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Cognitive Bias - Science topic

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how are these obtained and how can one assess the direction of said bias??
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The best author on biases I know of is Daniel Kahneman. His experiments provides fascinating examples of experiments that makes bias visible.
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For various reasons it can sometimes become necessary to change the mindset, to change our attitude to something, eg following trauma or illness. We can re-examine our beliefs with reasonable logic and be successful in turning a negative mindset into a positive one. However, how do we do that without our emotions and misinterpretations of the world getting in the way?
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Mindset means improve my skills with effort and practice. So, I have to think positively, that is to say, you have to say to yourself "I can do it".
Best wishes
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I am trying to find out whether such a bias exists, e.g., do people have some kind of expectation that output should relate to input (in terms of equivalence, e.g)?
Thanks in advance
Katharine
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Cognitive bias is typically related to how people process information, making decisions based on what they know think they know. Scientists and physicians, for example, are trained to apply critical thinking to reduce or eliminate bias to avoid faulty thinking. For example, if you hear hoofbeats, it could be zebras instead of horses. As a gerontologist, perceived output and input standards result in ageism. Older adults are assumed to be not as smart, not as energetic, and not contributing to society. They are measured or compared against younger cohorts. While cognitive slowing is normal aging, it should not be confused with memory loss.
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My colleagues and I found evidence of a Cultural (Mis)Attribution Bias: a tendency to overemphasize the role of culture in the behavior of racial/ethnic minorities, and to underemphasize it in the behavior of Whites. Visit https://osf.io/preprints/psyarxiv/5u9ve
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Although culture influences all human beings, there is an assumption in American psychology that culture matters more for members of certain groups. This article identifies and provides evidence of the cultural (mis)attribution bias: a tendency to overemphasize the role of culture in the behavior of racial/ethnic minorities, and to underemphasize it in the behavior of Whites. Two studies investigated the presence of this bias with an examination of a decade of peer reviewed research conducted in the United States (N = 434 articles), and an experiment and a survey with psychology professors in the United States (N = 361 psychologists). Archival analyses revealed differences in the composition of samples used in studies examining cultural or noncultural psychological phenomena. We also find evidence to suggest that psychologists in the United States favor cultural explanations over psychological explanations when considering the behavior and cognition of racial/ethnic minorities, whereas the opposite pattern emerged in reference to Whites. The scientific ramifications of this phenomenon, as well as alternatives to overcome it, are discussed in detail.
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Hi everyone, I would like to ask is there any questionnaire-based scales for confirmation bias?? I'm currently doing a research on relationship of cognitive bias on cyberbullying.
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Hi!
I am currently working on a paper in behavioral finance. My broad subject area is confirmative bias in stock market among investors . I am need of questionnaires and an appropriate methodology for analyzing . Can I get any recommendations or suggestions?
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For a term paper in the course of Strategic Implementation, I wanted to look at the biases that exist in strategy implementation. But a lot of literature I am finding speak of biases in the formulation stage.
Looking for resources where I may find something relevant.
Open to advice whether this is topic makes sense.
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Following may be useful...
Bukszar Jr, E. (1999). Strategic bias: The impact of cognitive biases on strategy. Canadian Journal of Administrative Sciences/Revue Canadienne des Sciences de l'Administration, 16(2), 105-117.
Olson, B. J., Parayitam, S., & Bao, Y. (2007). Strategic decision making: The effects of cognitive diversity, conflict, and trust on decision outcomes. Journal of management, 33(2), 196-222.
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"Mistake 2: Not building flexible career capital that
will be useful in the future" (80000hours.org Career guide). My question: What are the reasons behind this mistake?
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Background
I'm trying to understand what the reasons that lead people to this mistake are. Maybe after we understand the reasons, we would realize that they're not mistakes after all. Or if we still believe they're mistakes, we'll be much able to solve them.
Here are some general reasons:
1. Trade-offs: Advice often neglects to address the trade-off that comes with this advice: For example, "be flexible" ignores the disadvantages of being flexible and the advantages of being "inflexible" (keeping your eye on the goal, avoiding distractions, persistence etc…) and vice versa with persistence advice like "never give up".
2. Unclear evidence or debatable positions
Often contrary or seemingly contrary positions both have evidence.
Do we underestimate or over-estimate the differences between us and others? The "False Consensus Effect" suggests that we under-estimate while the "Fundamental Attribution Error" can imply that we over-estimate the role of personal differences.
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So even though the position behind the advice has evidence, it can also be true that the position contrary to the advice has evidence too.
3. Lack of knowledge or effort.
4. More pressing issues
The question then becomes: is : Does the advice that comes with "Not building flexible career capital that will be useful in the future" suffer from general reasons 1+2?
Here are the sub-mistakes of the main mistake:
Some of the reasons that cause people to fall into this mistake (based or influenced by the 80k section though not exactly how they say in all points):
1* Short-term thinking.
2* Not giving career choices enough thought (e.g. English PhD sounds nice so I’m just going to go with it).
3* Underestimating soft-skills: Not Investing in transferable skills that can be used in any job like
A- Deep Work by Calvin Newport. The example given in 80k career guide is writing your daily priorities. I would prefer something like "how to avoid distraction).
B-Learning how to learn
C- Rationality
4* Lack of awareness about automation threat.
5* Inaccurate predictions about one’s future interest/opportunities in the chosen career. (e.g) "The End of History Illusion":
So for example, for 5*, it could be the case that General reason 2 "unclear evidence" is implicated it could be (and I don't know it is) that in contrast to the "End of history Illusion", there is a group of personality theorists who claim that we under-estimate how stable our personality is. Or for 3*, general reason number 1 "trade-offs" is implicated. For example (and again I don’t know), it could be the case that the more you focus on developing general skills like "learning how to learn", you become less competitive in non-transferable technical skills because you have less time to focus on that now.
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Christopher Steinman
Very good points! I want to add them to the blog post as a comment. Are you ok with that? I'll quote you ofcourse.
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I'm going to make an experimental research to test an specific phenomenon (a cognitive bias, to be more specific). Then I'm assigning 6 questions to the participants.
Let's call E1 and E2 the two effects I'm testing for, and NE the absence of the effect. And let's call C1 and C2 the two possible conditions in which the tests can be made. Thus, I've created 6 questions in a form combining E1, E2 and NE with both C1 and C2. The presence of E1, E2 and NE are randomized along the 6 questions, where Cand C2 are fixed in their positions.
