treatment for various symptoms or diagnoses of personality disorder is rarely discussed with emphasis on, or explanation of, any cultural limitations or influence. This chapter attempts to address these issues with further discussion of the assessment of culture and its meaning, how it can be used to inform the diagnosis of personality disorders and treatment planning, and ways to apply cognitive-behavioral interventions within a cultural framework. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)

Actually, I added it to my post, but anyway. In this post, it also doesn't work, but now: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/281644865_Social_Interaction_Globalization_and_Computer-Aided_Analysis_A_Practical_Guide_to_Developing_Social_Simulation

Sorry, I erased my previous answer, because it was not thought out well. So Stephen refers to my first answer.

In principle, you could use the z-transformed variable for t-tests but it makes not always sense! You have to take care how you transform the variable. Just think about the variables: after transformation each variable has a mean of 1 and a standard deviation of 0. What will happen if you compare two independent samples: right the difference of 0-0 is 0, so the t-test makes no sense! So, if you use z-transformed dependent variables, the z-transformation has to be done across all groups.

It is very similar with the dependent t-test, especially for highly or not correlated variables. With a high correlation, both variables will look nearly the same. For example, take a random variable, create a second one by adding a fixed value. If you run a t-test on this raw data, you will probably find a difference. Now z-transform those two variables and run again the t-test, the difference will be zero.

Dear Celine,

The following resources may interest you:

Discrimination, Acculturation, Acculturative Stress, and Latino Psychological Distress: A Moderated Mediational Model by Lucas Torres, Mark W. Driscoll, and Maria Voell.

This is really an interesting question because Elder and Vygotsky are indeed similar. Elder's originality consists in linking human lives with history. For him development takes always place in time and space.He is aware of an ever changing environment and this gives time, context social dynamics an increased visibility. It does not merely focus on the individual change process put remains open for the totality of history. Though Vygotsky is also interested in the interaction of individuals with their environment, he obviously does not refer so radically to history in its totality.

I might be able to help. Can you be a bit clearer about what you are looking for when you say "recommend a cross-cultural assessment"?

Request CRIS by writing me at

I think you can find it on "WJ Diagnostic Reading Battery", this book is standard test book

The most common approach for controlling social desirability in questionnaires is through the use of lie scales. However, lie scales in themselves have validity problems. Today, many researchers believe that what lie scales measure is not the tendencies to fake good on questionnaires, but a general facet of personality.

Therefore, it is not quite certain what we are doing when controlling for lie scale scores.

I can recommend these papers;

Uziel, L. (2010). Rethinking Social Desirability scales: From Impression Management to interpersonally oriented self-control. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5, 243-262.

Smith, D. B., & Ellingson, J. E. (2002). Substance versus style: A new look at social desirability in motivating contexts. Journal of Applied Psychology, 87, 211-219.

Schmitt, N., Oswald, F. L., Kim, B. H., Gillespie, M. A., Ramsay, L. J., & Yoo, T.-Y. (2003). Impact of elaboration on socially desirable responding and validity of biodata measures. Journal of Applied Psychology, 88, 978-988.

Pauls, C. A., & Stemmler, G. (2003). Substance and bias in social desirability responding. Personality and Individual Differences, 35, 263-275.

Moorman, R. H., & Podsakoff, P. M. (1992). A meta-analytic review and empirical test of the potential confounding effects of social desirability response sets in organizational behaviour research. Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 65, 131-149.

Holden, R. R. (2007). Socially desirable responding does moderate personality scale validity both in experimental and non-experimental contexts. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 39, 184-201.

af Wåhlberg, A. E., Dorn, L., & Kline, T. (2010). The effect of social desirability on self reported and recorded road traffic accidents. Transportation Research Part F, 13, 106-114.

af Wåhlberg, A. E. (2010). Social desirability effects in driver behavior inventories. Journal of Safety Research, 41, 99-106.

af Wåhlberg, A. E., & Melin, L. (submitted). On the validity of lie scales.

Jenny

I suggest you study:----

Flourish by Seligman 2011

Happiness by Design by Dolan 2014

Maslow Hierarchy of needs 1943

WELL Standard 2015 USA

Home Quality Mark 2015 by BRE

World Green Building Council Report on Health Wellbeing Productivity 2014

All these have further references for you to pursue.

derek 

May be first it depend on what differences we are targeting? for example are we interested in cross cultural difference in eating habbit, in methods of treatment, ..etc...

