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The recent decision by California to sue the President over executive overreach raises serious constitutional and political complications. The lawsuit is not just a symbolic gesture; it represents growing concern over the erosion of federal balance and the blurring of executive and legislative boundaries.
What makes the situation worse is the apparent disconnect between the administration’s inner circle and the pragmatic realities of how American systems and institutional layers’ function. If anything, this President increasingly behaves like a legislator, obsessed with pushing sweeping laws rather than respecting the limits of executive power. And worse still, those around him seem either unable or unwilling to curb that impulse.
His latest proposal, the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” bears an unmistakable resemblance to President Reagan’s 1981 Economic Recovery Tax Act, only amplified in scale and ambition. Historical precedent should serve as a warning. Following similar tax reforms, particularly under the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA), corporations largely used the resulting tax breaks not to drive long-term economic investment or job creation, but to buy back their own stock. In fact, stock repurchases surged from $519.4 billion in 2017[1] to $806 billion in the wake of those policies.[2]
If history is any guide, this new bill is poised to repeat that same pattern: enriching shareholders in the short term while deepening structural economic inequality and increasing federal debt.[3] Meanwhile, Congress, after 25 years of steady decline in oversight and effectiveness, has shown itself increasingly incapable of serving as a meaningful check on executive ambition. Most recently, the House passed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act despite not one, but two clear precedents warning that its core provisions are likely to do more harm than good, especially in terms of cost-benefit outcomes.
California’s lawsuit may mark a critical turning point. As federal institutions continue to weaken in both credibility and function, states—potentially even Republican-led ones—may begin to reassert their autonomy more aggressively. What is emerging is not just a legal battle, but a broader rebalancing of federalism itself. This struggle echoes earlier debates over states' rights, though the motivation today is less ideological than practical: states are reacting to federal dysfunction with self-preservation.
There is a great deal at stake. Whether or not California prevails in court, the mere fact of the lawsuit signals a broader shift. Power in America may be moving, slowly but steadily, back toward the states, redefining the architecture of our federal system in real time.
Bibliography
Economic Policy Institute. “The TCJA Overwhelmingly Benefited the Rich and Corporations While Overlooking Working Families.” Press release, December 17, 2019. Accessed June 8, 2025. https://www.epi.org/press/the-tcja-overwhelmingly-benefited-the-rich-and-corporations-while-overlooking-working-families/.
S&P Dow Jones Indices, “S&P 500 Stock Buybacks: Q4 2017 and Q1 2018 Estimates,” March 21, 2018, accessed June 8, 2025, https://www.spglobal.com/spdji/en/documents/index-news-and-announcements/20180321-sp-500-buybacks-q4-2017.pdf.
S&P Global. “S&P 500 Q4 2018 Buybacks Set 4th Consecutive Quarterly Record at $223 Billion; 2018 Sets Record $806 Billion.” March 25, 2019. Accessed June 8, 2025. https://press.spglobal.com/2019-03-25-S-P-500-Q4-2018-Buybacks-Set-4th-Consecutive-Quarterly-Record-at-223-Billion-2018-Sets-Record-806-Billion.
Tax Policy Center. “How Did the TCJA Affect the Federal Budget Outlook?” Last modified January 2024. Accessed June 8, 2025. https://taxpolicycenter.org/briefing-book/how-did-tcja-affect-federal-budget-outlook.
[1]S&P Dow Jones Indices, “S&P 500 Stock Buybacks: Q4 2017 and Q1 2018 Estimates,” March 21, 2018, accessed June 8, 2025, https://www.spglobal.com/spdji/en/documents/index-news-and-announcements/20180321-sp-500-buybacks-q4-2017.pdf.
[2] S&P Global, “S&P 500 Q4 2018 Buybacks Set 4th Consecutive Quarterly Record at $223 Billion; 2018 Sets Record $806 Billion,” March 25, 2019, accessed June 8, 2025, https://press.spglobal.com/2019-03-25-S-P-500-Q4-2018-Buybacks-Set-4th-Consecutive-Quarterly-Record-at-223-Billion-2018-Sets-Record-806-Billion.
[3] Economic Policy Institute, “The TCJA Overwhelmingly Benefited the Rich and Corporations While Overlooking Working Families,” press release, December 17, 2019, accessed June 8, 2025, https://www.epi.org/press/the-tcja-overwhelmingly-benefited-the-rich-and-corporations-while-overlooking-working-families/; Tax Policy Center, “How Did the TCJA Affect the Federal Budget Outlook?” last modified January 2024, accessed June 8, 2025, https://taxpolicycenter.org/briefing-book/how-did-tcja-affect-federal-budget-outlook.
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Are there more women in Kenya Boardrooms in both public and private sector since the constitution of 2010? what articles are discussing this?
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Increased Representation and Legal Mandates
Kenya’s 2010 Constitution established a strong legal framework for gender equality, mandating that public institutions and organizations in the private sector work toward a more balanced representation in decision-making roles. As a result, many analysts and scholars suggest that there has been an increase in the number of women serving on boardrooms in both sectors since 2010. Textbook discussions in strategic management and organizational behavior indicate that legal mandates, such as those found in Kenya’s Constitution, can serve as critical drivers for change within organizations (Robbins & Judge, 2018; Dess, 2023). These sources explain that although the legal requirements push organizations to diversify, the outcomes may sometimes fall short due to challenges like tokenism—a phenomenon where the presence of a few women is heralded as progress without achieving genuine inclusivity.
Reports and academic articles have begun to focus on this transformation. For instance, the Enafrica report (2021) on “Women in Business and Boards Background” provides a detailed analysis of the evolving boardroom demographics in Kenya. It documents a noticeable increase in female board members while also discussing ongoing challenges such as token representation and limited power distribution among the few women present. Similarly, research from the University of Nairobi has scrutinized the impact of the 2010 Constitution on gender representation. Their analyses note that while the legal framework has indeed improved the overall numbers, deep-seated cultural and organizational practices sometimes constrain the full empowerment of these women (University of Nairobi, n.d.).
From an organizational behavior perspective, scholars like Nickerson (2023) and insights shared on platforms such as Oracle Blogs (2021) highlight that any diversity initiative must be paired with a genuine commitment to substantive inclusion. These sources suggest that while the constitutional mandate has catalyzed incremental change, the true measure of progress will depend on whether female board members are empowered to influence decision-making processes rather than merely serving as symbolic tokens. Thus, while there is evidence supporting an increase in the number of women in Kenyan boardrooms since 2010, further research is needed to assess the qualitative aspects of their participation.
