Stanley Rothman’s research while affiliated with Smith College and other places

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Publications (36)


Environmental Cancer—A Political Disease?
  • Book

December 2017

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4 Reads

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Stanley Rothman

Table 2 . Determinants of faculty's attitudes towards other racial issues, Ordinary Least Squares regressions 
Table 4 . Determinants of faculty's attitudes towards other gender and race issues, Ordinary Least Squares regressions 
Table 5 . Determinants of students' attitudes towards gender issues, Ordinary Least Squares regressions 
Race, Gender, and Affirmative Action Attitudes in American and Canadian Universities Online Appendix A B & C
  • Data
  • File available

December 2015

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90 Reads

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Race, Gender, and Affirmative Action Attitudes in American and Canadian Universities

December 2015

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173 Reads

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8 Citations

Canadian Journal of Higher Education

Direct comparisons of American and Canadian faculty and students’ views concerning issues of race, gender, and affirmative action in higher education are rare. The 1999 North American Academic Study Survey provides a unique opportunity to analyze the role of national and positional factors in faculty and student attitudes towards race, gender, and affirmative action in the US and Canada. The findings indicate that national factors are more important than positional factors on many racial and affirmative-action issues. Differences between students and faculty are more pronounced than are cross-national variations on many gender-related issues. Résumé Rares sont les comparaisons directes entre l’opinion des corps professoral et etudiant des États-Unis et du Canada sur les problématiques liées à la nationalité, au sexe et à la discrimination positive dans l’enseignement supérieur. Le document 1999 North American Academic Study Survey donne l’occasion unique d’analyser le rôle des facteurs nationaux et socioculturels sur l’attitude des corps professoral et étudiant envers la nationalité, le sexe et la discrimination positive aux États-Unis et au Canada. Les résultats suggèrent que, pour plusieurs problématiques liées à la nationalité et à la discrimination positive, les facteurs nationaux sont plus importants que les facteurs socioculturels. Pour plusieurs problématiques liées au sexe, on observe des différences d’attitudes plus marquées entre le corps professoral et le corps étudiant d’un même pays que d’un pays à l’autre.


Table 1 attitudes towards Collective bargaining and Faculty Unions, Percent 
Table 2 Determinants of Faculty's Support for Faculty Unions and Collective bargaining, OlS Regressions 
Table 2 (continued) 
Table 3 Determinants of administrators' Support for Faculty Unions and Collective bargaining, OlS Regressions 
Attitudes Towards Faculty Unions and Collective Bargaining in American and Canadian Universities

September 2011

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233 Reads

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12 Citations

Relations Industrielles / Industrial Relations

This study analyzes attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining among faculty and administrators in the United States and Canada. This is the first study which compares support for unionization and collective bargaining in American and Canadian universities among faculty members and administrators. The main research question is: Which factors are the determinants of attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining in American and Canadian universities and colleges? Our hypotheses are that cultural, institutional, political, positional, socio-economic, and academic factors are significant predictors of support for faculty unionization. The academics in Canada are likely to be more supportive of faculty unionism compared to their American counterparts because of differences in national political cultures. Institutional and political factors are also likely to affect such views. This study uses comparative and regression analyses of data from the 1999 North American Academic Study Survey to examine attitudes towards unions and collective bargaining among faculty and administrators in the United States and Canada. The analysis shows that Canadian academics are more supportive of faculty unions and collective bargaining than their American counterparts. These results provide support to the political culture hypothesis. However, the study shows that institutional, political, positional, socio-economic and academic factors are also important in many cases. A faculty bargaining agent on campus is positively associated with favorable views of faculty unions and collective bargaining among American professors and with administrators’ support for collective bargaining in both countries. Administrators’ opposition is also important, in particular, for attitudes of Canadian faculty. Professors are more pro-union than administrators in both countries. Income, gender, race, age, religion, and academic field, are significant determinants of attitudes of faculty and administrators in the US and Canada in certain cases.