Next, the data collection method could be questionnaires, interviews, qualitative approach. It could happen that people from different cultures are living in the same area, or one can use Internet to collect data from different countries.

Be prepared to NOT be the expert. Realize that your education and your degrees mean exactly zero in many social groups. I have been dong participant observation in Haiti for almost 10 years. I am still the stupid one, I am still the child. Be humble. They are teaching you & that is not your right or their obligation. It is a gift. Check your tender feelings and outrage at the door because some people will not like you. They will not support your research. Racism happens. My best advice ever about fieldwork is "Suck it up, buttercup." Say thank you for every gift of knowledge & remember even the awkward or unpleasant incidents add to your data.

´The question is comples and has not one answer. I think it depends from the way you define Env. Psych.

1. If you focuses the interaction some aspects of environment (material or social or both) with some aspects of people (as individuos, group, organization or comunity) you can find posibilities of makin modifications in health, education, enjoy, disaster, inssecurity, estress......if you modifies noisy, air polution, bad neigborhood, some specific polutants and so for........... This is an social and material interventión.

2. If you focuses the effect of human decisions or sociocultural practices over the quality of environmental attributes and THE EFFECT OF THAT CONSEQUENCES over human quality of life, the  intervention selects some human characteristic or practice to make control.

3. Generally, if the model works with INTERACTIONS this is tye analisis unit to plan and execute (apply) the modification.

4. Educatión can be another case  of  intervention but include as principal purpose modify values, attitudes, perceptions, knowledges....... and long term tranformation in human behacior.

Good luck in your work and i beg perdon of my English.

Hello

Most of the work I came across used them as moderators. An excellent PhD thesis which discussed these dimensions is 'Culture, Demography and Individuals’ Technology Acceptance Behaviour: A PLS Based Structural Evaluation of an Extended

Model of Technology Acceptance in South-Asian Country Context'. Try to have a look at it, I think it will be helpful. 

Regards

Nisreen 

Godwin:

Unfortunately, ICT integration for the marginalized and/or minority communities is not always done in a sensitive way, so their views and culture are misrepresented. As such, they can be impacted negatively by the cultural insensitivity display in such media like videos and readings. Here are a few articles that I have written on the topic.

Best regards,

Debra

Think that one part of the Thesis of Harari is, that man was an "unimportant animal 100.000 years ago". We know now fairly well, that even homo ergaster was no unimportant animal. 400.000 years ago by the first known cemetary in Sima de los Huesos (Spain) it could be shown he cared until death for ill and handicapped ones. Auditorium Cave in Bhimbetka (Madhya Pradesh / India) Shows artistic expressions like snake lines and cupulas, dated  700.000 - 290.000 years. The first Stone Venuses from Israel and Marocco both could be dated because of vulcanic eruptions above and beneath to between 800.000 - 230.000 and 500.000 - 200.000. Aerodynamic perfect spears have been used in Schöningen (Germany) 400.000 years ago and modern world Champions say nowadays spears are not better. And we crossed the sea in Indonesia to reach the Islands of Flores and Timor already 850.000 to 700.000 years ago. For this you Need a Kind of boat and language to plan, perform and act together. This is no unimportant animal, which can do this and thus Hararis main hypothesis is dead. 

We completed recruitment, thank you for all answers,

Piotr

Also interesting, and closely related to the question: Frederick Rhodewalt and Benjamin Peterson, "The Self and Intergroup Attitudes: Connecting 'fragile' personal and collective self-concepts', in Joseph P. Forgas, Joel Cooper, and William D. Crano (eds.), The Psychology of Attitudes and Attitude Change, vol. 12 of The Sydney Symposium of Social Psychology (New York, 2010), 263-82.

Sometimes, a general lit review  can (or must be done) to get at the specific, more focused issues, such as what you are looking for, especially since one study or one researcher may do more than that; case in point, I recognize the names of the first 4 authors.and did make use of their work and findings. Also, some of the  measures available do address those specifics.

