June 2024
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12 Reads
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22 Citations
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June 2024
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12 Reads
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22 Citations
April 2024
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13 Reads
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3 Citations
Global Studies Quarterly
What kind of order and contestation dynamics emerge if the initial institutional bargain includes liberal, partially liberal, and nonliberal visions of order? This contribution to the special issue locates the liberal ideational and institutional properties within the crisis management domain and analyzes contestation dynamics and their impact. My argument is twofold. First, liberal visions of order (e.g., based on human rights and self-determination) have coexisted alongside other aspirations focusing on the right of nonintervention and privileged political communities because post–World War II conflict management is rooted in the legal ambiguity of the Charter of the United Nations (UN). This ambiguity (low legalized institutionalization) gives space to different interpretations of what counts as peace, enforcement, threat, and the relationship between the UN and regional organizations (low liberal embeddedness). Second, ambiguity and competing visions of order sustain persistent contestation, which produces dialectical ordering within and outside the UN. Within dialectical ordering, order-challenging contestation occurs when actors disengage from the global level or when their vision of order becomes globally hegemonic. While order-challenging attempts in the realm of crisis management exist, they have remained unsuccessful so far. Seen from this perspective, there has never been a liberal international order in conflict management—only liberal attempts to impose a liberal order on an ongoing dialectical order-making process. So far, other order-challenging attempts, such as Russia’s sphere of influence or China’s developmental peace approaches, have also remained unsuccessful. Contestation remains the norm.
March 2024
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66 Reads
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4 Citations
European Union Politics
In surveys, Europeans routinely express high levels of support for a common security and defence policy of the European Union. Do these responses reflect real demands or superficial support that would crumble if the issue was politicised? This article provides new answers to this question. We conducted pre-registered survey experiments with more than 40,000 respondents from 25 European countries in which we randomly varied whether respondents received information about potential costs of two hypothetical cooperative activities: military operations and defence procurement. Support for these activities was systematically lower when costs were mentioned. We conclude that, in the event of politicisation, there is considerable potential for shifts in opinion and that caution is required in deriving a mandate for specific activities from high approval rates for cooperation in general.
January 2024
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68 Reads
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10 Citations
Global Policy
The concept of organizational accountability is central to good governance both domestically and internationally. However, assessing accountability in densely institutionalized global governance spaces requires new conceptual and analytical tools. Rather than concentrating on the accountability of states, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non‐governmental organizations (NGOs), and transnational corporations as distinct sets of global actors to whom different accountability criteria and mechanisms may apply, we want to focus on how growing overlap and interplay among diverse global policy actors affects organizational accountability. And rather than focusing exclusively on accountability in terms of retrospective sanctioning based on fixed standards or legal obligations, we suggest that, in a densely institutionalized world, accountability also needs to be thought of as a prospective process. We therefore suggest a stronger focus on pluralistic, participatory, and deliberative forms of accountability that emphasize standard‐setting and responsiveness through collective deliberation, learning, and competition.
January 2024
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3 Reads
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9 Citations
JCMS Journal of Common Market Studies
Organizational overlap is a ubiquitous feature in regional governance. Most studies have focused on member states, demonstrating that overlap enables states differently. We still know little about whether and how overlapping organizations impact international bureaucracies and how this shapes the relationship between bureaucratic actors within organizations. We argue that overlap can empower international bureaucrats, but not equally. Those with autonomous resources from member states are the most attractive interlocuters for bureaucrats from other organizations and, hence, likely to become most empowered. Substantive expertise and formal competence are less consequential in this context. We unpack this argument by looking at a policy domain understood to be heavily guarded by member states, security and defence policy. Based on primary documents and interviews, we show that the European Union (EU)–North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) overlap has enabled the European Commission to leverage its position within the EU to its advantage and further encroach on the EU's security and defence activities.
October 2023
September 2023
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26 Reads
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11 Citations
June 2023
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180 Reads
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15 Citations
European Journal of Political Research
When member states of the European Union face serious international threats, does this serve as a catalyst or obstacle for European integration in the security and defence domain? To gain purchase on this question, this paper examines public opinion from a common instrument fielded in 24 EU member states (and the United Kingdom) with a total sample size of more than 40,000 respondents. We argue that theoretical accounts of perceived threat produce rival hypotheses. Threats might have either uniform or differential effects on different groups of citizens and could lead to either convergence or divergence of public opinion. We show that perceptions of foreign threats are associated with more favourable views on integration in the security and defence domain. Importantly, this association is as strong among Eurosceptics as among Europhiles. The findings presented here are consistent with the view that functional pressures may temporarily convince Eurosceptics to accept integration in the foreign and security domain.
May 2023
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43 Reads
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9 Citations
European Journal of International Relations
Why and how do pathways to regime complexes diverge? Building on insights from the literatures on institutional design and historical institutionalism, we argue that early institutional design choices produce long-term variation in the pace, density, and composition of institutional layers within a regime complex. In a first step, we argue that if an institution becomes focal, this increases the exit costs for member-states to leave. Additional institutional layers become a more likely outcome. In a second step, we argue that depending on the focal organization’s formal or informal design, variegated sovereignty costs inform the additional layering pathways. If a focal organization is formal, sovereignty costs are high for member-states. Consequently, creating additional institutional layers becomes cumbersome, leading to a slow pace of “negotiated layering” and a regime complex characterized by low density and composed of formal and informal institutions. In contrast, low sovereignty costs associated with informal focal organizations enable a rapid process of “breakout layering” resulting in a high density of mostly informal institutions. We develop our argument by examining the evolution of security institutions in Europe and Asia through diplomatic cables, treaty texts, personal memoirs, and policy memos.