References
Dess, G. (2023). *Strategic Management: Text and Cases* (11th ed.). McGraw-Hill Higher Education. Retrieved from [https://online.vitalsource.com/books/9781266005978](https://online.vitalsource.com/books/9781266005978)
Gray, D. E. (2019). *Doing Research in the Business World* (2nd ed.). SAGE Publications, Ltd. Retrieved from [https://online.vitalsource.com/books/9781529700527](https://online.vitalsource.com/books/9781529700527)
Nickerson, C. (2023). *Extrinsic vs. Intrinsic Motivation: What’s the Difference?* Simply Psychology. Retrieved from [https://www.simplypsychology.org/differences-between-extrinsic-and-intrinsic-motivation.html](https://www.simplypsychology.org/differences-between-extrinsic-and-intrinsic-motivation.html)
Oracle Blogs. (2021, September 27). Motivation: A Key Component of Emotional Intelligence. Retrieved from (https://blogs.oracle.com/jobsatoracle/post/motivation-a-key-component-of-emotional-intelligence)
Robbins, S. P., & Judge, T. A. (2018). *Organizational Behavior(18th ed.). Pearson Education (US). Retrieved from (https://online.vitalsource.com/books/9780134729749)
Enafrica. (2021, September). Women in Business and Boards Background. [Report](https://enafrica.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/The-Status-of-Women-in-Business-and-Boards.pdf copilot_analytics_metadata=eyJldmVudEluZm9fY29udmVyc2F0aW9uSWQiOiJYb0pVZzhnNENlMzlSdFI1S3IzWWUiLCJldmVudEluZm9fbWVzc2FnZUlkIjoidGdQejh1Vmg1a3UxSERZQlBlSHJ0IiwiZXZlbnRJbmZvX2NsaWNrRGVzdGluYXRpb24iOiJodHRwczpcL1wvZW5hZnJpY2Eub3JnXC93cC1jb250ZW50XC91cGxvYWRzXC8yMDIxXC8xMVwvVGhlLVN0YXR1cy1vZi1Xb21lbi1pbi1CdXNpbmVzcy1hbmQtQm9hcmRzLnBkZiIsImV2ZW50SW5mb19jbGlja1NvdXJjZSI6ImNpdGF0aW9uTGluayJ9&citationMarker=9F742443-6C92-4C44-BF58-8F5A7C53B6F1).
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Dear colleagues, could someone suggest some literature helpful for getting a better overview of the relation between the two theoretical approaches to me? Or even better, provide me a brief comparison here, if possible? Thank you in advance.
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The answer to this question also depends on what we mean by constitutionalism in general. According to one approach, constitutionalism means the application of the rules of the constitution, their realisation in practice, and therefore without a constitution there is no constitutionalism, since there is no normative set of requirements against which the actual state of social coexistence can be compared.
But a constitution does not in itself mean constitutionality. In order to fulfil its constitutive and regulative function, a constitution must have normative force. However, it is not the same thing what the content of the constitution is, or more precisely, what normative content its provisions express. It is this normative content that determines whether the constitution complies with the basic principles of democratic constitutional development that have been established over the centuries, such as the requirements of popular sovereignty and representation, the rule of law, the separation of powers, the recognition and guarantee of fundamental rights, etc., which constitute the inalienable values of democratic constitutions. These principles and basic institutions formulate universal values, the main directions and demands that determine the essence, nature and structure of the constitution and the constitutional order in a decisive way. Conformity with the values crystallised by democratic constitutional development thus determines the extent to which a given constitution fulfils the requirement of constitutionality. It is therefore essential for constitutionalism that the most important political, social and economic relations of coexistence in the political community are regulated in accordance with these values, i.e. that the constitution contains these values in a normative way. If these principles are ignored, the constitution's normative content fails to meet the fundamental requirement of modern constitutional democracies based on the rule of law.
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Many countries recognize a right a healthy environment, etc. constitutionally. But what of those that recognize a right to water? I don't mean a water rights, by the way, such as to appropriate. I mean a right to access potable water.
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In Brazil, there is no constitutional mention of the specific Right to Water. The reading of this Law from a constitutional angle must be done through the right to life and health. However, at the infraconstitutional level, regulation is in the sense that water is a public good with universal access. Among its uses, that intended for human beings must be prioritized and its use must be rational, making it possible for this reason to charge.
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Discuss the legacies of british colonialism in the 1999 constitution of nigeria ?
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British colonialism left a deep and complex legacy in Nigeria, influencing its political structures, economic development, social systems, and cultural identity. Here are some of the most notable legacies:
1. Political Structures and Governance
  • Introduction of Centralized Governance: British colonial authorities replaced Nigeria's diverse pre-colonial political systems (kingdoms, emirates, chiefdoms) with a centralized, bureaucratic government. This created a legacy of strong central authority, setting the stage for Nigeria’s modern federal system.
  • Indirect Rule: The British used "indirect rule," particularly in the north, where they governed through existing traditional leaders. This system preserved pre-colonial hierarchies in the north but imposed new leaders in some parts of the south, disrupting local governance structures. Indirect rule contributed to ethnic divisions and mistrust in governance, which persist to this day.
  • Foundation of Ethnic and Regional Tensions: The British demarcated Nigeria’s borders without regard to ethnic, linguistic, or religious divisions, grouping over 250 ethnic groups into a single colony. The policy of dividing Nigeria into northern, western, and eastern regions (dominated by the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo respectively) fostered regionalism and ethnic competition for political power, laying the groundwork for post-independence tensions and civil conflict, including the Biafran War.
2. Economic Legacy
  • Resource Extraction Economy: British colonialism reoriented Nigeria’s economy towards exporting raw materials, such as palm oil, cocoa, rubber, and, later, oil. Colonial policies discouraged industrial development, creating an economy dependent on exporting raw resources and importing manufactured goods. This structure left Nigeria vulnerable to fluctuations in global commodity prices, which continues to impact its economy.
  • Oil Dependency: While oil became a significant factor after independence, British colonial infrastructure projects and governance set the stage for an economy centered on resource extraction. British companies, notably Shell, were deeply involved in Nigeria's oil sector, establishing a precedent for foreign influence and dominance in Nigerian oil, which has had long-term social and environmental impacts, especially in the Niger Delta.
  • Land Ownership and Labor Policies: The British introduced a system of land tenure laws that undermined communal landholding systems, particularly in the south, allowing the colonial state to control land for resource extraction. Labor policies during colonialism created an urban working class and reshaped traditional labor practices, contributing to the development of labor unions and a growing awareness of workers' rights in the post-independence period.
3. Social and Cultural Impact
  • Educational System and Language: The British established English as the official language and introduced Western education, which became a marker of social mobility. English continues to be Nigeria’s lingua franca, used in government, education, and business, but it also created a divide between the educated elite and those without access to colonial schooling. Western education also helped form a Western-educated political elite who became Nigeria's post-colonial leaders.
  • Christianity and Religious Division: Missionaries, mainly in the south, spread Christianity, leading to a divide between the predominantly Muslim north and largely Christian south. This religious split has contributed to Nigeria's socio-political tensions, sometimes fostering conflicts that are intertwined with ethnic and regional divides.
