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Recently, my proposal "Enclave Dolarization: the case of the Triple Frontier of Paraná" was selected to participate in the project "Dollarizations in a global world: Socio-Anthropological Perspectives", promoted by the Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) -> https://www.linkedin.com/posts/juan-agullo_dollarization-clacso-latinamerica-activity-6899724464477859840-9_ur
My hypothesis is that there are some "Enclave Dollarizations" that coexist with the most obvious "National Dollarizations" (Panama, Ecuador or, de facto, in Venezuela). These dollarizations usually take place in "exception" territories (such as free trade zones, tourist areas or borders, among others).
I'm working on a Tri-Border Area and I'm confronted with the classic methodological issues: absence of data; different statistical criteria (depending on the countries); lack of officials who speak openly about the question (dollarization, i.e., is related to smuggling; tax evasion, etc...).
I'm receptive to any methodological suggestion related with approaches, strategies and tools.
Thank you very much
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Of course, Juha Kamarainen. Let me be more specific:
1. Research Questions:
- In what way and at what times did the Tri-Border Economy Dollarize/Dualize?
- What impact have Border Peculiarities had on the Dollarization/Duality of the Local Economies?
- What impact has the Dollar had and has had on Cross-Border dynamics?
- What impact has the Dollar had and has had on the Tri-Border Area Social and Economic Duality?
- What local actors and what structural dynamics permits the reproduction of the Dollarization and probably of the monetary duality?
- How does the Dollar facilitate the Globalization of the local economy and what Geopolitical impact can this have?
2. Data:
my research is about how it happens and what functions could have an "enclave dollarization" and not necessarily about how many dollars circulate in the area. Nevertheless, some data are important. This is an usual problem in a Border Area: three different countries; three different practices and an ambiguous and sensitive issue for many officials
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A case to consider is the Somalia versus Kenya tiff at Ras Kamboni that is currently at the ICJ. Kenya is claiming determination by latitude whereas Somalia is claiming determination by extrapolating of the borderline.
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The maritime limits of of an nation are usually governed by one of the only truly international legislations, known as UNCLOS (United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea). It defines 3 different limits, namely:
Territorial Waters: Up to 12 nautical miles from a country's agreed coastal "baseline" extending seawards. Most countries can exercise their outright (national) jurisdiction in all matters only until this limit. Anything outside this limit falls actually within International Waters.
Contiguous Zone: extending 12 nautical miles seawards from the Territorial Waters, i.e. 24 nautical miles from the baseline, within which a country can exert "limited" jurisdiction with respect to its customs, immigration or pollution laws.
Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ): extends upto 200 nautical miles from the baseline. Mainly concerned with the exploratory limits for living and non-living natural resources (oil/gas/fishing) to which a country has sovereign rights.
The definition of "Baseline" can differ depending on the area in question, but in most cases it is quite close to the actual coastline (referenced to the visible coast at low tide).
However, like any other legislation of international significance, UNCLOS is fraught with certain inconsistencies and disagreements, in certain areas.
You may refer to below link to give you an idea of what the situation is:
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Dear colleagues,
our goverment closed the national border for Czech people to travel abroad as a key measure against COVID-19 pandemic on 16th March. This measure is still valid today (21st April, 5 weeks later) and political leaders seriously think that they could prolong it for a few more months, even a year. Their argument is that Czech people, returning from abroad, would not bring the virus inside.
I would like to ask, whether you can briefly share, if you know the situation with closing/opening borders anywhere in the world. Are there borders still closed somewhere else, and do goverments of other countries both in EU and non-EU countries consider to strictly lock down the people within their country in order to protect them against coronavirus?
Thank you for any input, as I would like to have a broader picture of the measure(s) related to closing/opening borders of the sovereign country.
Best regards,
Jiri Preis
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I think there is no doubt among us voting for locked borders in quest of arresting the spread of current pandemic. Many countries have fought down COVID-19 with imposing timely lockdown. Had not there been international flights, land and water route shutdown, this number could have multiplied more from one country to another.
Saying this, it is not the permanent way out against the pandemic. This might have reduced the probable transmission, but the economy of country had been hit hard. In countries like ours where poverty is strangling people, even long lockdowns within country has increased social insecurity, mental health issues and suicide cases. Lockdown between borders now has hit every sector, specially tourism sector which is our main economical backbone; equipment, food materials, raw materials for industries, medicines etc all are locked. This has directly impacted our dailies.