HI Bishakha,

It rather depends on the survey and what you want to do.

The various inventories such as BIDR measure an individual's presentations: self-deception and deliberate self-presentation.  If your research is an attempt to measure self-presentation, then such instruments can do that for you.

However, I am not sure how you would apply such inventories to a questionnaire on another topic, unless you administered the inventory and your other questions separately and then analysed the responses for each individual against their perceived presentation preferences.  The problem with that is you are likely to get significant priming effects.

If you want some internal validation processes, then you might add something like the 'Lie' scale into your questionnaire as well. But once again it is, or rather it is part of, a personality inventory with a specific personality theory attached (Eysenck - one I have serious problems with).

NB. I haven't used any of the inventories for a long while so I may be out of date.  However, a problem with any of the inventories is that they may not be normed to your population of interest. 

Alternatively you can ask several questions on the same construct in different ways.  If there is significant variation in a person's response to a construct you may wish to analyse the reasons for such variations.  However, self-presentation may also affect all items in the construct equally.

Another approach is to look for external data on a construct and then weight your responses so that they match the distribution you can see in the external data.  If the distribution of responses is skewed in a particular direction (e.g. "our organisation is among the best at …")  one can also apply weightings to the data. 

One option for obtaining other data on the questions of interest, is to use elicitation techniques. I will describe elicitation techniques below.

As an aside,  I should say that I don't actually see the responses as being biased.  'Bias' implies some 'true' value that the questions would otherwise deliver.  The responses we get are accurate responses to the stimulus presented by the question: but we as researchers often don't understand what that stimulus is or what we are doing when we ask the question. See for example

Schwarz, N & Hippler, HJ 1987, 'What response effects may tell your respondents: informative functions of response alternatives', in H. J. Hippler, N. Schwarz and S. Sudman (eds), Social Information Processing and Survey Methodology, Springer-Verlag, New York.

Krosnick, JA 1999, 'Survey Research', Annual Review of Psychology, vol. 50, pp. 537-67

Unintentional self-presentation is inherent in direct questions, particularly in a questionnaire context. Most questionnaires in social sciences either present the participant with the inference  that they are rational human beings with expertise or experience in the area being investigated; or, in the case of  personality inventories etc.,  present as assessing the individual against some external standard.  What you usually get is the response the individual believes is appropriate for them in that context.  Mostly, such responses are 'true' to their understanding of themselves and the question in the context.  When the questionnaire context is close to the situation being investigated (e.g. voting), then the responses are likely to be close but not the same as observed behaviours (Krosnick 1999; Bellman personal communication).

However, and sorry for the long explanatory discussion, elicitation (also known as protective techniques) techniques reduce self-presentation.  For a description of elicitation techniques see

Catterall, M & Ibbotson, P 2000, 'Using Projective Techniques in Education Research', British Educational Research Journal, no. 2, p. 245.

Preliminary interviews using elicitation techniques, or even at the start of a questionnaire, can give you a baseline with relatively low levels of self-presentation that can be used to identify the presence of self-presentation in questionnaires. I have not seen this being done, but in theory and depending on how you collect the data, it can also be used to weight the questionnaire responses.

Yes, They can. Cultural factors as contributors are: power distance, individualism, and uncertainty avoidance. You may find this paper useful:

Liao, Meng-Yuan (2015). Safety Culture in commercial aviation: Differences in perspective between Chinese and Western pilots. Safety Science, 79, 193-205

Dear Dr. Luengo

Your problem is related to the old concept of "ethnogenesis," the way a group of people acquire an ethnic identity. See the wikipedia article for an introduction to this literature.  For the formation of local identies is Latin America in the wake of the Iberian conquest, see George Foster's classic book.He argued that Iberia was rife with petty local religious heresies reflecting local identities. The Catholic Church went to some trouble to select settlers that we orthodox in their beliefs so as to keep the Americas free of such heresies. But the Indian and Mestizo communities in the Americas preserved pre-Hispanic beliefs or reinvented new ones reflecting local identities. Foster's work more generally will provide you an introduction to the large anthropological literature on Latin America. Cultural evolutionists like myself have paid some attention to making a formal evolutionary theory of these processes. Social psychologists have a useful literature called social identity theory.