  • Erosion of Indigenous Culture: British colonialism promoted Western norms as superior to Nigerian customs, leading to the erosion of indigenous languages, religions, and cultural practices. While Nigerian culture remains vibrant and diverse, the colonial legacy still affects perceptions of tradition versus modernity and influences education, law, and social norms.
4. Legal and Judicial Systems
  • British Common Law System: Nigeria inherited the British common law system, which continues to serve as the foundation of its legal system. This legacy is particularly strong in civil and criminal law, while customary law coexists for personal matters such as marriage and inheritance, creating a complex dual legal system.
  • Dual Legal System: The British colonial administration retained Islamic law (Sharia) in the north, creating a dual legal system that persists. Post-independence, this has led to debates over the place of Sharia within Nigeria's legal system and has fueled regional tensions over the role of religion in governance.
5. Infrastructural Development and Urbanization
  • Railways and Ports: The British developed railways, ports, and roads primarily to facilitate the export of resources rather than to integrate Nigeria’s regions or promote balanced development. This infrastructure was concentrated in resource-rich areas, such as the south, creating uneven development that remains evident in Nigeria’s regional inequalities today.
  • Urbanization and Development of Lagos: Lagos, initially a British colonial hub, became Nigeria’s most populous and economically important city. The urbanization policies started during colonial rule led to rapid population growth in major cities without adequate infrastructure, a challenge Nigeria continues to face.
6. Formation of National Identity and Independence Movements
  • Rise of Nationalism: British colonial rule sparked nationalist sentiments, leading to the growth of independence movements among the Western-educated elite and workers. Nationalist leaders like Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, and Ahmadu Bello used Western education and political exposure to mobilize for independence. However, the colonial “divide and rule” policies and regional inequalities complicated efforts to forge a unified national identity.
  • Ethnic-based Politics: Regional favoritism during colonial rule influenced political affiliations along ethnic lines, a trend that continues to shape Nigerian politics. Independence in 1960 did not erase these divisions but instead brought them to the fore, complicating Nigeria’s efforts to establish stable democratic governance.
Summary
The legacy of British colonialism in Nigeria is characterized by enduring political, economic, social, and cultural influences. While it provided structures like centralized governance, legal systems, and transportation infrastructure, it also left Nigeria with challenges: ethnic and regional divisions, economic dependency on raw materials, and a dual legal system that often reflects deeper social and religious divides. These colonial legacies continue to shape Nigeria’s national identity, economic strategies, and political struggles, influencing the country’s development trajectory to this day.
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social rights
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The relationship between neoliberalism and constitutionalism is complex and multifaceted, involving both philosophical and practical dimensions. Here’s an exploration of their relationship:
NEOLIBERALISM
Neoliberalism is a political and economic philosophy that emphasizes the importance of free markets, deregulation, privatization, and the reduction of government intervention in the economy. Key tenets include:
1.Economic Freedom: The belief that individual economic freedoms lead to better outcomes for society as a whole.
2.Limited Government:Advocacy for a reduced role of the state in economic affairs, emphasizing private enterprise and free markets.
3.Privatization: The transfer of public services and assets to private ownership.
4.Deregulation:The removal of government-imposed restrictions on business activities to foster competition and efficiency.
CONSTITUTIONALISM
Constitutionalism refers to the theory and practice of governance in which the authority of government derives from and is limited by a body of fundamental law or constitution. Key principles include:
1.Rule of Law: The idea that all individuals and government actions are subject to the law.
2. Separation of Powers:The division of government responsibilities into distinct branches to limit any one branch from exercising the core functions of another.
3.Protection of Rights:Safeguarding individual rights and liberties against arbitrary government actions.
4.Democratic Governance:Ensuring that government is representative and accountable to the people.
Points of Intersection and Tension
1. Rule of Law and Economic Freedom:Both neoliberalism and constitutionalism value the rule of law, but for different reasons. Neoliberalism values the rule of law as a means to ensure predictability and stability in economic transactions, which is essential for market efficiency. Constitutionalism values the rule of law as a foundation for justice and the protection of individual rights.
2. Limited Government:Neoliberalism advocates for limited government primarily in economic matters, aiming to reduce state intervention in the market. Constitutionalism supports limited government to prevent tyranny and protect individual liberties, which can extend to economic activities but also encompasses broader civil rights and democratic principles.
3. Deregulation and Legal Frameworks:Neoliberalism pushes for deregulation to enhance economic efficiency. However, effective deregulation still requires a robust legal framework to enforce contracts and property rights, areas where constitutional principles can play a crucial role.
4. Privatization and Public Services: Neoliberalism promotes privatization of public services, arguing that it leads to greater efficiency. Constitutionalism can come into tension with this when privatization affects fundamental rights and public interests protected by the constitution, such as access to essential services like education, healthcare, and water.
5. Democratic Accountability: Neoliberal policies can sometimes lead to reduced democratic accountability, as economic decision-making is shifted from publicly accountable bodies to private entities. Constitutionalism, however, emphasizes democratic governance and accountability, potentially creating a conflict when neoliberal policies undermine these principles.
6. Rights and Inequality: Neoliberalism’s emphasis on market outcomes can lead to increased inequality, which might challenge the constitutional commitment to equality and the protection of socio-economic rights. Constitutionalism seeks to uphold not just civil and political rights but often also social and economic rights, which can be at odds with neoliberal cuts to social welfare programs.
Conclusion
The relationship between neoliberalism and constitutionalism involves both convergence and divergence. They intersect in their support for the rule of law and limited government but diverge in their implications for economic regulation, privatization, and the role of the state in protecting rights and ensuring democratic accountability. This dynamic interplay influences how both philosophies are applied in practice and how they shape governance and society.
DR.B.K. YADAV
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR
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criminal procedure
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I concur with submissions made by Meha Khiria.
We should be mindful that everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty during bail application.
Section 50(6)(d) of the Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977 provides that every accused person to make an application for release from custody.
In addition, section 60(1)(a) of the CPA, also states that an accused person is entitled to be released on bail, if the court is satisfied that the interest of justice so permit. See S v Dlamini 1999 (2) SACR 51 (CC).
This is in accordance with section 35(1)(f) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Save to say that the Constitution is the supreme law.
Furthermore, section 12(1)(a) of the Constitution, also provides that everyone has the right to freedom and security.
In essence, standard of proof during bail application is based on the balance of probabilities as alluded in the matter of S v Viljoen 2002 (2) SACR 550 (SCA). Hence an accused person has to present exceptional circumstances. See S v Mokgoje 1999 (1) SACR 233 (NC).
Additional sources:
S v Bennett 1976 (3) SA 652 (C)
S v Peterson 2008 (2) SACR 355 (C)
S v Rudolph 2010 (1) SACR 262 (SCA)
De Rebus July 2023 "Bail Application: Are there exceptional circumstances?" www.derebud.org.za
Thesis of Makasana V "The onus of proof and presumption of innoncence in South African Bail jurisprudence" 2014
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Select the most important civil and political rights that were mentioned in the effective constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005?