As the questions are of similar kind (or they wouldn't be comparable), should I care about the possible interference of maturation of the participant from one question to another? If so, how do I control for this?
To be more specific about the maturation, I mean: after answering, i.e., 2 questions, the participant might be more thoughtful about the next 4 questions and figure out better the problem he/she is facing.
Does my concerns make any sense?
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As no one answered my question and I have already found a solution more than a year ago, I'll answer to share it.
First, maturation in cases like this can be mitigated by randomized or pseudorandomized order of the questions. It's the first possible strategy for that. If you offer all participants the order Q1, Q2, Q3, the measurement of Q3 might be distorted by maturation. But if instead you offer one participant this order, and another one the order Q1, Q3, Q2, and another Q3, Q2, Q1, and another Q3, Q1, Q2; Q2,Q1,Q3; and Q2, Q3, Q1, having an "equilibrium" (ensuring all orders are equally available with pseudorandomization) or simply being truly random (reducing effects to chance), you mitigate the effect.
Yet you can also measure the effect of maturation by collecting information about the answering order. Doing so you won't just really prevent the extraneous variable, but also measure it.
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Is anyone knowledgeable and experienced in using the Delphi Method willing to collaborate on applying it to setting guidelines regarding musicians health literacy? I'd be most grateful to hear from you! Please see below (we will start with a series of workshops for now):
What should musicians’ health education sound like? The floor is yours!
Workshops funded by Realab and the IMR
Wednesday, 19 September OR Monday, 24 September 2018 | 11.30 AM; Royal Northern College of Music (RNCM), Manchester, UK
Tuesday, 25 September OR Saturday, 29 September 2018 | 11.30 AM
Institute of Musical Research, Senate House, London, UK
The physical and psychological demands of the training and practice that musicians must achieve to perform to a high standard can produce deleterious effects on their health and wellbeing. However, music conservatoires still endorse practices that are informed by tradition more than evidence, while health literacy and critical thinking are still not embedded in music students’ core training. Finally, there are no guidelines or regulations regarding what conservatoires should provide in terms of health education.
We want to address that AND we need your help!
We invite psychologists (both researchers and practitioners, from any specialism and not restricted to those who work with musicians) to join us in this discussion! We have prepared comprehensive lists of topics and we shall discuss their relevance and priority in small groups. Additionally, we will brainstorm ideas about what other topics might be needed as part of the conservatoires’ curricula.
Places are free, but limited. While we prioritise psychologists (due to the nature of our task and topic focus), we also welcome:
- Health professionals working with musicians
- Health educators
- Philosophers (yes, yes! We’d also like to discuss cognitive biases and logical fallacies!)
- Cognitive scientists
- Specialists in music education
- PhD students in any of the topics above
Please note the same workshop will be held four times. Please choose only one and register your interest here: https://mmu.onlinesurveys.ac.uk/musicians-health-education-workshop-sept-2018
For any queries, please contact the organisers: Raluca Matei, AHRC-funded PhD student in music psychology: raluca.matei@student.rncm.ac.uk | +44 757 061 2760 OR
Keith Phillips, PhD student in music psychology: keith.phillips@student.rncm.ac.uk
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Why did you not include health educators? They have training in health behavior as well as in research methods including the Delphi method.
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What should musicians’ health education sound like? The floor is yours!
Workshops funded by Realab and the IMR
Wednesday, 19 September OR Monday, 24 September 2018 | 11.30 AM, Royal Northern College of Music (RNCM), Manchester, UK
Tuesday, 25 September OR Saturday, 29 September 2018 | 11.30 AM
Institute of Musical Research, Senate House, London, UK
The physical and psychological demands of the training and practice that musicians must achieve to perform to a high standard can produce deleterious effects on their health and wellbeing. However, music conservatoires still endorse practices that are informed by tradition more than evidence, while health literacy and critical thinking are still not embedded in music students’ core training. Finally, there are no guidelines or regulations regarding what conservatoires should provide in terms of health education.
We want to address that AND we need your help!
We invite psychologists (both researchers and practitioners, from any specialism and not restricted to those who work with musicians) to join us in this discussion! We have prepared comprehensive lists of topics and we shall discuss their relevance and priority in small groups. Additionally, we will brainstorm ideas about what other topics might be needed as part of the conservatoires’ curricula.
Places are free, but limited. While we prioritise psychologists (due to the nature of our task and topic focus), we also welcome:
- Health professionals working with musicians
- Philosophers (yes, yes! We’d also like to discuss cognitive biases and logical fallacies!)
- Cognitive scientists
- Specialists in music education
- PhD students in any of the topics above
Please note the same workshop will be held four times. Please choose only one and register your interest here: https://mmu.onlinesurveys.ac.uk/musicians-health-education-workshop-sept-2018
For any queries, please contact the organisers: Raluca Matei, AHRC-funded PhD student in music psychology: raluca.matei@student.rncm.ac.uk | +44 757 061 2760 OR
Keith Phillips, PhD student in music psychology: keith.phillips@student.rncm.ac.uk
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Generally speaking musicians are no different to other professionals working in creative or stressful (performance) settings and so their health education requirements will be little different and should cover issues such as
- mind/body interaction
- stress and its management
- healthy lifestyle
- mental health
- help seeking
- etc etc
However, there may be one or two very specific issues
- e.g. specific stresses of performance e.g. critical solos. Mindfulness or cognitive approaches, exercise, yoga etc could all be helpful
- working in orchestras etc with strong personalities, dealing with demanding colleagues - materials on dealing the difficult people work well
- hearing damage from exposure to peak noise from instruments such as brass
I would suggest the best approach is a quick literature review, consultation with colleagues (you have many experts in regional universities), and then a brainstorm of the musician specific issues. In combination this should give you a good platform. Finally I should add that mention should be made of the health benefits of music participation as this is also an important aspect.
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Refers to the measurement of subjective utility or its neuroeconomic brother, subjective value. Ideally in isolated laboratory settings, i.e. no situational factors involved.
I would expect different heuristics or biases observed in such DM tasks due to the more abstract nature of public goods (PG), the issue of value appropriation, and perhaps stronger influence of emotions (or other factors).
I'm looking for reactions to the nature of the choice object that are much more pronounced for or unique to PG .
I think scope insensitivity is one such thing but there should be more.