Best, Pete

Foster, G. M. (1960). Culture and conquest: America's Spanish heritage. New York: Werner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Inc.

McElreath, R., Boyd, R., & Richerson, P. (2003). Shared norms can lead to the evolution of ethnic markers. Current Anthropology, 44(1), 123-129.

Haslam, S. A. (2001). Psychology in Organizations: The Social Identity Approach. London: Sage Publications.

Behaviours that signal fidelity and infidelity are often culturally determined. In Nigeria with its over two hundred ethnic groups, it is difficult to say anything that will be true of the whole country. However, I venture to say that in most of these cultures, what seems to be a commonality is that adultery appears not to be a sin for men. Only women can be indicted for infidelity. In other words, impunity among many men is a strong driver for infidelity. This does not mean that there are no men who are faithful to their one spouse. I'm also aware that this trend is also found in other counties of the world. RU.

Of course ! Do you plan to write an article ? (I am asking because I am an editor of a social psychology journal, if you are interested to maybe publish it). 

It is very typical thing to do in my opinion.

I am just back from the training meeting about testing invariance, and we were working on the example with gender groups and educational groups.

Professor Shalom Schwartz has published research in which he did such analysis for gender, unfortunately I do not remember its name

Dear Milena! We want to conduct cross-cultural study of proactive coping strategies in different countries. You can also take part in our project. We will study the differences in coping strategies in different age groups and in different nations. Also we would like to identify the relationship between coping and depression, subjective well-being. Every researcher in the country will survey several samples of different ages. Each sample must consist of  25 people at least. Deadlines are not defined yet. But it is desirable to have time to complete the data analysis to July. Join us!

Thinking about the phenomenon systemically and psychodynamically, an immigrant's success can have a reciprocal effect on him/her and his/her host country (e.g., how the host country views and responds to his/her success can affect how s/he feels about him/herself and his/her success, etc.). Being likely a minority in the host country, s/he might feel lonely/an outsider in his/her success; for some, it can arouse some angst or existential depression.

Dane, the Parenting Stress Index will help you understand the parents' perceptions and levels of stressed experienced related to being parents of children and adolescents.  Google it and you will find a large amount of information.

Thank you for your comments. I have made the correction you point out in the second comment. I think most researchers would agree with you that the tendency for Japanese to be more self-depreciating and Americans to be more self-enhancing under load to be a result of collectivistic or individualistic culture pertaining in each.

Hi, I am doing research on Universal Values, Measurment of human values, Common values in Abrahamic religons. Our team, developed a online survey which you can access at https://qtrial2014.az1.qualtrics.com/SE/?SID=SV_0fw28HRL2yjquDH

I lived in Mexico for many years and can say with certainty that Mexican children of middle and more so upper-middle class (and who are not those who move to US) are quiet and reserved even in play, especially the girls, the boys not so when involved in structured sports. With adults, they are extremely polite and do not speak out  of turn or talk back.

With adolescents, there is that "generation gap" to use the common term, because parental relationships are based on a structured, authoritative interaction, unlike the democratic parenting of US parents. For instance, if a parents says be  home at 8, the response is yes, father/mother and not, oh , but ----- back and forth til parent says ok but its 10 pm sharp-- there is always negotiation.

I also have been involved in comparative studies with totally different observations of Mexican children. Lastly, I was a Mexican child before moving to US and my family was alone in this move so I have many many cousins and friends and often go back. 

Mexican children, like children (and all people) in the US exhibit great difference across social class and with all due respect, those conclusions/descriptions of Mexican children "of every social class," are not accurate.

Many thanks Krishnan, it's a very interesting article indeed.

It often depends on what type of communication the people are involved in.  For example, if there is age difference between the people communicating the younger one is not expected to stare at the older one.  It is regarded as impolite and arrogant.  This is the case in most rural communities of South Africa.  However if the younger person is trying to prove his/her innocence it becomes necessary to look at the older one who will 'study' the eyes for such innocence.  How accurate this is is debatable but it is a common situation among rural people. 

one more criticism regarding globe http://psych.ut.ee/~jyri/en/McCrae-Terracciano-Realo-Allik_JCCP2008.pdf . I personally  favor Schwartz, but  Inglehart's two dimensions should be also in the list. But to give an advise one would need your research question / analytical strategy / database / level of analysis... etc.

