Stuart J. Turnbull-Dugarte’s research while affiliated with University of Southampton and other places

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Publications (54)


Figure 1. Examples of experimental forced comparison.
Figure 2. Social projection of political identities (Study 1).
Figure 3. Projection among strong and weak partisans (Study 1).
Figure 4. Treatment conditions (Study 2).
Figure 5. Modeling projecting via false recall (Study 2).

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Heroes and villains: motivated projection of political identities
  • Article
  • Full-text available

March 2025

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28 Reads

Political Science Research and Methods

Stuart J. Turnbull-Dugarte

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Markus Wagner

Most research on political identities studies how individuals react to knowing others’ political allegiances. However, in most contexts, political views and identities are hidden and only inferred, so that projected beliefs and identities may matter as much as actual ones. We argue that individuals engage in motivated political projection: the identities people project onto target individuals are strongly conditional on the valence of that target. We test this theoretical proposition in two pre-registered experimental studies. In Study 1, we rely on a unique visual conjoint experiment in Britain and the USA that asks participants to assign partisanship and political ideology to heroes and villains from film and fiction. In Study 2, we present British voters with a vignette that manipulates a subject’s valence and solicits (false) recall information related to the subject’s political identity. We find strong support for motivated political projection in both studies, especially among strong identifiers. This is largely driven by negative out-group counter-projection rather than positive in-group projection. As political projection can lead to the solidification of antagonistic political identities, our findings are relevant for understanding dynamics in group-based animosity and affective polarization.

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Figure 1. Treatment effect.
Figure 2. Subgroup analysis: LGBT+ vs. non-LGBT+ respondents.
Figure 3. Assessing treatment heterogeneity via causal random forest.
Do Citizens Stereotype Muslims as an Illiberal Bogeyman ? Evidence from a Double-List Experiment

February 2025

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32 Reads

British Journal of Political Science

Illiberal actors in Western democracies increasingly exploit the superficial defence of liberal values like gender equality and LGBTQ+ rights to demonize ethnic out-groups, portraying Muslims as inherently opposed to Western values. This paper investigates whether this stereotype reflects widespread public beliefs and asks: is the stereotypical view of the Muslim community as an illiberal ‘bogeyman’ endorsed by citizens? Leveraging an original double-list experiment design that minimizes sensitivity bias, we identify population-level estimates of this stereotype in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and the USA. Our cross-national results reveal a pervasive and ubiquitous stereotype of Muslims as a threat to LGBTQ+ communities across Western democracies. The implications of these findings are concerning as they signal that societal tolerance of ethnic out-groups across liberal democracies remains tainted by prejudicial stereotypes. The results also underscore the alarming electoral potential of far-right parties that exploit homonationalist and femonationalist stereotype-based threat perceptions to their political advantage.


A class of their own: parliamentarians are less likely to be perceived as working class

January 2025

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8 Reads


A handmaid’s tale? Support for surrogacy reform: experimental evidence from Britain

July 2024

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14 Reads

European Journal of Politics and Gender

Aspiring parents who are unable to have biological children increasingly rely on gestational surrogacy. This practice, while long-standing, remains controversial. Despite domestic prohibitions, several states are considering liberalising access to the process. Surrogacy regulations are complex. Debates on potential reforms are often multidimensional and raise issues about, among other features, access to bodily agency, economic compensation and exploitation, and transnational trafficking. This article leverages a pre-registered conjoint experiment in Britain, where surrogacy reforms are actively being pursued, to identify which regulatory features can garner public support. The results indicate higher levels of public support for reforms that offer moderate financial compensation, facilitate access for non-heterosexual couples, permit overseas surrogacy arrangements, require legally binding guardianship transfers from birth and have cross-party backing. Subgroup analysis shows minimal gender-based differences but some large differences based on respondents’ sexuality, identity and partisanship.