However, I'm having a hard time locating good articles for this question. Do you know any?
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Hello Christian,
One possible approach to the question you posed might have to do with the fact that a decision maker has to carry out additional value computation for others' welfare in the PG context (either in the classical public good game paradigm, or in more general experimental contexts where one has to choose between reward for self vs. others). This adds at least two distinct elements to decision making process involving self alone : 1) forming the representation of other-benefiting values, 2) comparing subjective utility of self vs. other-regarding behaviors. The second component can also involve consideration of potential risk or reputational consequence. Accordingly, decisions involving PG may recruit some extra cognitive processes such as ToM (e.g. modeling how much other regarding behaviors could bring actual benefit to others), risk processing (e.g. calculating potential risk/ambiguity associated with public investment) , self-control (e.g. normative suppress of egoistic motives that intuitively favor self-serving behaviors), and impression management (e.g. modeling reputational consequences of other-regarding behaviors) as well as some uniquely social emotional experience such as inequity aversion or guilt (e.g., for not investing to public account). Some of these processes are particularly important when private vs. public good are in conflict. Yet, I think that we can infer some general element specific to judgments involving private vs. public good.
Recent findings in cognitive/decision neuroscience show that judgments involving others vs. self tend to be more "objective," "abstract" and in a way "cognitive" although the language might not exactly match the terms that have been used in psychology or behavioral economics. Here are some of the studies that might serve as useful reference.
1) Ruff, C. C., & Fehr, E. (2014). The neurobiology of rewards and values in social decision making. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 15(8), 549.
-> This is one of the most recent, and best reviews that provides a conceptual framework for value-based decision making paradigm in cognitive neuroscience. It has a section showing how decisions involving others would recruit either common or distinct neural circuitries (see page 5) in the brain. This may point to some of the key differences between the two modes of decisions you are interested in.
3) Knoch, D., Schneider, F., Schunk, D., Hohmann, M., & Fehr, E. (2009). Disrupting the prefrontal cortex diminishes the human ability to build a good reputation. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, pnas-0911619106.
-> This study used TMS showing that other-regarding behaviors could involve extra-cognitive control housed in the dlpfc: this could reflect keeping track of one's reputational gain, or/and also suppressing egoistic motives to pursue self-serving outcomes.
4) Strang, S., Gross, J., Schuhmann, T., Riedl, A., Weber, B., & Sack, A. T. (2014). Be nice if you have to—the neurobiological roots of strategic fairness. Social cognitive and affective neuroscience, 10(6), 790-796.
-> This is more recent finding that is in line with Knoch, but used fMRI studies to reveal more a detailed picture of neural circuitries.
5) Yu, H., Shen, B., Yin, Y., Blue, P. R., & Chang, L. J. (2015). Dissociating guilt-and inequity-aversion in cooperation and norm compliance. Journal of Neuroscience, 35(24), 8973-8975.
-> This paper provides evidence for dissociable consequence of "guilt" and "inequity aversion," which in my opinion could be considered as a product of social considerations that are missing in a private-decision making context.
6) Telzer, E. H., Masten, C. L., Berkman, E. T., Lieberman, M. D., & Fuligni, A. J. (2011). Neural regions associated with self control and mentalizing are recruited during prosocial behaviors towards the family. Neuroimage, 58(1), 242-249.
-> This works shows a potential involvement of self-control and mentalizing activities in the brain when one engages in prosocial behaviors towards family.
7> Emonds, G., Declerck, C. H., Boone, C., Vandervliet, E. J., & Parizel, P. M. (2012). The cognitive demands on cooperation in social dilemmas: an fMRI study. Social Neuroscience, 7(5), 494-509.
-> Similar to Telzer et al (2011), this study used two different economic decision making games (e.g. the PD and stag-hunt game) in fMRI sensing to investigate how decisions involving others could impose cognitive burdens to human brain.
8) Vives, M. L., & FeldmanHall, O. (2018). Tolerance to ambiguous uncertainty predicts prosocial behavior. Nature communications, 9(1), 2156.
-> This recent article shows that people who are more ambiguity tolerant are more likely to conduct prosocial behaviors at least in some experimental contexts. This results suggest that public good processing could also bring about consideration of risk and ambiguity.
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I'd also like to note that the nature of public good can be vastly different depending on 1) decision maker's own (pro)social orientation, 2) how "public" is defined in relation to self, and 3) how social institution shapes individuals' primary mode of decisions. These also mean that specific cognitive or affective mechanisms subserving public vs. private decision making may differ across studies. Here are several studies that might help you address these issues:
1) Sul, S., Tobler, P. N., Hein, G., Leiberg, S., Jung, D., Fehr, E., & Kim, H. (2015). Spatial gradient in value representation along the medial prefrontal cortex reflects individual differences in prosociality. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 201423895.
-> This paper shows that a neural representation of other-regarding behaviors are different among participants with prosocial vs. pro-self orientation. Note that pro-self individuals tend to be more "cognitive" when they chose prosocial actions, while pro-self individuals remain relatively more intuitive when making the same other-regarding choices.
2) Kuss, K., Falk, A., Trautner, P., Elger, C. E., Weber, B., & Fliessbach, K. (2011). A reward prediction error for charitable donations reveals outcome orientation of donators. Social cognitive and affective neuroscience, 8(2), 216-223.
-> This paper also reveals how individual difference could modulate neural responses to choices that benefit self vs. public.
3) Strombach, T., Weber, B., Hangebrauk, Z., Kenning, P., Karipidis, I. I., Tobler, P. N., & Kalenscher, T. (2015). Social discounting involves modulation of neural value signals by temporoparietal junction. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 112(5), 1619-1624.
-> This is an interesting study showing that the relationship between self and other critically modulates value computation, which, in turn, leads to differential degree of generous/prosocial behaviors in a simple economic decision game.
4) Rand, D. G., Greene, J. D., & Nowak, M. A. (2012). Spontaneous giving and calculated greed. Nature, 489(7416), 427.