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The research included a detailed study of human rights in the Iraqi Constitution in force for the year 2005, including a study of civil rights and political rights, which are the protection and privileges of personal authority for all citizens under the law, such as the right to life, the right to privacy, the right to dignity, and freedom of residence. Movement and other rights, political rights.
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What are the new trends in studies of the Constitutional Block or the Block of Constitutionality?
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You may benefit from a research titled, The Direction of the Federal Supreme Court in The Interpretation of Constitutional Texts, by Othman Yaseen Ali ,available online.
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As we are seeing, the members of electoral college from the J&K and Ladakh assembly did not participate in the election of Indian president. But these two are federally administered union territories where the President governs in accordance with law. So, the newly elected President of India does not represent these two areas in the same way she represent other parts of India.
In this context, why the governance of these two UTs under President's rule not ultra vires to article 14 of the Indian constitution and against the philosophy of democracy enshrined in the preamble of Indian Constitution?
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but talks about equal protection of law as well. "Protection of law" ensures the people of India to be treated only in accordance with law. Preamble of the Indian Constitution as a part of Indian constitutional law ensures democracy and therefore isn't this unconstitutional that the jekanl la hatch still remain as U T?
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This week, the fomer Chief Justice of Bangladesh has been convicted of grevious financial offences committed during his tenure. During his tenure, he played a key role in number of landmark cases where he demonestrated an extensive range of judicial activism on a wide range of issues. These judgments consist of numerous dicta on important political and historical events (which are more of his personal opinion, reasoned of course) which were widely criticized by both academic and political community.
As the judges are not any impartial machines rather they are the makers of law in one sense and a high level of moral integrity is expected from them, does his involvement in serious offences during the tenure when he provided these dicta, weaken the binding force of the judgment he had given?
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Law is a set of legal rules that regulate the life of society؟؟؟
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Granting the constitution the right to propose its amendment to the President of the Republic and the Council of Ministers collectively, as well as granting this right to the House of Representatives, provided that the request for amendment is submitted by five of its members.
In the event that a draft amendment is submitted, it requires that it obtain the approval of two-thirds of the members of the House of Representatives, and then the approval of the people in a public referendum, and then the approval of the President of the Republic within seven days.
The constitution prohibits the amendment of basic principles, rights and freedoms. It also prohibited any amendment that detracts from the powers of the regions that are not within the exclusive powers of the federal authorities.
Any constitutional amendment approved by the aforementioned mechanism shall be effective from the date of its publication in the Official Gazette.
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It is something that the Iraqis themselves, women and men, should suggest, propose and vote for; otherwise it would be an absurd and improper interference and a form, more or less underhanded, of neocolonialism!
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If the judges don't are elect for popular voting, why would they have - in terms philosophical, and not in legal terms - legitimacy to fail to apply a law approved democratically by legislative?
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Porque ejercen justicia en nombre del pueblo
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The "Basic Feature" doctrine in constitutional law has its realistic origin in India. By the Kesavananda Bharati & Ors. v. State of Kerala & Anr. (Writ Petition (Civil) no 135 of 1970) it got final face in India. But it was adopted in some other countries as well (like Bangladesh and Pakistan). It makes some parts of a constitution unamendable. The normal process of amending the provisions of the contitution doesn't apply for these parts. And this theory is distinct from the French concept of "Constitutional Block" (established by the Constitutional Council in the case of (71-44DC)). However, this basic feature doctrine basically protects the fundamental basis of the constitution, like governmental form, fundamental rights, directive principles or preamble, to some extent.
But one question remains,if you think that a balance between extreme rigidity and extreme flexibility is preferred then what is your view on imposing an extra layer of protection over some constitutional dictrines which have the features to be called as the basic feature of a constitution?
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Rigidity in the Constitution is a distinctive that politically ensures its supremacy and transversality
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Hello everyone!
The absence of ethics in society today, in all its context, leads one to think that our children are not educated / prepared to assume a character of correct procedures in life in society!
This involves from the student who tries to deceive the teacher with evasiveness to absent themselves from classes and even to consult materials at the time of evaluations, in order to obtain advantages for themselves, in the form of a better grade.
Also, in society, when our agents use false documents to obtain financial advantages, by diverting public resources, which should be used in the health and education of the population. Or, still, to maintain themselves in power, they make excruciating agreements, forgetting the oath they made, before the constitution of the country.
In particular, I think there has been a lack of teachings, over the school years, for a large number of people to have such attitudes throughout their life in society.
All this panorama, very present in the current moment of Brazil, motivates to invite them to reflect on this, in the form of contributions, examples, criticisms and suggestions!
Thanks in advance for all contributions!
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Teaching ethics to our student is certainly not enough for them in future life. ... People are exposed to many challenges in real life, regarding moral issues. Moral and ethics is a subject of life long learning process, which has started and it was initiated by our parents.
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Working on the South Korean constitution in comparative perspective and want to deepen my understanding of the text itself.
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very good question
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Nepal’s constitution does not state clearly about political affiliation or membership as criteria for ineligibility for the position of the judge. Can they remain members of a political party? Or can a person who served as a parliamentarian be appointed in the position of judge? How can possible conflict of interest be avoided?
Although the 23 February decision of the Supreme Court on house dissolution set a precedent and firmly established the separation of powers between three branches of the state and established constitutional supremacy, the time taken by the Supreme Court to determine the bench and the prolonged hearings of the case raised serious doubts on judicial fairness. All eyes were on the Supreme Court regarding whether the Court would be able to protect constitutionalism and maintain its integrity - keeping itself away from the political influence.
Public perceive that the judges are and can be influenced politically. Nepal's judicial history has proved that the political influence is the most common threat. Historical evidence shows that during the royal regime, it was controlled by the King and the royal palace and after the establishment of democracy by the political forces – judges are appointed based on political affiliation and political bhagbanda (sharing) and family ties. The provisions of the Interim Constitution, 2007 and the current Constitution, 2015 governing the selection, appointment and removal of judges reflects absolute political control over the judicial branch. Many of them owed their preferment to their party connections and disincline to sever against them undermining judicial integrity and independence.
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A Judge can be a member or politically affiliated in his individual capacity with a political party of his choice as he is having freedom or right to choose his own choice as a citizen
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The Kurdish situation is unique in Iraq when the Iraqi constitution granted Kurdistan region extensive powers.