Table 2 . Political identification of college professors by field (%)
Politics and Professional Advancement Among College Faculty

January 2005

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25,990 Reads

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149 Citations

The Forum

This article first examines the ideological composition of American university faculty and then tests whether ideological homogeneity has become self-reinforcing. A randomly based national survey of 1643 faculty members from 183 four-year colleges and universities finds that liberals and Democrats outnumber conservatives and Republicans by large margins, and the differences are not limited to elite universities or to the social sciences and humanities. A multivariate analysis finds that, even after taking into account the effects of professional accomplishment, along with many other individual characteristics, conservatives and Republicans teach at lower quality schools than do liberals and Democrats. This suggests that complaints of ideologically-based discrimination in academic advancement deserve serious consideration and further study. The analysis finds similar effects based on gender and religiosity, i.e., women and practicing Christians teach at lower quality schools than their professional accomplishments would predict.



Does Enrollment Diversity Improve University Education?

March 2003

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251 Reads

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87 Citations

International Journal of Public Opinion Research

Debate over the value of admissions policies designed to increase racial diversity at American colleges and universities has relied on surveys of students, and sometimes faculty and administrators, which are designed to measure educational environments and intergroup relations. This article evaluates the role of survey research in supporting the diversity model—the argument that increased racial diversity in college enrollment both enriches the educational experience for students of all racial and ethnic backgrounds and also improves relations between students of different races. We found that much of the supporting data suffers from methodological defects, which range from poor item formulation to interpretive problems linked to selective recall and social desirability response set. We utilized a more indirect approach that asked members of the university community non‐controversial questions about their perceptions and experiences, and then correlated their responses with an independent empirical measure of diversity. Data were obtained from a 1999–2000 survey of a structured random sample of over 4,000 US students, faculty, and administrators, and from the National Center for Education Statistics. When student, faculty, and administrators; evaluations of the educational and racial atmosphere were correlated with the percentage of minority students enrolled at a college or university, the predicted positive associations of educational benefits and inter‐racial understanding failed to appear. Thus, the findings failed to support the argument that enrollment diversity improves the education and racial milieu at American colleges and universities. Our study also raises questions about survey instruments and designs that affect inferences about respondents' beliefs and behavior.


Racial Diversity Reconsidered

January 2003

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139 Reads

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34 Citations

The Public interest

Surveyed college faculty, administrators, and students about their feelings on campus diversity programs and various aspects of the general educational experience and environment. Among faculty and administrators, diversity brought perceptions of better race relations, decreased educational quality, and decreased academic preparation. As black enrollment increased, student satisfaction with the university, the quality of their education, and peer work ethic dropped, and the likelihood of experiencing discrimination rose. (SM)



Citations (21)


... ned to the political left. Right-wing critiques of the media focus not on ownership, but media professionals. The Center for Media and Public Affairs uses polls of the media elite and content analysis to argue that members of the media elite are overwhelmingly liberal and that this position is reflected in entertainment programming and journalism (Lichter, et. al., 1983Lichter, et. al., , 1986Lichter, et. al., , and 1994). Similar arguments, albeit with less rigorous methods, are made by popular conservative writers (Land & York, 1998; Medved, 1992). Ironically, some leftist scholars use polls of media industry workers to reach opposite conclusions (Croteau, 1999), but others concede the point on journ ...

Reference:

The Influence of Ownership on the Valence of Media Content: The Case of Movie Reviews
Hollywood and America: the Odd Couple
  • Citing Article
  • June 1983

Tocqueville Review/La Revue Tocqueville, The

... It should be noted that this individual difference is not the same as political interest or political expertise ( Duncan, 2005); instead, this measure assesses the attachment of personal meaning-self relevance-to political or social-level events. Stewart, Settles, and Winter summarized the different emphasis in political science and psychological research on political participation, with political scientists emphasizing proximate effects with direct political content (attitudes, information, party identification; see, e.g., Rosenstone & Hansen, 1993;Verba & Nie, 1972;Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995), and psychologists emphasizing broader personality dispositions (see, e.g., Block, Haan, & Smith, 1973;Rothman & Lichter, 1982;Stone & Schaffner, 1988). However, the two traditions overlap in their arguments that "social resources, personality, and attitudes, skills and experience accumulated over the life course are important predictors of political participation" (1998, p. 65). ...

Roots of Radicalism: Jews, Christians, and The New Left
  • Citing Article
  • March 1985

Political Psychology

... Admissions of women and racial and ethnic minorities to doctoral programs and their appointments to faculty positions in the US, the UK, and Canada are backed by formal and informal affirmative action policies in addition to legal prohibition of discrimination against these groups. In recent decades, remedial policy for past discrimination has become policy for diversity (Katchanovski et al., 2015;Katchanovski et al., 2011). ...