This is a very important study suggesting that people engage in prosocial behaviors (in the public good game) rather intuitively. This may seem to run counter to the argument that other-regarding judgments involve some extra-cognitive processes which would typically delay response time in cognitive experiments. But, in fact, it is possible that specific facet of decision mechanisms involving private good vs. public good could be largely contingent on individuals' value orientations (e.g. how they value public good over private good or vice versa) and how social institution shaped individuals' dominant mode of decision processes (e.g. how they are accustomed to making such a decision). I will elaborate this below and also list some relevant evidence. If you are interested in this line of works, look for "Social heuristics hypothesis" by David Rand at Yale. (For example, Rand, D. G. (2016). Cooperation, fast and slow: Meta-analytic evidence for a theory of social heuristics and self-interested deliberation. Psychological Science, 27(9), 1192-1206.)
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The answer has become somewhat wordy. But in short, I think that decisions involving public good may typically involve additional cognitive mechanisms required for: estimating how much other's welfare is valuable to self, comparing values of reward to others vs. self, accurately estimating other's preference (towards outcomes that you are about to deliver), overcoming risk and ambiguity, estimating how decisions promoting/undermining public good could impact one's own reputation, and other- and self-directed emotional processes associated with self vs. other-regarding choices. These some of these processes would make decisions involving public good vs. private good more abstract and cognitively taxing. However, the specific patterns of differences between representations of public good and private good may differ according to individuals' orientation towards pro-self vs. prosocial decisions, and to dominant decision modes widely promoted in a given socio-cultural context (which will determine individuals degree of familiarity and "decision habits.").
My answers are mostly grounded in decision neuroscience and might not use the exactly same terms you are looking for. However, I believe that lots of these works reveal how decision mechanisms involving private good vs. public good are different in various value/affective/cognitive domains. I hope this helps you.
Please feel free to let me know if you have any questions or other need other resources. I'd also be happy to discuss here.
Best,
Minwoo
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I say a big "Yes" (big time, big time). And there is VERY LITTLE TO NOTHING to counter MOST of this phenomenon at all [(but, then again, you do have me)]. (For example (with some humor): Perhaps we "kan't" live without Kant because that sort of outlook is all we are given (several other philosophers' names could substitute in this statement, but then we loose the pun).)
The institutions are truly institutions in some of the very worst ways/senses. Always, and it really seems like this will be the way it is FOREVER ; e.g. look at Psychology and the history (and philosophy) OF Psychology -- a loser as any sort of science; we have not even clearly seen behavior patterns as biological functioning, which, of course they must be and ARE (<-- doing this is probably one of the very first steps in Psychology becoming anything like a real science (which I BELIEVE IT COULD !); and note: I HAVE done this for my perspective/approach -- I see the/a way for Psychology as a natural science).
Now, if the problem is so clear (at least as I see it): ask yourselves: why is there no concern for a solution?
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I think the original question was asked because the person asking it already had what they believed to be an answer. the skills developed through tertiary study are to strengthen critical thinking and expose us to as many ideas as possible and obviously they can't all be correct. (I'm a philosophy student so the approach to truth is different than in the sciences but there is still a truth which the questions asked relate to.)
It Kant be denied that there are foundational texts and concepts but there is nobody saying that Kant, or any of the dead whites, was correct. If you can find out why they aren't then that should be what motivates you. Education is a conversation, training is dogma.
Psychology is a soft science but studying neurochemistry or neurobiology is not psychology's sphere. Although it is possible to identify the brain function, it is not possible to identify the mind function (yet). The chemistry of the brain might be unbalanced and there are ways to treat that but what causes the unbalance? What biological function produces the idea of self? That is closer to what psychology is looking at. The scientific methods used in psychology don't necessarily mean it is aspiring to be a science that it can't be, just like Spinoza or Heidegger used scientific/geometric structures in their work as a way to express their notions to a scientifically literate community.
Finally, I don't know of any discipline that isn't concerned with finding answers to the questions that emerge from that discipline. And to say that one discipline can answer better than others is not to privilege any approach but to acknowledge that each discipline has different tools and methodologies. I wouldn't get a plumber to fix something electrical.
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I am teaching an undergraduate course in research methodoloy (social sciences) for aspiring teachers and I usually start with explaining, why scientific methods are important to deal with cognitive bias, when judging, if a supposed fact is actually true.
In the last year I almost exclusively focussed on hindsight bias as an example, but I would like to expand the list.
Until now I came up with the following list of biases which I consider the most "useful" for "justifying", to use and rely on scientific methods (and a basic knowledge of statistics) rather than one's own judgement:
  • confirmation bias
  • anchoring bias
  • hindsight bias
  • availability heuristic
and maybe (mainly for statistics)
  • clustering illusion
  • illusory correlation
I would love to hear the opinion of others if
a) those seem appropriate
b) I'm missing out on more/equally important biases?
Best regards
Michael
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I would consider the most important social cognition biases that reveal why we need scientific research methodologies, rather than relying on “common sense,” are the confirmation bias and the illusory correlation.  
A bias you might add to your list is the negativity bias, which when you combine it with the ways schema influence memory, we have the illusory correlation.  To be more specifically relevant to teachers, you might go beyond how the biases impact scientific thinking to how it could impact their students' learning - the self-fulfilling prophecy in general and the Pygmalion Effect in particular.  When I teach Social Psychology, I actually begin class with an activity that specifically connects the confirmation bias with scientific thinking (link to chapter & web page below).  Best wishes with your classes, Michael. ~ Kevin
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I'm looking for people with an interest in developing interventions aimed at increasing health literacy that would be part of the higher education curriculum.
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All MD colleges of medicine (not sure about DO schools) are required to address in their curriculum mental and physical health, managing stress, and changing behavior. The competencies required for graduation require critical thinking skills, which are a strong focus of the various schools' curricula, no matter how differently they are structured. You might want to check with the education or pre-clinical curricular dean of a medical school in your area to discuss.
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The traditional decision making model suggests that decision makers compare alternatives and choose the one with highest utility. However, sometimes it seems that the model is reversed. The preference for a decision leads to a post hoc justification. The decision preference might lead to a bias. Because of this bias decision makers might allot higher weight to the factors associated with their favored decision or even use a method of decision comparison that will inherently support the preferred decision. Is this possible? Do we have references for this?
We have literature on politics (Pettigrew) and garbage can (Cohen). Both these models seem to ascribe some negativity towards the decision maker. I think it could be just a bias. This is something like Edward de Bono's approach - people decide first and rationalize later. I want to know if my thinking is justified and if we have references in literature for this.
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Prior to answer this question, we may like to look at the context of decision makings. I believe there are substantial differences between entrepreneurship and politics decision making contexts. As an entrepreneurs, he/she may try his/her best to make decision based on objective analysis, otherwise, he/she would face serious financial consequences personally.
