Sidak Yntiso’s research while affiliated with University of Rochester and other places

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Publications (9)


Base Rate Neglect and the Diagnosis of Partisan Gerrymanders
  • Article

May 2024

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7 Reads

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1 Citation

Election Law Journal Rules Politics and Policy

Sanford C. Gordon

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Sidak Yntiso

Figure 3. Mean absolute error for estimates of student placement (rank) on midterm exam, across a number of bridged exams. The horizontal dotted line reflects the bias associated with the traditional method of grading exams in our data.
Bridging the Grade Gap: Reducing Assessment Bias in a Multi-Grader Class
  • Article
  • Full-text available

December 2022

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30 Reads

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3 Citations

Political Analysis

Many large survey courses rely on multiple professors or teaching assistants to judge student responses to open-ended questions. Even following best practices, students with similar levels of conceptual understanding can receive widely varying assessments from different graders. We detail how this can occur and argue that it is an example of differential item functioning (or interpersonal incomparability), where graders interpret the same possible grading range differently. Using both actual assessment data from a large survey course in Comparative Politics and simulation methods, we show that the bias can be corrected by a small number of “bridging” observations across graders. We conclude by offering best practices for fair assessment in large survey courses.

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Conservative Social Media Worsened COVID-19 Mortality in the US: Evidence from Swing States

July 2022

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5 Reads

Scholars and policymakers are concerned about the effects of misleading information found on politically conservative social media. Yet, the ability of scholars to causally identify its effects are limited in part by two methodological hurdles when using observational data. First, few studies have a credible strategy for overcoming the issue of selection bias, whereby conservatives are likelier to consume conservative social media. Second, it has been difficult to reliably link social media activity and offline outcomes. To overcome the first problem, our identification strategy exploits quasi-random spatial and temporal differences in conservative social media usage in the lead-up to the 2020 US presidential election. Specifically, the winner-takes-all rules for awarding most states’ electoral votes means that campaigns focus their mobilization efforts only in swing states. This temporarily increased relative political interest - and conservative social media usage - in these states. Second, we use the public release of metadata from Parler, a conservative alternative to Twitter, to reliably identify the geo-location of conservative social media usage across the US during 2020. Using a county-month panel, we show that Parler activity increased more in counties in swing states in the lead-up to the presidential election. We use this as an instrument to estimate a two-stage least-squares model, which shows that greater county Parler activity over 2020 caused more COVID-19 deaths. The findings are robust to the inclusion of county-month viewership ratings of Fox News Channel. Our study demonstrates causally that politically conservative social media has negative consequences for offline outcomes.







Democratic reversals and the size of government

October 2018

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38 Reads

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2 Citations

European Journal of Political Economy

While the fiscal and redistributive consequences of democracy is one of the central debates in political economy, most empirical studies analyze this question solely in the context of transitions to democracy. In this paper, we explore the consequences to taxation of democratic reversal using the systematic disenfranchisement of African Americans in the US South between 1880 and 1910. Following the federally-imposed extension of the franchise to the former slaves during Reconstruction (1865–1877), Southern states erected a series of legal restrictions, such as literacy tests and poll taxes, aimed primarily at preventing Southern African Americans from registering to vote. Using an original dataset of local and state taxes and a difference-in-differences estimation strategy, we demonstrate that the adoption of literacy tests for voting eligibility in each state was followed by a significant decline in tax revenues that is highly correlated to the share of each county's population who was African American. We also find that black disenfranchisement led to a shift of the tax burden onto urban counties and a greater reliance on indirect taxation. Our results survive a battery of robustness checks, alternative specifications and additional tests of the redistributionist thesis. The findings are not only consistent with standard models of redistribution following democratization, but also indicate that the elasticity of taxes with respect to enfranchisement is substantial and larger than the one suggested by the cross-national literature.

Citations (6)


... For completeness, we consider a series of alternative outcomes which measure the partisan bias of redistricting plans. We first consider an alternative to the efficiency gap, the dilution asymmetry (Gordon and Yntiso, 2024). ...

Reference:

Redistricting Reforms Reduce Gerrymandering by Constraining Partisan Actors
Base Rate Neglect and the Diagnosis of Partisan Gerrymanders
  • Citing Article
  • May 2024

Election Law Journal Rules Politics and Policy

... Scholarly literature has extensively discussed strategies to reduce bias and enhance fairness in grading (e.g., Kates et al. 2023;Malouff, Emmerton, and Schutte 2013;Peter, Karst, and Bonefeld 2024). Our findings provide pathways and replicable tools for implementing GPT models as a second graders in subjective assessments, thereby contributing to the reduction of grading biases. ...

Bridging the Grade Gap: Reducing Assessment Bias in a Multi-Grader Class

Political Analysis

... Third, our article contributes to the political science literature on strategic prosecutions (e.g., Gordon and Huber 2002;Shotts and Wiseman 2010) and strategic court actors more generally (e.g., Beim, Clark, and Patty 2017;Beim, Hirsch, and Kastellec 2016;Clark 2011;Gordon and Yntiso 2022;Hübert 2019;Lax and Cameron 2007). Within this large field, work on prosecutors tends implicitly to focus on (elected or appointed) bureau chiefs whose tenure depends on their demonstrated competence and/or congruence with the preferences of a principal (e.g., Gordon and Huber 2002;2009;Shotts and Wiseman 2010). ...

Incentive Effects of Recall Elections: Evidence from Criminal Sentencing in California Courts
  • Citing Article
  • November 2021

The Journal of Politics

... This is precisely what occurred (Acemoglu and Robinson 2008b). Though African Americans achieved real political gains--including, for instance, the election of thousands into political office and the passage of favorable public education policies-beginning in the late 1860s with the onset of Reconstruction, Southern Redemption, and The Compromise of 1877 halted this brief renaissance (Chacón and Jensen 2020;Chacón, Jensen, and Yntiso 2021;Stewart and Kitchens 2021). Not only did these changes portend a nearly complete reversal of the gains free Black populations achieved under Reconstruction, but their effects also persisted for far longer (Logan 2020:33). ...

Sustaining Democracy with Force: Black Representation During Reconstruction
  • Citing Article
  • January 2021

Journal of Historical Political Economy

... 61 However, it is also likely that there are unanticipated or 60. See Harvey and Yntiso (2021) for a somewhat similar pattern in the appellate division of the New York Supreme Court (New York's intermediate appellate court). A study of panel decisions in federal pleading cases found no effect of having one woman on the panel but there was an effect of having two women (Burbank andFarhang 2021, 2257-58). ...

Judicial Accountability and Racial Disparity in Criminal Appeals
  • Citing Article
  • June 2021

The Journal of Legal Studies

... 5 Along with the de jure expansion of rights for black citizens, de facto federal enforcement of those rights was key: The parts of the South with the most federal troops were also the most likely to see black candidates for office succeed. 6 Thus the legal expansion of democratic rights was not left to the mercies of former Confederate states. Under the Reconstruction Acts of 1867, Washington deployed federal troops to these states. ...

Representation and Imposed Democratization: Evidence from Black Enfranchisement during Reconstruction
  • Citing Article
  • January 2021

SSRN Electronic Journal