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After the overthrow of Saddam, power was handed over to the interim government established until the 2005 Iraqi parliamentary elections, after which Shiite politician Nuri al-Maliki took over as prime minister the following year Talabani was appointed president. Massoud Barzani in 2005. by KRG elected president of the same. The new Constitution of 2005 Iraq is defined as a federal and sovereign state, and the KRG's legitimacy over the autonomous region of Kurdistan as a federal unit has been recognized 37. The constitution even allowed it to have its army, which legitimized the Peshmerga's status and banned the Iraqi army from entering the territories under the rule of the KRG. The so-called disputed areas of the ethnically mixed population are Nineveh and Kirkuk and parts of Diyala and Salah ad Din's provinces. They provide for a referendum on their annexation to the Kurdistan Autonomous Region within two years of its adoption, which has never been achieved, and the areas themselves have remained a scene of constant tension and balance of power. Kurdish political transformation will continue in an environment of an ongoing conflict—a newly overthrown regime. Namely, in eliminating the strong state repressive apparatus, there was a deepening of the old and the creation of new conflicts between Sunnis and Shiites, which will result in a general war between different militant groups. Maintaining order in Iraq will help coalition forces until the final withdrawal of US troops from the country in 2011.
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Every human group aims to achieve certain purposes is a reference document that it adopts for you to refer to, whether this document is written or not.
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More than fifty articles are being debated about their amendment, the most prominent of which are the form of the system of government and the powers and the relationship of the region to the center and Article 140 regarding the disputed territories and the issue of gas and oil
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An explanation of the role of civil society in promoting constitutionalism in Africa
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Could You explain the difference between South Africa's civil society and political network in comparison to other countries in Southern Africa? I think, there have to be substantial differences, as it seems from the first glance.
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Africans leaders are using constitution to rule their countries but its constitution without constitutionalism because thy are not following the demands of constitution. Africans leaders are they following their constitution. Focus on the issue of democracy. There is no voice of people in African countries. Activist are now under captivity if they try to raise a voice against the government. So help me with many points to come out with a good argument.
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Tashinga -
I suspect that you are correct. I suspect that many authoritarians use selected and distorted references to constitutions while violating the spirit of their nation's constitution and without being willing to abide by its restrictions. If you have examples from Africa, I think there are plenty elsewhere as well. Donald Trump in the US seems a good example. His damage has been limited by institutions, but they have been greatly weakened and need to be refortified.
This seems all too common.
Best wishes - Jim
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The size in people and territory of nation has grown. Technology is advancing where a shooting war is a danger danger for all. The next step seems to be a world order with one federal authority with the only military command.
More recently, the British empire failed after a few centuries of hegemony. The US helped in WW1 nd WW2. The League of Nations failed. The US has tried "liberal hegemony" which means it tried to export humanitarianism and democracy. It is failing. (Stephen W. Walt- "The hell of good intentions''). he UN is failing.
What are the next set of ideals (should ...) to advance humanity solve the "is..." issues? What articles should the constitution have?
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Concerning geonomics, earth system law is in its beginning stages.
In my view, such a new social order will emerge, when the selection pressure (from nature) increases painfully. Such an evolving legal constitution will then reflect the eco-logical necessities for the survival procedure of the human species. Personally and as inspiration, I like to re-read the works of Thomas Paine, e.g. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agrarian_Justice
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What I want to know is, is there any law in indian constitution or in wildlife act according to which any particular society/tribe is entitled to hunt wildlife freely throughout the year or in a particular period of time!?
Ive been collecting and documenting these kind of mass hunting by the villagers for a year now.
Pdf attached .
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Good Q
FOLLOW
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Nobody is in favor of extinction and all countries have laws intended to reduce extinction risks for native species of plants and animals (although never explicitly microbes, as far as I know). Zero extinction at the national scale is potentially achievable for plants, at least in the temperate zone, and is an implicit target for birds and other vertebrates for most countries. But does any country have a broader commitment to zero extinction for all (or all non-microbial) native taxa?
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Sweden introduced a huge piece of legislation in 1998 (updated from previous legislation with the addition to new legislation) concerning environmental factors such as protecting species, avoiding invasive species, environments and their health, cultural heritage and similar. In Swedish it is called 'Miljöbalken' (it can be read in Swedish or translated from this link http://www.riksdagen.se/sv/dokument-lagar/dokument/svensk-forfattningssamling/miljobalk-1998808_sfs-1998-808 ).
Chapter 8 of this legislation is about the protection of species diversity. The first part of this chapter translated to English (with google translate for simplicity, so take the translation with a grain of salt):
"Provisions prohibiting the killing, harming, catching or disturbing of wild animals in the country or part of the country or removing or damaging the eggs, rum or nests of such animals or damaging or destroying such reproductive areas and resting places may be notified by the government or authority which the government decides. Such regulations may be issued if there is a risk that a wildly-living animal species may disappear or be subjected to looting or if it is required to fulfill Sweden's international commitments for the protection of such a species. However, the prohibition may not apply to cases where such an animal must be killed, injured, caught or disturbed in defense against attacks on persons or valuable property." There is a similar section in the second part of this chapter dealing with plants instead of animals.
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Many presidents in the Middle East in general and the Arab world in particular, assume power in general elections. But later on, they become dictators and remain in power for tens of years. They even change the terms and items of the constitution for their interests to remain ruling the country as if they are the only ones qualified to be presidents. Your comments are highly appreciated.
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Good discussion... Following
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EMPLOYEE ENGAGEMENT is increasingly in demand by academics as well as improvements. The facts submitted regarding academic interests are quite significant in conducting research on employee involvement and publishing the results of their research over the past 5-10 years. Saks (2006) states that research on employee involvement in academic literature is no longer needed. In other words no one agrees about research on employee involvement. Nonetheless, it has developed research related to involving, involving research finding the best ways to discuss and manage involving, related problems still unresolved. More than 10 employee engagement issues or questions related to researchers and those involved in work-related fields. The following can be asked the main questions related to employee endorsement that may be requested are: 1. How do we approve the engagement and characteristics and constitution? 2. Can you enjoy the "old wine in a new bottle"? 3. What theories can be used to explain engagement? 4. Are we involved too much? 5. Are there fluctuations in involvement throughout the day, week, month of work? 6. How is measuring involved with the company, the leader, the work team, the work environment, or the job itself? 7. What are the main performance driver for engagements? 8. Are there engagement relationships with the results of the company's work and organizational performance? 9. What can be done to maximize or optimize involvement in organizational or corporate governance? 10. What are the main areas recommended for further research related to engagement?
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Thank you for this valuable information
Best Regards Rusdin Tahir
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The Qur'anic text represents the constitution of a nation, but this constitution appears in a new form of art and legislative content and proves its existence and the success of its mission
This is a challenge that people can not afford.
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رآن الكريم أبهر العرب من خلال ابرازه للقوة الكامنة في اللغة العربية ، بمعنى انه استطاع أن يوظف اللغة العربية واساليبها التركيبية في التعبير عن أشرف المعاني الأمر الذي عجزت عن اكتشافه الاجناس الأدبية الأخرى ، فالقرآ ن لم يقل هذا لسان جديد بل قال : هذا لسان عربي مبين، أي بيِّن، فالشاعر مثلا يعمد الى الجملة العربية فيفككها ويعيد صياغتها بالشكل الذي يستطيع معه أن يعبر عن المعاني التي تجول في خاطره، لكنه في الوقت نفسه يكبل نفسه بقيود الوزن والقافية الأمر الذي لم يقع فيه القرآن الكريم، لذلك مثل القرآن مستوى من الابداع الحر كان يطمح اليه كل الشعراء..