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I am currently designing a research focused on reading comprehension which includes an intervention program (pre/post measures). I was suggested to control baseline attentional level, since the nature of the intervention is expected to be highly related with attention. Now, the intervention will be implemented in a classroom context, so that there will be collective activities as well as individual ones. Because of time constraints, it would ideal to measure all participants at once, if possible. Alternatively, a brief test could do. The question is: does anyone know about some attention test that could collectively applied (say, in a computer lab)? If that is not possible, can any suggest some brief digital test? Test reliability is highly valued too.
Thanks
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maybe its work:
HAND BOOK OF Psychoeducational Assessment {Ability, Achievement,and Behavior in Children} by: jac j. W. Andrews
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While ideally aiming at understanding an empirical phenomenon, and at the same time predicting its behaviour, scientists often focus only on one of these two aspects. Is this the dilemma of a trade off, a psychological bias, or a philosophical conundrum?
It is as if A is asked a question by B, and tries to give the correct answer. A could aim at understanding what is in the mind of B, grasping the rationale of the question that leads to the answer. Alternatively, A could simply aim at predicting the correct answer, from other lines of reasoning (knowing B personally, remembering things B once said, imitating others that have already replied, replicating a pattern, etc.).
This underscores fundamental psychological and philosophical differences in the personal approach of scientists to knowledge. Indeed, it is possible to optimise either conceptual/formal or predictive aspects of scientific models. At a higher scale, these often correspond to the fundamental and applied methodological approaches, respectively.
Would we rather predict the behaviour of a phenomenon that we don't understand; or understand it, while being unable to accurately predict its behaviour?
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Yes, the model actually showed movement of variable numbers of individual birds through landscapes of fixed abundance of fruiting plants whose spatial arrangement could be varied. The birds deposited seeds based on algorithms determined by gut passage time of seeds, bird perching time, and attraction to trees based on distance and fruiting level. You can read the paper on my page or I can send a copy :)
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It could be helpful in Your research to take in consideration how response time can create real or false picture or reality.
One of articles (short)
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All(2) about missing social norms.
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I have a single-item question "how often has the statement: you worried about cancer coming back, been true for you in the past four months,” with 7 possible responses: never, seldom, sometimes, about as often as not, frequently, very often and always. In order to analyse it, I need to convert it into 3 categories (Low fear, Moderate fear, High fear). However, I´m not sure which responses to include in each category (i.e. should never, seldom and sometimes be: low fear, about as often as not and frequently: moderate fear, and very often and always: high fear?) I tried looking in the literature to see how other studies have categorized it, as I believe I need some evidence to support this decision but none of the articles I read clarify how they stratified the groups. Do any of you have any suggestion as to how I should approach this or do you know where I can find guidance as to how to make this decision?
sample size: 1,056
Thank you very much in advance!
Gabi
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Dear Gabriela:
Based on the anchor labels, I think you could make a conceptual argument for the two lowest points being collapsed into low fear, the two highest points being collapsed into high fear, and the middle three points recoded into moderate fear. 
Whatever you decide with respect to recoding the item, you can always correlate your 3-point recoded variable with the original 7-point variable. With 1,000+ respondents, I would bet that the r will be well above .90. No one should be all the worried about your recoding in this case and you won't need to cite something to support your decision.
Good luck!
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I am looking for papers/reviews that use insight from the cognitive and behavioural sciences to understand what happens during the process of policy-making, rather than how such insight can be used to design specific policies (ie with  focus on how policy-makers think, rather than policy-users).
Thanks
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The following publications may give some insights. More specifically in the first publication, chapter 3 (methodology) will give some insights.
1.Birner Regina, Surup Gupta and Neeru Sharma (2011) " The political economy of Agricultural Policy reforms in India - Fertilizers and Electricity for irrigation" Research Monograph, International Food Policy Research Institute, US
2.Bullock D.S (2012) " Dangers of using Political Preference Functions in Political Economy Analysis : examples from U.S.Ethanol Policy"  Paper prepared for presentation at the First AIEAA conference ' Towards a Sustainable Bio- economy: Economic Issues and policy Challenges' during 4-5 June 2012 in Trento, Italy
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I am writing my master thesis and I want to see if showing a red picture activates "danger" mental state, while if showing a blue pictures keeps them at relaxed state. So I want to see if there are differences in mental states between the two groups and if "danger" group will be more anxious.
I thought of two options:
1) Measuring how stressed they are after seeing the picture
2) Make associations test with pre-determined options to select from: one which is more danger related, another which is more neutral.
The problem with (1) is that it might not capture the actual change in anxiety and it can be very subjective to how they were feeling even before they started the survey.
The problem with (2) is that it is very subjective and might capture only already established associations and not really due to the treatment. It is also subjective to my perception of words that are more "danger" and "neutral".
What can I do to measure for this small shift in the mind set?
Thank you.
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What about trying the experiment while doing an MEG? The MEG is an imaging technique used to measure the magnetic fields produced by electrical activity in the brain via extremely sensitive devices known as SQUIDs. These measurements are commonly used in both research and clinical settings. So with the added accuracy there will be more noticeable changes or fluctuations recorded if the experiment is to prove scientifically successful.
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My collaborators and I are putting together a symposium for Psychonomics 2017 and have some findings that go against the grain (we don't find an attentional bias to select faces across several studies).  We are looking for other presenters for this symposium, so if you have data that is relevant that you'd like to present with us please email me directly - ebirming@sfu.ca
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We found attentional capture by inverted faces. I can share the outcomes of our new set of experiments. Best Nicolas Burra
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Hi, I am currently working on a presentation for a course in my MA-Curriculum about QRPs and replicability. I am also supposed to present the TIVA and this is why I need help, because I have problems conducting it. In the blog of Ulrich Schimmack (https://replicationindex.wordpress.com/2014/12/30/the-test-of-insufficient-variance-tiva-a-new-tool-for-the-detection-of-questionable-research-practices/) the following formula is presented: Chi-square = OV * (k – 1) with k-1 degrees of freedom. If I try to calculate the chi-square value for the article of Bem (2011) as in the blog-entry, I don´t receive the same results. Ulrich Schimmack is reporting: OV = .19; chi-square value is chi^2 (df = 9) = 1.75, with a corresponding p-value of p = .005 When I try to use the formula above I receive the following results OV = .19; chi-square value is chi^2 (df = 9) = 1.71 (due 0.19*9 = 1.71) and a corresponding p-value of p = .0047 A slight difference in this case, but when I try to calculate the TIVA for the article of Vohs et al. (2006) there is a huge divergence! OV = .054, chi^2 (df = 8) = .432 (0.054*8), p = .000076 I hope anyone can help me finding my mistake either in misinterpreting the formula you provide or in another error in reasoning.