April 2023
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51 Reads
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5 Citations
European Journal of International Relations
The current binary understanding of membership in international organizations (IOs), especially regional organizations (ROs), creates blind spots and biases in our understanding of who matters in IOs, as well as why and how they matter. Existing scholarship primarily looks at full member-states or non-state actors to capture who influences such organizations. Associated states are often portrayed as passive receivers of IO rules instead of active contributors. We address this blind spot and resulting analytical bias by exploring what types of association relationships exist and how they impact IOs. We propose a novel conceptualization of membership that we call member ness. On the level of IOs, memberness is based on the relative openness of organizational boundaries and stratified access via material and ideational contributions. On the level of states, memberness captures associated states’ individual choices to contribute materially and/or ideationally to an IO. Memberness moves away from a purely rights-based understanding of membership (or who you are in an IO) to include a capacity-based understanding (or what you do in an IO). This shift in focus uncovers new channels of influence on IOs. Associated states’ material and ideational contributions to IOs constitute three memberness types: payroller, sponsor, and advisor. We argue that these memberness types impact IOs’ vitality, design, and performance in previously unrecognized ways. We illustrate these types with empirical examples from ROs across the globe and discuss the implications of memberness for IO research programs.
... Security and defence policy remains one of the least integrated areas in the European Union (EU) (Leuffen et al., 2022). While EU actors like the European Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy have repeatedly pushed for more supranational cooperation (Hoeffler and Hofmann, 2024), EU member states are often not even willing to commit to intergovernmental cooperation (Hofmann, 2013). At the same time, opinion polls consistently show strong support for more cooperation in this area (Brummer, 2007;Mader et al., 2020;Peters, 2014;Schilde et al., 2019). ...
January 2024
JCMS Journal of Common Market Studies
... Selain permasalahan di atas, dunia saat ini juga tengah berada dalam kondisi yang disebut polycrisis, di mana berbagai krisis yang saling terkait (Hoeffler et al., 2024) dan memperburuk satu sama lain sedang berlangsung secara bersamaan (Lawrence et al., 2024). Krisis kemanusiaan seperti tragedi pengungsi Rohingya, memperlihatkan kegagalan sistem internasional dalam melindungi hak asasi manusia (Setiawan & Suryanti, 2021). ...
June 2024
... Theoretically, there is no determinate relationship between the precision of rules and the degree of symbolic equality between differently ranked states. Conversely, ambiguity may certainly allow actors to pursue divergent preferences ( Hofmann 2024 ), but it does not necessarily diminish contestation arising from status competition. Empirically, the only instance of legalization as a response to contestation in the special forum appears in the suborder of refugee protection. ...
April 2024
Global Studies Quarterly
... The more favourable attitude is shared by both Eurosceptics and Europhiles. However, in a follow-up study, Mader et al. (2024) show that providing information about the costs of joint EU military and defence procurement activities lowers the support for these activities. It would be important, though, to explore to what extent these costs substitute for costs of pursuing the same activities at the national level only. ...
Reference:
Joint defence as a European public good
March 2024
European Union Politics
... In addition, there is a view that public accountability practices can sometimes be influenced by specific political or economic interests, which can reduce the transparency and integrity of published reporting information (Cordery et al., 2023;Eilstrup-Sangiovanni & Hofmann, 2024). ...
January 2024
Global Policy
... IOs and their relations with one another are not mere instruments of great powers, however. Great powers might be less constrained ( Drezner 2009 ), but they have to engage and satisfy a broader coalition of states, otherwise their authority claims over how issues should be governed remain hollow ( Hofmann and Pawlak 2023 ). Like other actors, great powers have to tap into organizational repertoires and leverage IOs' organizational capacities to generate and mobilize support for their visions of order. ...
September 2023
... He also demonstrated that the Russia's invasion of Ukraine clarified Europeans' preference for NATO over an EU alternative and boosted Europeans' willingness to defend other European countries. These findings are in line with other studies that provided evidence that Russia's unexpected acts of aggression against Ukraine in 2014 and 2022 strengthened European identity, trust in EU institutions and support for various EU policies (Fernández et al. 2023;Gehring 2022;Steiner et al. 2023;Wang, Moise 2023), and that Europeans who perceive higher levels of international threat are more supportive of European security and defence integration (Graf 2020; Mader et al. 2023;Mader et al. 2024). These are in line with the hypothesis according to which the notion that common threat perceptions may foster alliance cohesion (Everts, Isernia 2015). ...
June 2023
European Journal of Political Research
... Partly due to growing capabilities and more determined leadership, China has increasingly turned to the creation of new organizations and initiatives that exist alongside, and interact with, existing ones ( Paradise 2016 ;Stuenkel 2016 ;Stephen 2021 ). This process deepens rather than diminishes organizational entanglements and can be understood from a historical institutionalist perspective as a kind of "institutional layering" ( Mahoney and Thelen 2010 , 16-7;Hofmann and Yeo 2023 ). Fragmenting dynamics have been held in check by China's sustained interest in maintaining entanglements with established organizations. ...
May 2023
European Journal of International Relations
... E/CSDP would eventually incorporate most of the WEU. NATO became more political, promoting democratic values, intervening abroad, and creating global partnerships (Hofmann et al. 2023). ...
April 2023
European Journal of International Relations
... However, the situation does not necessarily warrant pessimism. In some ways, this ambiguity can be viewed as a by-product of an otherwise highly robust and flexible partnership (Hofmann 2021). As an order, it has been able to endure not despite these ambiguities, but precisely because the institutional overlap has allowed for both the realisation of geopolitical interests and a space for identity construction and community maintenance. ...
August 2021
JCMS Journal of Common Market Studies