I am strongly agree with the answers/discussions of Prof.David Charles Wright-Carr, Prof. Luis Garzón & Prof.Vilemar Magalhaes.

This is a great list of suggested measures so you may have already come close to what you are looking for. I would add the Cultural Intelligence Assessment (http://www.culturalq.com). CQ Action captures the actual behaviors used in intercultural settings. What makes this especially valid, is that it is reported multi-raters (e.g., colleagues) not just self-report. Like others stated here, it may be a good place to start.

I worked that question in identity terms, in Portugal,for my PhD thesis in Anthopology (FCSH-UNL, 1986) , constructing an instrument of research and using quantitative methods, influenced by the works od David McClelland (The Achieving Society, 1961) E. Fromm and M. Maccoby (Social Character in a Mexican Village,: a Sociopsychanalytic Study, 1970) and G, Hofstede ( Culture's Consequences. International Differences in Work-related Values, 1984). I found three patterns: Power (viewed as 'masculine' and 'adult', attributed to North Europeans; Pride (viewed as adolescent, almost completely negative / anti-social, and attributed to Spaniards; and Peace (viewed as 'feminine' and 'childish', self-attributed by the Portuguese (N = 1.048, even by the male sample > 500). What is relevant in scientific terms is that the Portuguese represent themselves as being 'peaceful', 'feminine' and 'childish', and almost without defects; and represent the North Europeans with 1/3 of serious defects ("cold", arrogant", "racist", agressive", "exploring other people", etc., what is the contrary of the classic findings of American Social Psychology about stereotypes, said to be constructed by men and imposed on women and by 'WASPs and imposed on 'negroes'. Other relevant finding shows that 'values' are comparative and competitive in narcissistic terms, supported by unconscious family representations (the  post-Oedipal "Culture of the (Strong) Father against Oedipal "Culture of the (Holly) Mother", associated to Protestantism and Catholicism) and doesn't come from 'objective reality', once trying to construct psychic and 'cultural realities', in the Fight of Narcissisms. and in the War of Identity Envies.   Cf, José Gabriel Pereira Bastos, "Portugal in Europe: the International Identity Strategies of the Portuguese", in L. Beltrán, J. Maestro and L. Salo Lee, eds. European Peripheries in Interaction: the Nordic Countries and Iberian Peninsula, Alcalá: Universidad de Alcala, 2002: 223-247; and "Towards an Anthropology of Identity Processes. Criteria, Strategies, First Results (bilingual edition),. Lisbon: Colibri and FCSH, 2013, pp. 87-172. In my perspective, Comparative Strategies need cross-cultural quantitative inquires; and Competitive / narcissistic (Identity) representations need the support of Freudian theory of Human Behaviour.  ----------------------------------------------------------------------------   In my study,  'congruence' is guaranteed by associating political representations to family (Oedipal) representations and by constructing /attributing  identity 'cultural  superiority' (to the individual over his group) and 'moral superiority' to his group over main  identity group referents (in Portugal, Spaniards and North Europeans). These 'secret' representations can be affirmed or not in negotiated public relations. ----

I'm interested in colleagues that want to use my inquiry in different countries, with local political referents (North Europeans would be great), not to find 'descriptions' but competitive identity strategies and deliriums.

My group is interested in the factors that affect academic achievement including differences between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation.  Your question seems to be about how the motivational factor itself my differ, but it may be closely tied to the question of how much differences in motivation actually affect outcomes.

We are a large U.S.-based program, and we have international partners in Europe and Asia so that we can ask these questions cross-culturally.  We find that we run into a lot of the same concerns that Darko expresses above with respect to having instruments that work the same way across cultures.  

I am very curious about your qualitative approach and wonder if you are actually going to need a mixed methodology to achieve a more complete answer to you question. I am certainly interested in knowing more details about your plans.  (I have also just spent some time with a delegation from Singapore, so I have been focused on some of the issues associated with educational system there.)