Kind regards, Wolfgang Treipl Universtity of Vienna
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Did you find an R implementation of this test? I can't find any and I'd rather not spend time implementing it myself.
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am using the podsakoff temporal,proximal and psychological method of controlling CMV. do you is enough  
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I would answer that it depends on your research question and the scientific rigor you want to show (and maybe the expectations of the target journal...) You need to carefully consider CMV during your analysis and might want to consider using an instrumental variable approach. Arguing that you did everything a priori to prevent CMV from happening is most likely not enough.
Maybe some of the links will help.
Best of luck!
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I am currently working on a project where I need to pre-test the tendency people have to commit the most common decisional biases (e.g. Overconfidence, Confirmation bias, Endwoment effect, Disposition effect, Regret, Home bias, Sunk cost bias, and so on).
Then, in a post-test I should test the influence of these biases again.
Do you know about any questionnaire or task I can use to test the tendency people have to commit each of these biases?
A single tool that detects the presence/absence of multiple biases at the same time would be useful but also multiple tools (i.e. more questionnaires/tasks each for a specific bias) are ok.
Thank you in advance to those who will help me out with this.
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Check out the Cognitive Reflection Test- CRT  designed to assess individuals' ability to suppress an intuitive and spontaneous answer in favor of a reflective and deliberative one. The Rational-Experiential Inventory - REI was also designed to assess individual's information processing styles distinguishing between rational and experiential. Hope this helps, good luck.
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In a lab experiment I want to find a way to measure participants' avoidance from making a decision.  Is there any tool/methodology for that?
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You may want to check out the psychology literature. Here's an old survey article, but I think it covers the areas you may be interested. At least a forward/backward search will get you there. Good luck!
Anderson, C. J. (2003). The psychology of doing nothing: forms of decision avoidance result from reason and emotion. Psychological bulletin, 129(1), 139.
Abstract: Several independent lines of research bear on the question of why individuals avoid decisions by postponing them, failing to act, or accepting the status quo. This review relates findings across several different disciplines and uncovers 4 decision avoidance effects that offer insight into this common but troubling behavior: choice deferral, status quo bias, omission bias, and inaction inertia. These findings are related by common antecedents and consequences in a rational-emotional model of the factors that predispose humans to do nothing. Prominent components of the model include cost-benefit calculations, anticipated regret, and selection difficulty. Other factors affecting decision avoidance through these key components, such as anticipatory negative emotions, decision strategies, counterfactual thinking, and preference uncertainty, are also discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)
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I am applying the EOS-R on the Romanian community in Malta and it would be fantastic to have an element of comparison, a study into stereotypes carried out either in Romania or with Romanians abroad.
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David, Daniel. Psihologia poporului român. Profilul psihologic al românilor într-o monografie cognitiv-experimentală. Ed. Polirom, 2015
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I am currently working, with the basis of the theory of Harold Innis about the bias of the communication, on how law and morals modify our perception of time and space.
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Hi Orlando.
This subject is not exactly what I was looking. I am working on a more "meso level", at the boundaries of individuality and society. Your work is more on a psychological - and so individual - level. But it is also interesting, because as society influences our vision of the social norms, we have also different reactions to them.
Best regards.
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In sport a widespread belief exists that  "success breeds success and failure breeds failure".
One major example is "hot hand" or "streak shooting" - terms that refer to the belief that the performance during a particular period is significantly better than could be expected on the basis of the player's overall record.
Which theory in Management is supporting this phenomenon? 
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Thanks Pier-Eric, I've submitted my paper. It's still under review! Best of luck for you in future research
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Does it differ from as late -look bias ?
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Both are terms used to describe sources of selection bias. Perhaps the distinction is based upon the type of methodology being utilized. The late-look bias seems to be primarily used when describing selection bias in cross-sectional studies.
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I am looking at exploring the idea of Combined Cognitive Bias Hypothesis  in depression for my undergraduate dissertation and I am hoping to get some advice on which route to go down in terms of analysis?
I'll be running an SST or TAT  (yet to be decided) to rest for interpretation bias, using an eye tracker to test for attentional bias and there will be a free recall test to look at memory bias. 
I have so far been looking into Path Analysis and Structural Equation Modelling. 
I would appreciate any suggestions on a different analysis or any support/articles looking into PA and SEM. 
Thanks in advance!
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Greetings Rachel, I´m no expert on that topic, maybe I can help you with this reference : Thesis cognitive vulnerarability to depression : relation between attentional biases, self-representation and depressive symptoms, memory for the degree of Doctor by Laura Hernangómes Criado, availabe at URL. http://eprints.ucm.es/16407/1/T33908.pdf
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What are the reasons or explanations for the persons becoming very fond of the past. Though the present may be better, on many measurable counts, but the past seems more better in memories. How is it and what are the benefits of this phenomenon?
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Under normal circumstances our brain glorifies the pleasant past and represses the unpleasant experiences, while filling the future with anticipated plans and rewards.  The opposite occurs in depression, when the past is made the root of present trouble and of a hopeless future.  Cheers!  Joaquín Fuster
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What are the recommended methods for executing tests and making an a priori decision on the seriousness and significance of the effects of Common Method Variance (CMV) before proceeding to implement controls for CMV on the items of the predictor and criterion variables in a study ?  Podsakoff et al 2003 in a brilliant seminal piece described in detail controls that should be implemented when CMV is present in a study model.  However they also strongly suggested mitigation measures to significantly minimise common method variances. Where the mitigation plan is adhered to the authors suggest that "additional statistical remedies could be used but in our view are probably unnecessary in these instances."  How does one objectively assess whether any further statistical control action is indeed unnecessary ?
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Hi Silburn
One of the easiest way to test for the presence of CMV is to use Harman's single factor. The procedure is simple:
  1. Run factor analysis on all indicators.
  2. constrain the factor to '1'.