Race, Gender, and Affirmative Action Attitudes in American and Canadian Universities

Canadian Journal of Higher Education

... Why would the news media overemphasize negative aspects of the economy? 1 The literature constituting the bad-news-bias perspective contains several explanations, but the most prominent one contends that the journalism profession traditionally attracts individuals who are hostile toward the established political and economic order (Lerner and Rothman 1990;Lichter et al. 1986;Rothman and Black 2001;Rothman and Lichter 1982). Early research on this subject concludes that members of the national press corps, as compared to leaders in the corporate community, are considerably more likely to have left-of-center political views (Lichter et al. 1986;Rothman and Lichter 1982). ...

Media and business elites: Two classes in conflict?
  • Citing Article
  • January 1982

The Public interest

... Power-motivated presidents are more likely to be considered ''great" presidents and are also more likely to go to war with other nations (Winter, 1987;Winter, 1993;Winter, 1996). Power-motivated individuals are also more likely to be violent with their significant others, to abuse alcohol, to be politically radical, and to be sexually promiscuous (Lichter & Rothman, 1981;Mason & Blankenship, 1987;McClelland, Davis, Kalin, & Wanner 1972;Schultheiss, Dargel, & Rohde 2003a). N Power is assessed by content-coding imaginative stories that research participants write in response to picture cues (typically 4-8); this procedure is called the Picture Story Exercise (PSE) (Smith, 1992;Winter, 1994). ...

Jewish Ethnicity and Radical Culture: A Social Psychological Study of Political Activists
  • Citing Article
  • September 1982

Political Psychology

... 17. A number of researchers (e.g., Ginsberg, 1993, Patai and Patai, 1972, and Rothman & Lichter, 1982) have examined Jewish success in America. Specifically, it has been noted that while Jews make up less than 3 percent of the population in the United States they have achieved, particularly since the 1960s, much educational, professional and economic success. ...

Roots of Radicalism: Jews, Christians, and The New Left
  • Citing Article
  • March 1985

Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie

... Slovic et al. [23] argued that experts' risk perception could hardly change lay people's attitudes due to their diverged way of risk assessment. However, Rothman and Lister [24] argued that scientists do not communicate with general people and also spread negative propaganda, which might be a reason behind the risk perception among people. On the other hand, benefit perception might positively influence the nuclear group's active participation in public communication about the benefits of nuclear energy. ...

Elite Ideology and Risk Perception in Nuclear Energy Policy
  • Citing Article
  • June 1987

American Political Science Association

... Most research in the domain of pediatric health has examined media depictions of either breast and formula feeding, (12,13) food advertising in parent magazines, (14) or a single environmental health threat (e.g., lead poisoning). (15) Other content analytic research has examined news coverage of environmental health risks and environmental cancer, (16)(17)(18)(19) but focused more broadly on the general population. ...

Environmental cancer a political disease?
  • Citing Article
  • June 1995

Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences

... Education varies between 1 and 4: elementary or junior high school, high school, vocational school or junior college; and university or graduate school from the lowest. Finally, risk perception about nuclear energy might have an ideological dimension with liberals opposing nuclear energy (Helm et al., 1988). Ideology (liberal-conservative) varies between 0 and 10. ...

Is Opposition to Nuclear Energy an Ideological Critique?
  • Citing Article
  • September 1988

American Political Science Association

... Ясаи, 2016) а также бюджета(Niskanen, 1971;Tullock, 2005). Это значит, что такие огромные ресурсы в руках гражданской бюрократии способны значимо влиять на позицию исполнителей заказов (получателей грантов) и создают для последних сильные стимулы поддерживать бюрократов и политиков -сторонников «щедрого» и неограниченного в полномочиях правительства.Гипотеза об обусловленном человеческой деятельностью глобальном потеплении является одним из наиболее ярких примеров сомнительного «научного» консенсуса с требованием предоставления больших полномочий регуляторам бизнеса и фантастических дополнительных бюджетных ресурсов13 . При этом бюджетные деньги которые уже «инвестированы» в «индустрию всеобщего потепления» хорошо объясняют и агрессивность сторонников гипотезы и размеры их запросов. ...

Politics and professional advancement
  • Citing Article
  • June 2005

Academic Questions