Francesca, this is the link to that paper. It is as you say, a difficult subject matter, but one that must be addressed. respectfully, Patrick

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265382543_Summer2012_Sexual_Violence_in_Intrastate_Conflict_The_Dynamics_of_Sexual_Violence_in_Intra-State_Conflict?ev=prf_pub 

Thank you! I`ve contacted with professor Keyes yet, however as MHC is really popular he has no all versions at his personal computer. Anyway, we have some versions already translated and ready to use.

Thank you Beatrice - there are some papers here that I have not yet seen.

Thanks a lot Ruth! Very helpful references.

Hello,

I`m interested in collaboration on topic on entitlement and well-being. Our team is interested both in social psychology and personality psychology fields in cross-cultural context. I attach brief description of project. If you find it interesting please contact with me.

best,

Magda

Yes, "it is a complex amalgam of both of these..." As Nelson has mentioned rather correctly, I completely agree that "most of our identity lies beyond our control"... However, the surroundings are also important... Even a very strong personality may have difficulties to resist, if exposed to a constant influence from his/her social environment... What is right and what is wrong is; however, most probably a generational choice..., not what the parents would have liked to have seen...

A moral value is a universally accepted principle that governs the day to day living of life. These principles are important in maintaining unity, harmony and honor between people. Moral values are usually communal and shared by the public in general, thus if there is no agreement among community members no moral values will be established.

The universal moral values are those accepted by the international community. These are:

•Peace;

• Freedom;

•Social progress;

•Equal rights;

•Human dignity.

Other moral and ethical values are:

•Accept responsibility for personal actions and for the consequences of these actions;

•Accept a duty of care;

•Affirm the individual's right to self-determination;

•Put the truth first;

•Never use a person as merely an unconsenting means to an end, even if the end benefits others;

•Be honest;

•Honor agreements;

•Conduct relationships with integrity;

•Leave a positive legacy to future generations.

With respect to ethics the following are the principles to be considered:

Principles of Personal Ethics

Personal ethics might also be called morality, since they reflect general expectations of any person in any society, acting in any capacity. These are the principles:

Principles of Personal Ethics include:

•Concern for the well-being of others;

•Respect for the autonomy of others;

•Trustworthiness and honesty;

•Willing compliance with the law (with the exception of civil disobedience);

•Basic justice; being fair;

•Refusing to take unfair advantage;

•Benevolence: doing good;

•Preventing harm

Principles of Professional Ethics

Individuals acting in a professional capacity take on an additional burden of ethical responsibility. For example, professional associations have codes of ethics that prescribe required behavior within the context of a professional practice such as medicine, law, accounting, or engineering. These written codes provide rules of conduct and standards of behavior based on the principles of Professional Ethics, which include:

• Impartiality; objectivity; openness; full disclosure;

• Confidentiality;

• Due diligence / duty of care;

• Fidelity to professional responsibilities;

• Avoiding potential or apparent conflict of interest

Even when not written into a code, principles of professional ethics are usually expected of people in business, employees, volunteers, elected representatives and so on.

Principles of Global Ethics

Global ethics are the most controversial of the three categories, and the least understood. Open to wide interpretation as to how or whether they should be applied, these principles can sometimes generate emotional response and heated debate.

Principles of Global Ethics include:

•Global justice (as reflected in international laws);

•Society before self / social responsibility;

•Environmental stewardship;

•Interdependence and responsibility for the ‘whole’;

•Reverence for place

¿Is this a "Latino" value, or is it a universal cultural value, shared by people everywhere who like to have a good time as they live out their lives?

I have met "personas simpáticas" (substitute an equivalent phrase in any other language here) just about everywhere I have managed to wander over the last half century or so.

I agree with Laura. It is HARD to establish cross-cultural equivalence in quantitative measures of attitudes (or behavior, for that matter). It is relatively EASY to establish a superficial appearance of equivalence. It's hard in part because of the matter of language -- translation--and in part because language comparability (accurate translation) doesn't necessarily speak to the equivalence of the meaning of a concept.

In large cross-national attitude surveys, the original researchers may follow a procedure of translating and backtranslating, which seems satisfactory on the surface but does not guarantee an equivalence of meaning. Researchers who do secondary analysis using large cross-national data sets, such as the World Values Survey, take it for granted that such translation equivalence (using, say, English as the ultimate standard) has been achieved. But do the questions/prompts mean the same thing in different cultures?