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I am working on project connected with human rights in Israel and looking for text by a. reichmann Judicial constitution making in a divided society: The Israeli case . Have you maybe got it and could share to me
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I will try to get one as soon as possible. when ı got be sure I will share with you.greetings...
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You refered to the article 11 of the Japanese constitution in your recent paper (The Anthropocene concept as a wake-up call for reforming democracy) . This article 11, however, still remains nothing more than a sheer ideal or cliche. We japanese have neither any Constitutional Court nor OFG. The Supreme Court is institutionally provided with the right to overrulle any law it judges as unconstitutional; But, it has rarely, if ever, excercised this right. A great majority of the Japanese voters are most nlikely, so seems to me, to acccept the concept of Future Branch powerful enough to check and contain the popular/parliamentary sovereignty. I would much appreaciate if you let me know how it is possible to 'launder' people's political preferences
Yukio Adachi
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Hello, the idea of "laundering" people's political preferences does not seem proper to me. The point of politics is multiplicity of views and this is a pillar of democracy. I haven't studied yet the article you mention, so I will come back with a full answer.
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I need a concise explanation on the 'appropriate method for removal of oil from ground nut'. The groundnut substrate is meant for the constitution of a Bacterial growth medium. Thank you.
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You may use this oil expeller sir.
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Dear scholars,
I wish to confirm whether you know of any country (perhaps yours) which has not entrenched local government structures and oversight institutions in their respective country constitutions.
What would be your view of the of a country which has not entrenched the said institutions in the constitution?
As usual i remain indebted to your scholarship.
Regards.
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Honestly, too many differences are emerging between the various local governments: some work well, others do not provide the citizens with the services expected. For these reasons, strengthening the role of the central state is necessary. Italy is not federal state but the regions and local governments have autonomy
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I am not an historian myself, just have some interest in the topic. I would be very interested to read a general intro to your work on the 1936 constitution.
Thank you,
Best regards,
Godefroy Clair
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my work is accessible to the non historian. It is my goal that it should be easy to understand. Here is a link to an interview I did about my book for Russia Today https://www.rt.com/shows/worlds-apart-oksana-boyko/430003-stalin-soviet-society-power/
I have also done two podcasts on my book in an effort to make my research appeal to the general public. https://newbooksnetwork.com/samantha-lomb-stalins-constitution-routledge-2017/, https://seansrussiablog.org/2018/04/16/the-stalin-consitution/
And my book is being used for an undergraduate class at Pitt in the fall.
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Mechanism of producing constitution in the humans
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It seems that the constitution of the human body is something different than the constitution of a certain state community in which the organism functions. Human rights are the factor in which I would look for common elements. Constitutionalism as process. Constitutionalism as a process of establishing constitutional law may be useful in this regard as a tool allowing to learn the specificity of the functioning of an individual (organism) and community (state).
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what is the role of constitution in acceptance of diseases?
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Disease can affect man due to our physiological make up
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Don't you think the metapsychological concept of pulsion would be interesting in characterizing the conversion between intéroceptive information about the status of the organism, and its psychic manifestation in object oriented seeking of satisfaction? The initial information about the state of the organism could then transfer itself into a behaviour, or mediate it through thinking, and even modulate the constitution of the object in intentional consciousness.
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A well posed issue. I try to give you an answer basing on some psychoanalytic concepts I'm working on.
I think that proprioception (and the ‘proprioceptivity’) has not yet been considered enough in metapsychology. If we consider the concept of ‘subjective-object’ in Winnicott and the idea from Anzieu of the skin as a 'common area' for the infant and his mother, we can see like the concept of the 'Self' implies to look at subjectivisation as a process where 'to feel something' means 'to feel myself'.
An area to investigate in order to understand something more of this perspective is that of tragic phenomenon of 'marasmus'.
If the infant is deprived of his/her possibility to feel a contact with the other he also cannot feel himself, and he can arrive to the incredible result to die even though he is theorical healthy and well nourished.
This can be usefully thought in terms of metapsychological principles. I mean principles of constancy, of pleasure and of reality, as Freud understood them just from 1924, and not before.
What you write about “the conversion between intéroceptive information about the status of the organism, and its psychic manifestation in object oriented seeking of satisfaction” is crucial, in this regard.
In 1924, Freud says to have confused the principles of constancy and of pleasure, and that he understands just then that it is the former searching for discharge and not the pleasure principle, which is actually searching for a 'quality'. I think that this 'quality' corresponds to a feeling of contact with the object, with hedonic- not hedonistic - feelings, which result essential to life, both in a developmental and even in a metapsychological sense.
The misunderstanding of this topic has been a reason of the historical splitting between psychoanalytic theories about drives and about object relations, but I think that in this perspective we can see that this split is not necessary. Fairbairn, for instance, said that the 'drive' is not a search of pleasure, but for an object. He was right in the latter point but not in the former.
Both metapsychologically and in the reality that we can observe, like in the phenomenon of marasmus, the drive searches for the pleasure, and this pleasure is a search for the object. Without this ‘Object’, there cannot be any pleasure, nor any life, as the study of the 'marasmatic' syndrome can demonstrate.
Thus, it is true for me that "the initial information about the state of the organism could then transfer itself into a behaviour, or mediate it through thinking, and even modulate the constitution of the object in intentional consciousness", as you wrote in your question. It may refer to the state of the organism as it can be felt by the rising subject, in a correspondence with the metapsychological process of transformation of principle of constancy in the pleasure principle, and thanks to this in the reality principle.
I mean to say that the nascent Self may registry internally every lacks of contact with the object, and that he can feel even just discrete amounts of fractures in this constitutive relationship, which impinges the functioning of the principles both metapsychologically and with important clinical implications.
In this perspective, for instance, the A. Green concept' of 'dead mother' can be thought in terms of discrete quantities, for which even small lacunas in the contact with the object can become, internally, 'died parts' of it.
Around these parts, it possibly stratifies inner unconscious knots that need for the repetition that is at the basis of psychic symptoms, searching for those pleasures that was not possible to find in the Object, and in the contact with it. This could be also useful for understanding the psychoanalytic relation between trauma and death instinct.
Probably this is a direction different from what you are looking for, but I hope it might be of some usefulness for comparing metapsychology with other models of knowledge about the psychic development.
Best regards (and sorry for the lenght of the 'post')
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I am trying to simulate a reactor that uses a liquid catalyst. This is a proprietary one and I am unaware of its exact composition. I have the rates of the reaction assuming it to be an unknown species. Is there a way to simulate a CSTR in Aspen with the rate data assuming the catalyst and intermediates to be unknown?