Public support for the cordon sanitaire : Descriptive evidence from Spain

April 2024

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8 Reads

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2 Citations

Party Politics

Reactions to the rise of far-right parties that advocate democratic backsliding, and the dilution of socially liberal democratic norms present a dilemma for existing political parties. How should existing political parties respond to this challenge? A commonly adopted strategy is to apply a cordon sanitaire which excludes radical right-wing challengers from the government-forming process. Do voters support this policy? Leveraging data from Spain – where the mainstream right has accommodated the radical right-wing party, VOX, via numerous governing coalitions – I rely on individual citizens’ views on how parties should respond to rise of the far-right party, to answer this question. Empirically, the results show very low-level support for the cordon sanitaire in Spain. Indeed, the modal position of the electorate, regardless of their ideological position, is to treat the party just like any other. These results are not conditioned by the propensity of individuals to identify VOX as indeed being a “radical right” party. These descriptive findings suggest that whilst radical right-wing parties may present an inimical threat to democratic norms, citizens do not necessarily view the means of squashing this threat to be one of strategic exclusion. This likely explains why the mainstream right has been able to institutionalise VOX as a political ally: where strategic exclusion is not expected, the mainstream right need not fear violating an expectation that does not exist.






Citations (32)


... The visibility and significance of LGB+ 1 individuals in Western electorates are on the rise, prompting political parties from the radical left to the radical right to actively seek their support (Huber, 2022;Proctor, 2022;Turnbull-Dugarte & López Ortega, 2023). Recent findings indicate that LGB+ voters are not only more politically engaged but also more likely to vote (Turnbull-Dugarte & Townsley, 2020), especially for left-wing and liberal parties (Hertzog, 1996;Turnbull-Dugarte, 2020;Guntermann & Beauvais, 2022;Grahn, 2023;Wurthmann, 2023;Hunklinger & Kleer, 2024;Turnbull-Dugarte et al., 2024). However, evidence suggests that assumptions about the overall socio-political progressiveness of LGB+ individuals (Denise, 2017;Schnabel, 2018) may be overly simplistic, as some studies highlight reservations within this group, particularly regarding migrants or Muslims (Spierings, 2021;Hunklinger & Ajanović, 2022;Debus & Wurthmann, 2024). ...

Reference:

Political Attitudes and Sexual Identity in Germany: Examining the Sexuality Gap
Generations of pride? LGBTQ+ rights, sexuality, and voting behaviour in Spain
  • Citing Article
  • July 2024

South European Society & Politics

... Partisan group conflict is also particularly strong, even compared to other deep-seated group divisions (Mason, 2018). Moreover, politics is characterized by strong negative identities in addition to positive ones (Bankert, 2022; Lee et al., 2022;Lawall et al., 2025;Areal, 2024). Hence, projecting partisanship has a moral dimension, which is an area where counter-projection has been found to be particularly prominent (Denning and Hodges, 2022). ...

Negative Political Identities and Costly Political Action
  • Citing Article
  • April 2024

The Journal of Politics

... First, sexual minorities may be more inclined than other groups to develop political identities that differ from those of their parents (Turnbull-Dugarte, 2024). Second, LGBTQ+ voters tend to be more politically engaged than other demographics (Daoust et al., 2024;Çakır et al., 2023), which may lead them to view elections as having higher stakes. ...

Far from the (Conservative) tree? Sexuality and intergenerational partisan preferences
  • Citing Article
  • March 2024

... In traditional methods, voters mark paper ballots by hand [4] or involve mechanical lever machines [5]. Within electronic voting [6], there are many types such as punched-card [7], direct recording electronic [8], optical scanning systems [9], vote recorder [10], i-voting [11], and so forth [12]. Table 1 categorizes some existing voting systems. ...