  3. Check the total variance. If it less than .50, that shows CMV is not a concern in your data set.
See two publications below for reference.
Mat Roni, 2015 - see the methodology section for guides and citation.
Mat Roni, 2014 (SPSS) - A step-by-step guide to test for CMV.
Cheers.
Saiyidi
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I am working in the design of a survey to a national representative sample. The time in the pilot application is around 50 minutes. In the final of the questionnaire we are including the Raven's Test to measure Cognitive Skills. 
I have the doubt about the realiability of this measuring: the risk of measure cognitive skills with cognitive bias in the final of a large questionnaire. We can not change it to another part of the questionnaire, so my possition is drop the Raven's test, because it is not a main objective of the survey. What is your opinion? 
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I believe the answer would be YES. You can not control the bias in such large scale after 50 minutes!!!!!!!
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Is there a cognitive bias that is displayed on a individual or a group that views them negatively because of one trait? Would this be negative halo effect or another type of bias? 
If one individual displayed a negative trait that left a major impact that blinded other subjects to positive traits of said individual , would this also be considered a halo effect?
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Relevant information may be found in the literature on Positive-Negative  Asymmetry (PNA) in social information processing.  Interplay of PNA and halo effect has been investigated  in the following study (attached):
Peeters, G. (1991). Evaluative inference in social cognition: The roles of direct vs. indirect evaluation and positive-negative asymmetry. European Journal of Social Psychology, 21, 131-146. https://lirias.kuleuven.be/bitstream/123456789/126300/1/1991EJSP_Eval_Inference_PNA.pdf
PNA phenomena in general have been reviewed and discussed in the following studies (incomplete list):
Peeters, G. (1971). The positive-negative asymmetry: On cognitive consistency and positivity bias. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1, 455-474.
Kanouse DE, Hanson LR Jr. 1972. Negativity in evaluations. In Attribution: Perceiving the Causes of Behavior, Jones EE, Kanouse DE, Kelley HH, Nisbett RE, Valins S, Weiner B. General Learning Press: Morristown; 47-62.
Peeters, G. & Czapinski, J. (1990). Positive-negative asymmetry in evaluations: The distinction between affective and informational negativity effects. In W. Stroebe & M. Hewstone (Eds.), European Review of Social Psychology (Vol.1, pp. 33-60). Chichester: Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Taylor, S.E. (1991). Asymmetrical effects of positive and negative events: The mobilization-minimization hypothesis. Psychological Bulletin, 110, 67-85.
Lewicka, M., Czapinski, J. & Peeters, G. (1992). Positive-negative asymmetry or 'When the heart needs a reason'. European Journal of Social Psychology, 22, 425-434.
Rozin, P., & Royzman, E.B. (2001). Negativity bias, negativity dominance, and contagion. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 5, 296-320.
Baumeister, R.F., Bratslavsky, E., Finkenauer, C., & Vohs, K.D. (2001). Bad is stronger than good. Review of General Psychology, 5, 323-370.
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Research by Carol Dweck suggests that fixed mindset individuals react negatively to feedback. With this in mind, if a mentor has a fixed mindset, would this affect their ability to deliver feedback that is active and constructive?  Would they be more likely to respond with what Martin Seligman calls active and destructive; passive and destructive?
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I am on the same page with Dr. Marek and Dr. Greenhead. I cannot give you any citations but I can share one of my memories. I am not sure if it fits in this context, though.
When I was a Grade 9 student, I always treated chemistry questions as mathematics problems. Therefore, I solved in-class examples by using different approaches than formal ones. At first, my teacher said that I found the answers by chance due to my different solution procedures. After a few questions and answers, I gave up mentioning that I solved the problems, and she realized that I usually solved problems, but I did not say that I found the answer anymore. Afterwards, she pushed my to learn formal problem solution steps. As a result, I got 35 out of 100 from midterm, because I was sure that even though I was able to solve problems without following formal procedures, I would not get any points from these solutions.
In my experience, both my chemistry teacher and I were a fixed minded. She tried to teach me the formal problem procedure, because she thought that it was the best and easiest way of solving problems. According to my teacher, her feedback was active and constructive, yet I perceived given feedback as active and destructive.
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People with delusions are known to devalue disconfirmatory information. Does this mean they experience the discomfort of cognitive dissonance less?
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There is no systematic "reduction of cognitive dissonance" in psychosis as psychosis always has two aspects: positive and negative. Two aspects which vary according to the illogical nature of psychosis.
In positive one, psychotic highlights its own reality, his delirium that covers the true inter-subjective reality, which at times, reduced cognitive dissonance because psychotic neo-reality covers this dissonance.
But in negative one, psychotic faces unprotected contact with reality, which is unbearable and leads him/her to violently attack this reality. In such crisis situations, cognitive dissonance is at its peak.
And, I repeat, the two phases painfully alternate in the life of the psychotic, which is a fundamental characteristic of psychosis.
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What I am thinking is that maybe we learn our biases and that there would be a cut point when we become biased. 
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See for example the following paper and others papers by the same authors.
Steelandt S, Broihanne M-H, Romain A, Thierry B, Dufour V (2013) Decision-Making under Risk of Loss in Children. PLoS ONE 8(1): e52316. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0052316
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Cognitive bias among caregivers is well known entity and literature is available regarding psychiatric disorders.I would like to know if there are any studies where they have studied the effect of cognitive bias such as association,representation in diagnosis of medical disorders 
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Cognitive errors in medicine are a huge problem. Overconfidence/excessive certainty, under-appreciating the importance of the base rate, anchoring of diagnoses, and others are all significant. I've just submitted an article about overconfidence in diagnosis - I can send you a copy if you like.
You might also want to find the Reith Lectures about problems in medicine. They should be on itunes as a podcast.
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Research at the individual level very frequently employ self-reports from interviewees (leaders, managers, employees, patients, teachers, students).  Self-reports suffer from biases on the part of interviewees (halo effect, social desirability) as interviewees seek to paint a favourable impression of themselves.  One method that is used to correct this bias defect is to engage with reports from others whether at the one-up, peer-level or one-down level.  Other reports, however, also have their own challenges; eg supervisors may not be fully aware or cognisant of the full range of employees behaviours, some of which may not be evident to them. Supervisors may also not be objective and may bring negative subjective emotions into ratings.  Has there been any work done on methods to combine other-reports with self-reports as a means of arriving at a fairer more balanced assessment ?