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I would need some additional information.
Is the rate expression based on a concentration of feed and product only?
If so you may choose to not model the catalyst. This type of model is limited by an inability to model the separation of the catalyst and the products and reactants.
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Diffeent federations provide states with different levels of autonomy in what regard their capacity to frame their own constitutions and define their own constitutional rules. What differentiate federations in what concern this issue?
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I see three aspects which seem to be important in this issue: history, tradition and constitutional experience in the relations making between federation and states, provinces, regions etc. I believe that a real test of the autonomy of regions, provinces, states, etc. may be the way how are they provided by the constitutions of their federations to the powers and competencies to carry out activities falling within the scope of foreign policy. I see also three very representative examples which I’d like mention in this discussion: Switzerland, Germany and Russia. And this is not a random order.
For the first time the relationship resembling a federation with regard to Switzerland, we can talk after the Peace of Westphalia (1648). Very loose relationship 13 municipalities formed the nucleus of the Swiss federalist tradition. Only for a short while was the constitution of the Helvetic Republic (1798), which changed cantons into ordinary administrative units, and made Switzerland a unified and unified state in the form of Napoleonic solutions. But the constitutions of 1848 and 1874 restored the tradition of federalist solutions, which also adheres to the Swiss constitution in force. With this long tradition, the basic principle of mutual relations between Swiss cantons and the federation is the principle of cooperation and mutual support (Article 44). The cantons cooperate, in accordance with the Federal Constitution, in shaping the will of the Federation, in particular in lawmaking (Article 45). ). In the context of our interest, it is very distinctive that the cantons may, within the scope of their competence, conclude agreements with foreign countries. These agreements may not be in conflict with the interests of the Federation, as well as other cantons. Cantons are required to notify the Federation before entering into contracts. With lower level foreign cantons, the cantons can maintain relations directly. In other cases the relations of cantons abroad are held through the Federation (Article 56).
We will not find such solutions in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany of May 23, 1949 (as of January 1, 2007). Although it is difficult not to notice the considerable autonomy of the German Länder on many issues, the constitution stipulates that the maintenance of relations with other states belongs to the Federation (Article 32). The German federal states may conclude agreements with other states within their legislative powers only with the consent of the federal government. This is undoubtedly the qualitative difference of German constitutional solutions in relation to those we would see in the case of Switzerland.
And last but not the least important case of the Russian Federation. The Russian Federation consists of republics, countries, districts, cities of federal importance, autonomous regions and autonomous regions (Article 5 of the Constitution of 12 December 1993). In the same article 5 of the Russian Constitution, we find somewhat paradoxical in this context the statement that the federal structure of the Russian Federation is based on its state integrity and unity of the system of state authority. Despite the fact that a number of constituent entities of the Russian Federation was in its constitution (Article 65) called autonomous republics and autonomous circuits, foreign policy and international relations of the Russian Federation, international agreements, war and peace issues, as well as foreign economic relations are exclusively within the scope of the activities of the Russian Federation (Article 71).
Of course tradition and history play very important roles in cases of Germany and Russia. Although in Germany we can legitimately talk about the inheritance and experience of the autonomy of their respective regions in different periods of history, we can certainly also note that they interfere with the fear of divisions or even divide the state into a number of smaller entities. Hence the limited German autonomy of foreign lands. It is difficult to judge how much the experience and heritage of the Nazi totalitarian state, which for some time was present in German history, has influenced this situation. In this dimension, Russia has similar traditions with the element of experiencing a strong, authoritarian and even totalitarian communist state. The differences in the attitude of the German and Russian Federation model to the issue of the autonomy of their components appear to be more interesting. But this is how I think about the topic for another debate.
Best regards!
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The declaration is enshrined in the preamble of the constitution and the constitution further highlights some National Values and principles such as Morality and Ethics, Patriotism and National unity, Human dignity, Equity, Social Justice, Democracy and Constitutionalism, Good Governance and Integrity. Is it workable to mainstream Christian values in a pluralistic society in the key aspects of its life (Government Business, Media, Education, Society and Family)? 
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While agreeing with my colleagues that further nuance of the key terms is necessary, I tend to think the project is possible, as long as using Christian values does not mean trying to impose Christianity or distinctly Christian behavior on other persons. I don't see any contradiction between the teachings of Jesus and the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights. All of these rights can actually be found in New Testament themes. And certainly a nation can follow the UN Declaration of Human Rights in its business practices and social life.
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I have to find out mineralogical constitution of fly ash
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Dear Dr. Kumar,
the mineralogical composition is determined in the most appropriate way using XRD. SEM-EDX, EMPA ... are no longer applicable as the sample has been crushed and grinded.
Best regards
H.G.Dill
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A decade ago I started this question on who decides the fate of people in democracy. The adopted constitution through political representation was expected to sense the need of nation and work towards progress of the citizens. But world political order and national politics are into the grips of market, capital and powerful lobbies of media, businessmen and politicians. Whether democracy is too taken over by the capitalist idea of domination by few on the hard work of majority.
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Good question! Even good institutions in developed countries can't provide the possibilities for all members of the society, and even for half of them to have real development policy. Look what is going on in the US with Trump - he is a real symbol for the people, who are tired of politicians. And look how the President of the USA can do almost nothing against this system! That's a lot to think about.
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The government used a warrantless StingRay to track down a phone number. They got the number from a third party (A store worker who claimed someone with the same name of the criminal gave their number). When the government received this number, they used a StingRay to find it.
Thank you,
Dr. Sartre
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The Stingray "intercepts" (18 USC 2510(4) "electronic communications" (18 USC 2510(12).  Katz added, the reasonable expectation of privacy test to the common-law trespassory test.  This reasonable expectation of privacy protects people even when they operate in public spaces.  Thus, we have to ask, 1) was there an actual (subjective) expectation of privacy that location information was private, and 2) that the expectation that it was private one that society is prepared to recognize as reasonable.
You can argue both sides, but keep in mind that third party doctrine is about accessing information that has been turned over to third parties, i.e. phone records.  The Stingray does more; it intercepts "electronic communications" and gleans information (location) that reasonable people might expect to keep private.  Where you are is a private matter (not a government interest) despite the fact that you may be in the public sphere.  Thus, I do not believe that third party doctrine is appropriate and a warrant is needed to use a Stingray.  A note on my previous comment, it is unsettled in many states, so police still use it and some deny even having Stingray devices, i.e. some states in the northeast.    
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I'm putting together a reading list for a course, and I'm having trouble finding a good, concise analytical overview (neither a puff piece, nor a hatchet job) on the Bolivarian constitutional model. I want to pair it with the classic Gargarella article on the three types of historical Latin American constitutions (conservative, liberal, and majoritarian/radical). I think the Bolivarian model fits in that third category (majoritarian/radical), but I'd like an article that discusses a constitution more recent than the 1800s. Thanks!