Support for digitising the ballot box: A systematic review of i-voting pilots and a conjoint experiment
  • Citing Article
  • December 2023

Electoral Studies

... In Austria, veterans have been linked with the popularization of populist radical right ideas (Art 2011). And in Spain, support for right-wing populism is especially high among military personnel (Villamil, Turnbull-Dugarte, and Rama 2021). Furthermore, this relationship between security-minded and security-linked individuals and the extreme right in Europe is not new. ...

Rally ’Round the Barrack: Far-Right Support and the Military
  • Citing Article
  • October 2023

The Journal of Politics

... Far right parties' extremism is likely to alienate moderate voters. This assertion, however, is at odds with emergent trends highlighting the increasing prevalence of socially liberal voters within the far right's electorate (Halikiopoulou and Vlandas, 2020;Lancaster, 2020;Turnbull-Dugarte and López-Ortega, 2024). How do these parties avoid backlash from their deviant (and public) statements? ...

Instrumentally Inclusive: The Political Psychology of Homonationalism

American Political Science Association

... People (especially women) would be influenced by someone who has the same gender and would rather not be influenced by someone who represents legitimate power but is untrustworthy. Still, other studies showed that celebrity public support toward gay rights could lead nowhere (Turnbull-Dugarte, 2024) or, in some cases, can have a detrimental effect on tolerance levels (Page et al., 2024). As such, careful massaging and choosing the right people are paramount. ...

Fine for Adam & Eve but not Adam & Steve? Homonegativity bias, parasocial contact, and public support for surrogacy

... It further writes that the state of Arkansas has a "compelling government interest" in protecting vulnerable children and since a minority of children identify as gender nonconforming, or later regret transitioning, it is against the best interest of the state to allow for this practice (Arkansas State Legislature, 2021). This bill is one of many the anti-trans legislation that has grown rapidly across the United States and gender affirming care and transgender policy is one of the ongoing and intensifying political culture wars (Castle, 2019;Crasnow, 2021;Family Research Council, 2022;Jacoby, 2014;Turnbull-Dugarte & McMillan, 2022). Anti-transgender legislation has grown in conservative states and broadened in scope to include bills that regulate bathroom use and sports participation by biological sex, healthcare, education, and access to update identification documents. ...

“Protect the women!” Trans-exclusionary feminist issue framing and support for transgender rights
  • Citing Article
  • September 2022

Policy Studies Journal

... As an early-20s Accept activist who self-identified as a gay man explained: However, interviewees' identification of parties across the political spectrum as insincere and indifferent towards the LGBTQ+ community and their interpretations as to why this is the case partly substantiate and partly challenge previous findings: they show that outside the contexts examined by the extant literature, the LGBTQ+ vote does not necessarily gravitate to parties of the Left and/or progressive parties. They also confirm that sociopolitical context specificities are important in analyses of LGBTQ+ political participation, including through voting (Page, 2018;Ayoub and Page, 2020;Durand, 2021;Hunklinger and Ajanović, 2022;Turnbull-Dugarte, 2023;Wurthmann, 2023 As already mentioned, other research has shown that parties and candidates promote policies to win elections rather than seek election to promote policies. Even when they court the LGBTQ+ vote by pre-electorally promising LGBTQ+-friendly legal and policy changes, they usually do not follow through on their promises in contexts where there are no parties truly supportive of LGBTQ+ equality and/or where parties do not compete over the LGBTQ+ vote (Sherrill, 1996;Frymer and Skrentny, 1998;Frymer, 1999;Smith, 2007;Haider-Markel, 2010). ...

Rainbows and traffic lights: queer voters at the German ballot box
  • Citing Article
  • June 2022

European Journal of Politics and Gender

... One of the primary political principles of nation-state governance is the dampening down of the uncontrollable dynamics of social emotions. Early elections are often a protest expression of dissatisfaction with the incumbent government (Daoust and Péloquin-Skulski 2020;Turnbull-Dugarte 2022). ...

Do opportunistic snap elections affect political trust? Evidence from a natural experiment
  • Citing Article
  • April 2022

European Journal of Political Research