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If the self-report and other-report measure represent the same concept, you might estimate a common latent trait score using SEM or CFA. We did this with two measures (self-report and other-report) of treatment motivation when predicting the patients' behavioural engagement during the treatment. Although each of the two treatment motivation measure predicted the behavioural engagement only moderately and both motivation measures were only moderately intercorrelated, the latent (error free) common motivation factor emerged as a very strong predictor of the behavioral engagement. Put differently, although the self-report and other-report measure had only limited common variance, this common variance was a much more valid predictor of en external criterion than each measure alone.
You can find this in http://repository.ubn.ru.nl/bitstream/handle/2066/45156/45156_meastrmoa.pdf?sequence=1 and in Drieschner & Boomsma (2008) 'The Treatment Engagement Rating scale ...' .
An explanation for this phenomenon might be in line with your own analysis. Self-report and other-report have their limitations and thus generate partly invalid score variance. However, because they have different limitations, the variance they have in common represets the intended concept much more validly. 
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The Dot-Probe task has been widely used in research on affective disorder and addiction in human subjects.  Briefly, the subject has to choose one of two buttons to indicate in which of two locations a dot appears, where the two locations are jointly preceded by presentation of drug/spider etc image on one side, and a neutral image on the other.  The latency to respond to the side contralateral to the clinically-relevant image is interpreted as a measure of attentional bias.
I'm wondering if anyone has developed a task like this for rodents, to see whether presentation of a drug-conditioned CS+ in a spatial part of the animal's environment delays/distracts an operant response unrelated to the drug in another spatial location.
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Dear James,
Neurobiol Learn Mem. 1995 Mar;63(2):116-32.
Spatial working and reference memory in rats bred for autonomic sensitivity to cholinergic stimulation: acquisition, accuracy, speed, and effects of cholinergic drugs. Bushnell PJ, Levin ED, Overstreet DH.
....This study was conducted to determine whether the selected differences in cholinergic autonomic sensitivity would be expressed as differences in cognitive ability based on choice accuracy in appetitive tasks. The working and reference memory of rats of these two strains was thus assessed using operant delayed matching-to-position/visual discrimination (DMTP/VD) and the radial-arm maze. A Long-Evans (L-E) reference group was included in the DMTP/VD study.----
J Exp Anal Behav. 2014 Nov;102(3):346-52. .
Responding by exclusion in Wistar rats in a simultaneous visual discrimination task. Felipe de Souza M, Schmidt A.
Selective cognitive deficits in adult rats after prenatal exposure to inhaled ethanol. shiro WM et al. 2014
The effects of acute pharmacological stimulation of the 5-HT, NA and DA systems on the cognitive judgement bias of rats in the ambiguous-cue interpretation paradigm. ygula R, Papciak J, Popik P. ur Neuropsychopharmacol. 2014 Jul;24(7):1103-11
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I am planning to conduct research on competitive traits and its effect on competitive states. I would appreciate if someone could recommend me some instrument to evaluate pessimistic trait and cognitive bias consequences. Thank you in advance
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Maybe, the prospect theory could be a useful input for cognitive bias. In Daniel Kahneman's book (Thinking, fast and slow) I found lots of experiments in which cognitive biases have been analyzed.
(I am sorry, maybe I have not answered to your question)
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GSR has been used to determine stress levels, cognitive dilemma and response inhibition during tasks. My subjects completed brief surveys and a belief questionnaire while skin conductance levels were collected every .05 seconds. With my software, I am only given the GSR levels and timing as well as a simple visual line graph.
I would like to know how to measure overall fluctuation during the task. While the graph shows me "significant differences". Averages and standard deviations are "insignificant." I'm assuming there is a definite way to measure overall fluctuation in the entire process and would greatly appreciate some advice and guidance.
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Hello! Changes in skin conductance level are often estimated based on area under the curve or PP interval. This chapter might be useful: http://www.imd.inder.cu/adjuntos/article/487/Methods%20in%20Mind.pdf#page=116.
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Bias
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Being both schizotypal and ASD myself, I would say that it is *any* non-normal state of consciousness which allows one to bypass normal expectations (cultural or personal), and the only "advantage" that SZ itself might have is that it is non-normal; however, it is not recommended (as if it were choice-based) due to its chaotic effects. There are very many other ways of achieving sufficiently non-normal states which can be controlled: trance, certain drugs, meditation, and ritual practices. In my own case, my obsessive tendencies urge me toward confirmatory bias, but my state-altering practices tend to balance such urges, more or less. I see that I am even doing that here, in composing this note.
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Elaborate with the examples please
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Selectivity is a pervasive principle of most of the brain processes and mental processes related to these brain processes. Senses are tuned selectively to certain type of signals each (eg, visual, auditory, tactile, olfactory etc modalities). Cortical afferent areas include neural units specialized for certain types of stimuli features that can trigger responses of these neurons (slants of lines, color, movement, even more complex configurations of features, etc.). Based on input data provided by sensation systems, perception can organize this data in various ways to represent objects or events. (The most illustrious examples are ambiguous figures where an identical physical image providing invariant sense data can be perceived in alternative ways -- ie, selection of an interpretation varies with invariant sense data, such as happens with Necker cube, my-wife-and-my-mother-in-law image, duck/rabbit figure, etc.) Context also biases perception. For example, an invariant stimulus I3 can be perceived either as letter B in the context A I3 C, or as number thirteen in the context i2 I3 I4. Furthermore, attention helps to select between several perceptual objects either by way of preattentional processes working in parallel for all features (eg, leading to pop-out effects in filtering tasks) or by way of successive sampling of perceptual objects by focal attention (often in the target search by feature conjunction where some of the features of target objects are present among the background or distractor objects). Covert attention may help focus perception on certain spatial areas and overt attention (eg, by eye movements or head/body adjustments) can help maximize information intake from a designated spatial location. Bias effects make perception dependent on expectancies, habits, personal preferences and in some research even effects of values and beliefs on sensory aspects of perception have been purportedly found. (The older schools of thought where selectivity of perception has been studied: Ach, Külpe in Germany; Gestalt psychology in Germany and other European countires, New Look school in USA, theory of cognitive dissonance by Festinger, etc.) One of the most difficult methodological issues has been (and still continues to be) -- how to differentiate true selective changes of sensory sensitivity from bias effects taking place at the response selection level or stage of processing.