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This is a comparative chapter but a good overview: Phoebe King (2013) "Neo-Bolivarian Constitutional Design: Comparing the 1999 Venezuelan, the 2008 Ecuadorian and the 2009 Bolivian Constitutions", in D.J. Galligan and M. Versteeg (eds) Social and Political Foundations of Constitutions, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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The Brazilian Constitution establish a legal obligation to federal government to have a medium term strategic plan, the pluriannual plan. I wonder if there is any other country with similar obligation.
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in Poland statue law obliques government and self-goverment bodies to set up development policy strategies ( ustawa z 6 grudnia 2006 o zasadach prowadzenia polityki rozwoju Dz.U. 2014 poz. 1649 z późn. zm. ; Act of 6th December 2006 Law on Rules of Conducting Development Policy )
The bill is quite specific, I could make you a run-down if there is something you are specially interested. Basiclly under article 9 of this law development strategies plans fit in three categories: Long term strategies ( length of at least 15 years), medium term strategies (4-10 years), other strategies ( such as sectoral or regional strategies).
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I am particularly interested in the role of the UN in post-colonial constitution-making processes, not so much in its post-Cold War activities. Thank you very much indeed!
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Hi Felix, 
I don't know what you've find so far but theses books can help you even though they're not directly related to constitution-making-process.
Beigbeder Yves International Monitoring of Plebiscites, Referenda and National Elections
Ralph Wilde: International Territorial Administration: How Trusteeship and the Civilizing Mission Never Went Away. 
If I have any other ideas I'll come back!
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I am researching the impact of the constitutional right to equality on freedom of testation in South African law and have come across an argument in case law that freedom of testation in South Africa enjoys constitutional protection under the right to property in section 25 of the 1996 Constitution.  No South African court has expressed a firm view on this argument so I am therefore looking for journal articles devoted to this issue.  Thank you.
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hope you find this useful:
  The Gendered Dimensions of Inheritance: Empirical Food for Legal Thought
Hacker, Daphna
JOURNAL OF EMPIRICAL LEGAL STUDIES  Volume: 7   Issue: 2   Pages: 322-354   Published: JUN 2010
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I am looking at the relationship between transformative constitutionalism and freedom of testation.  I have read articles by Davis, Klare, Moseneke and Van Der Walt and would like to read similar articles from other authors as well as other jurisdictions outside South Africa.
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South America is another possibility - especially Bolivia and Ecuador. I am attaching a couple of articles my own internet search turned up. 
The Katiba (Constitution in Swahili) Institute in Nairobi held a conference in June last year on interpreting a transformative constitution. We had papers on Canada (including Robert Sharpe), South Africa (Albie Sachs), India (MP Singh), Hong Kong (Kamal Bokhary), Germany and even the UK (because of the Human Rights Act - ironically you might think now). IUr intentionis to publish these so we cannot yet make them readily available.
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The four coups to date and the perception of a generational ‘coups culture’ are they only the symptoms to much wider issues?
Was Mr Bainimarama ‘grasping at straws’ with his “Look North Policy” in an attempt to generate external means to support the Fijian Government, or are these policies a politically naïve attempt to re-engage with Australia and New Zealand on more equal terms?
In order to achieve peace and stability in Fiji – is this best conducted internal to the country or with external assistance sanctioned by all key players in an attempt to better understand and resolve the drivers to the ongoing conflict?
Does not the depth of ingrained racial tension in current time lead to a continuance of previous colonial and post-colonial (1970-1987 and then building up to the 2006 Coup) attitudes?
If restorative justice has not been successful in the past, and the rule of law has not worked where the continuance of Militocracy continues, what alternative avenues are there within a South West Pacific environment that may be considered acceptable as a method of resolving this conflict?
How do you set about resolving such ingrained historical grievances in Fiji where there is little desire for them to be resolved in an impartial manner in the first place?
What do you consider to be the drivers to seeking a path of resolution in the current climate of Fiji?
What would be the result if the UN turned to the interim Govt of Fiji and said – resolve your democracy issues and maintain a free and fairly elected government or we will no longer accept Fijian military personnel on UN missions in any capacity?
How can Fiji resolve its own issues constitutionally, particularly where there is continual change to the constitution based on personal whim by a few key actors in this crisis?
In the Fijian example, would an open invite would need to be issued by the Fijian President with concurrence from the Prime Minister and Commander RFMF to provide clarity for any group providing governance assistance? If so, to what countries would Fiji look toward in the provision of governance assistance, particularly as the September 2014 elections draw closer.
With the sanctions imposed by Australia and New Zealand having essentially failed, is there any hope of return to 'normalcy' in political relationships between Fiji, Australia and New Zealand?
Will Mr Bainimarama accept the election results of the 2014 elections if his party not win the people’s vote or will he revert to Militocracy?
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Yes. it is unstable and driven by racial requirements. The structure of the population is basically made up of Fijians, Indians ad others. The problems are mainly between the Indian and Fijians with the Fijian population owning the land and the Indian being mainly the business people and sugar growers.  Unless this can be addressed we will continue to see one coup after another. The solutions rest with the Council of Chiefs and the leaders of the Indian community. 
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Since 2010 Burma/Myanmar is doing such a great gesture of democratization, from the constitution renewal and the election in 2012. But what's the reason behind this sudden change?
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The Taylor & Francis journal, Strategic Analysis, Volume 37, Issue 1, 2013  has an interesting debate about this question. The comment / argument from K. Yhome perhaps best sketches against which earlier events the change must be seen:
1) killing of protesting monks in september 2007 in a country where monks are highly revered. this may have divided the military
2) events that were strongly critisized home and abroad - aftermath of cyclone Nargis in 2008
3) attack on ethnic group on chinese border, pushing refugees into china, this leading to criticism from china
Together this may have increased disconsensus amongst the military, who then opted for change. 
 Orther comments question the degree of change however. 
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Burma has adopted a Constitution in 2008, which features fake federal system. It has a long history of ethnic conflict between majority Burman and many other ethnic minority groups. The political system under the current Constitution is 2008 semi-presidentialism (literally, it is not correct to say).
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Parliamentarism is certainly better than presidentialism in the abstract, if by presidentialism is meant a one-person office. (Collective presidencies have their merits). But in a deeply divided place it is just as important to consider how to create a properly collegial cabinet, under either parliamentarism (which can be combined with an overly powerful Prime Minister) or presidentialism. The electoral system is just as  important: list-PR will likely be the most suitable option in Burma. For more information see J. McEvoy and B. O'Leary (eds). Power-sharing in Deeply Divided Places, and A. Lijphart Thinking About Democracy. So-called semi-presidentialism (the French model) is not to be recommended: its sole use in a deeply divided place that I know of is in Sri Lanka. In Burma it would ensure permanent Burman domination. Enough said.