I have addressed this in some of my published research. But I also recall a very specific example of how tricky a simple question can be if you fail to put it into context. In this case, in 1991 some American researchers and I were working with Estonian researchers to conduct a social survey in Estonia. We had an inter-generational sample (parents and their children). One question on the survey (in English), which came from prior surveys in English, was "Suppose your father (mother) were to receive an award from the government. How proud would you be?" (This was one in a series of questions aimed at determining how closely identified children were with their own parents.) In this case, our Estonian colleagues could easily TRANSLATE the English question into Estonian. No problem there. But what did the question MEAN in the context of Estonia in 1991? Our colleagues said that their own answer would depend on the meaning of the term "government." "WHICH government," they asked. "The existing Estonian Communist leadership in the still-existing Soviet Union? The government in a soon-to-happen democratic and independent Estonia? The local government, or the country's government?" And so we had to reformulate the question to make it less contextually sensitive. What we ultimately settled on was to replace the word "government" with "community." But we did this only after an extended discussion of the meaning of "community" and what the language and cultural equivalent would be in English and Estonian.

This is a simple example in a political context. But widely accepted and widely used survey scales have analogous problems. There's no simple solution. At the very least researchers who are doing secondary analysis of data collected in cross-cultural contexts need to think about the meaning of the questions. One of my favorite "problem questions," which is used in both the World Values Survey and many other multinational surveys, is one on "national pride": "How proud are you to be [an American]? Another example is the question of how much confidence people have in various political institutions (the president, legislature, police, business leaders, the courts, etc.). What does the word "confidence" mean in different contexts?. I discuss this issue in an unpublished paper (2008) in which I looked at the relation between concern about terrorism and support for civil liberties in the USA and Europe. You can find it on my RG page.

Thanks, Lisa. I have handed in my dissertation now, with my own model of psychotherapy. I hope to return to Cambodia to work as a therapist and will keep in mind this book that you recommend.

When I last looked, which admittedly was a while ago, there wasn't much academic-type research on humor at all. Articles were still referring to Freud and Aristophanes for hypotheses to examine.

However, let's take a more general approach. For almost all of history, or all of history, regardless of what form of public performance, men have dominated the performance space. Not just the arts, but politics, sports, science, and whatever else you can think of. This includes indirect performance such as in the visual arts, authorship, and having the right to vote as well.

The only likely exception is dancing for the amusement and gratification of men. And in many cultures, this kind of expression is not permitted. And in the others, there is usually a man controlling financial and other non-performance aspects of the activity.

I am not saying that this is right in any way, but this is how things have been throughout the history of most cultures. There may be some exceptions, but for cultures that have advanced beyond the hunter-gatherer or subsistence agriculture socioeconomic systems, this seems to be true.

So humor, especially when expressed in groups or in performance spaces, should be considered within this general context. If humor wasn't under the dominance of men, that would be exceptional, but not the other way around.

The same can be said with regard to the perception of threat. Women acting within spheres of behavior considered to belong to men are generally threatening to a greater or lesser degree culturally or individually. There is the concern that women are usurping the power of men, but the more basic concern is that it diminishes the control men have over women. It also puts women on display for other men, increasing the potential for a woman to interact with them. Traditionally, men are not fond of this whether it is their wives, daughters, or sisters.

To push things back to the most basic level, there has been no way for men to verify paternity for all of human history until very recently in some places. Controlling (i.e., limiting) the interaction of women with other men has been the main way of trying to ensure paternity.

And yes, since men are very concerned about their ability to mate with women, and a major element of humor is indeed derogatory in some sense, men are not happy being on the receiving end of derogatory humor expressed by women, especially in public. Men are not so fond of being the butt of the joke from other men, but there is a recognition that they are in competition with each other. Access to women is the goal of that competition, and being the object of humor from women is a rather strong sign of lack of desirability as a potential mate.

Again, I am not saying that this is right. I am saying that, evolutionarily and historically, men want to maximize their access to women and minimize the ability of women they are associated with as sexual partners or by familial links to have access to other men. Public performance is something that exposes women to many men. Humorous public performance by women can make