So, it's high time new strategies for border lockdown be developed till herd immunity or effective vaccines develop.
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Guatemalan migration to the North and internal population displacements within this country have generated substantial scholarship. However, other dynamics have been less studied. The goal of this discussion is to share ideas and references about South-South migration to Guatemala. Resources about the trans-migration expérience of Hondurans, Salvadorans and Nicaraguayans would be most welcome, especially about experiences that turn into more permanent situations as migrants get turned back at the Mexican border and settle in Guatemala. Other topics could include the dynamics of caravan migration in Central America, as well as Colombian, Cuban, and African migration through (or eventually in) Guatemala.
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Dear Martin Hebert;
There are many other important references to be found in this document. They provide valuable information about the Guatemala migration.
Sincere regards
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The EU-supported land swap plan between Serbia and Kosovo would redraw the Serbia-Kosovo partition to allow a Serbian-speaking territory in Kosovo’s north to join Serbia, while an Albanian-speaking region in Serbia’s south would join Kosovo. The stakes are high: Resolving this impasse probably would pave the way for Kosovo to gain a seat at the United Nations. And it would boost the likelihood that both Kosovo and Serbia would join the European Union and, potentially, NATO.
But there are growing concerns over a pact to partition Kosovo. Critics say it would open a “Pandora’s box” in the Balkans, with ethnically divided Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia potential flash points. Even in Albania, which borders Kosovo. What do you think about this issue?
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Dear Ardian, thanks for your comments; they help elucidating several points, but also to sustain a friendly and healthy debate over common concerns. True, ethnically cleansed countries are impossible, but if we manage to take out of our problems that one ethnically-driven gravity center, we could reduce the rest to manageable levels. The land swap would reduce Kosovo minorities to insignificant levels (and encourage their migration, much like the Greek minority in southern Albania has left the country for good), and no one could any longer claim to still keep that dagger (multiculturalism) on Kosovo polity's back. Kosovo's key independence problems are not from without but from within; they are enshrined in its constitution. In a book chapter that I just submitted to an edited volume on peacebuilding that will come out from Cambridge University Press, I advocate in favor of the pragmatic peace instead of the liberal peace. Now I am elaborating the idea even further, and claim that liberal peace in Kosovo has failed, and we should (indeed must) seek for pragmatic solutions (hence pragmatic peace). One of them is to drop multiculturalism (a clear element of liberal peace enforced upon us as an element of liberal peace), since it has helped to produce in Kosovo only negative peace (no war) but not positive peace (development). Switching model from liberal peace to pragmatic peace would allow us to explore other opportunities. This might mean tectonic shifts in domestic and international politics, but Kosovo is no stranger to those. But it takes courage, clairvoyance and national consensus instead of petty squabbling.
We have tied our interest with the EU for too long and without any clear explanation or reasons: mainly because our folks see the EU membership as an easy way to migrate (at least that's what my own public opinion polls show). But we have weakened ourselves by appearing on Brussels' doors as choice-less and desperate. This is even more outrageous when we do have true choices, and the Albania/Kosovo unification is a very clear one. And it would be more profitable for us, as it would open up enough market for us to grow, but not enough as to get squashed. By taking out the bulk of Serbs from Kosovo, land swap would remove the only barrier outside of our control toward such an unification.
Vëllazërisht!
Ridvani
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For RHD,in china ,I think Professor Zhang Xinpeng is a leading authority on this,he and his team study very well,and I want to know some other researchers
outside of china  ,thanks.
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Yes I am from India. And I am working on Reversible Data Hiding
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I would be specifically interested in research on maritime boundaries in Africa but other regions might have interesting case studies as well so I am open for any answers (bearing in mind that it is a very niche subject).
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In 2014 and 2013 the international Court of Justice rule some cases about maritime delimitations that might interest you: Nicaragua vs Colombia, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?p1=3&p2=3&k=e2&case=124&code=nicol&p3=4, Costa Rica vs Nicaragua http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?p1=3&p2=3&code=crnic&case=157&k=0f, Somalia vs. Kenia http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?p1=3&p2=3&code=SK&case=161&k=00 , Chile vs Peru http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?p1=3&p2=3&code=pch&case=137&k=88&p3=0