Seraphine F. Maerz's research while affiliated with Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main and other places

Publications (23)

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This paper introduces a new approach to the quantitative study of democratization. Building on the comparative case-study and large-N literature, it outlines an episode approach that identifies the discrete beginning of a period of political liberalization, traces its progression, and classifies episodes as successful versus different types of fail...
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When authoritarian regimes liberalize, are there observable patterns in the ordering of reforms, and are these patterns distinct for cases that transition to democracy? While the prevailing literature tends to focus on exogenous ‘determinants’ of democracy, this letter describes the endogenous dynamics of liberalization itself. Using pairwise domin...
Article
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The widespread adoption of emergency powers during Covid-19 raises important questions about what constitutes a (un)democratic response to crises. While the institutions and practices of democracy during normal times are well established, democratic standards during emergencies have yet to be conceptualized in the literature. This makes it difficul...
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This article analyses the state of democracy in 2020. The world is still more democratic than it was in the 1970s and 1980s, but a trend of autocratization is ongoing and affecting 25 countries in 2020, home to 34% of the world’s population. At the same time, the number of democratizing countries has dwindled by nearly half, reducing to 16 countrie...
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This article introduces a novel conceptualization of democratic resilience - a two-stage process where democracies avoid democratic declines altogether or avert democratic breakdown given that such autocratization is ongoing. Drawing on the Episodes of Regime Transformation (ERT) dataset, we find that democracies have had a high level of resilience...
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This article analyses the state of democracy in the world in 2019. We demonstrate that the “third wave of autocratization” is accelerating and deepening. The dramatic loss of eight democracies in the last year sets a new record in the rate of breakdowns. Exemplifying this crisis is Hungary, now the EU’s first ever authoritarian member state. Govern...
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Renewed efforts at empirically distinguishing between different forms of political regimes leave out the cultural dimension. In this article, we demonstrate how modern computational tools can be used to fill this gap. We employ web-scraping techniques to generate a data set of speeches by heads of government in European democracies and autocratic r...
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Democracy is under threat globally from democratically elected leaders engaging in erosion of media freedom, civil society, and the rule of law. What distinguishes democracies that prevail against the forces of autocratization? This article breaks new ground by conceptualizing democratic resilience as a two-stage process, whereby democracies first...
Chapter
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Computer-aided text analysis (CATA) offers exciting new possibilities for conflict research that this contribution describes using a range of exemplary studies from a variety of disciplines including sociology, political science, communication studies, and computer science. The chapter synthesizes empirical research that investigates conflict in re...
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This article analyses the language authoritarian leaders use to legitimate their rule. It examines the official speeches of autocrats in hegemonic regimes and compares them to the rhetorical styles of leaders in closed or competitive regimes and democracies. While recent autocracy research has drawn most attention to the phenomenon of competitive a...
Article
This article examines how authoritarian regimes combine various strategies of repression, co-optation and legitimation to remain in power. The contribution of the article is two-fold. First, I conceptualize the hexagon of authoritarian persistence as a framework to explain how authoritarian regimes manage to survive. The hexagon is based on Gersche...
Article
The intensively propagated moral construct of ma’naviyat penetrates all fields of public life in present-day Uzbekistan. The originally religious term is used as the moral foundation of the state’s official ‘ideology of national independence’. Portrayed as a return of the Uzbek people to their pre-Soviet past and their innate values and traditions,...
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Conceptualizing the “three pillars of stability”, Gerschewski (2013) proposes legitimation, cooptation and repression as the fundamental principles of lasting autocratic rule. Recent studies put this so-called WZB model to an empirical test and probe the effects these three factors have on regime survival in light of autocratic elections (Lueders a...
Article
E-government in autocracies is used as a seemingly democratic pattern of legitimation which became increasingly popular during the last decade. The most current data of the UN e-government survey (2014) show that several autocracies massively expand their online facilities. Recent studies question the widespread assumptions that such initiatives im...

Citations

... The logic is that countries that actively participate in global climate cooperation will face higher pressure from the international community to introduce more stringent NZEPs. Since the same pressure may also come from domestic civil society [31,32], we additionally control for the robustness of the civil society is in each country, as reported in the Core Civil Society Index from the V-Dem (Varieties of Democracy) database [33]. ...
... Furthermore, the team ensures high levels of reliability and validity of constructs and instruments employed for the study(Coppedge et al., 2019). The database has been utilized in studies published in reputed journals such as the British Journal of Political Science (e.g.,Edgell et al., 2022) and the American Journal of Political Science (e.g., Claassen, 2020). Our dataset ...
... Besides elections, second, infringements of democratic procedures were widespread within both democracies and autocracies in 2020, and more so in autocracies. The Pandemic Backsliding Index (PanDem) created by the Varieties of Democracy Project measured authoritarian practices (emergency measures without time limit, disproportionate limitations on the role of legislatures, government disinformation campaigns) and illiberal practices (discriminatory measures, derogation of non-derogable rights, abusive enforcement) between March and December 2020 for 144 countries (Edgell et al. 2021). They found that around 80% of all countries violated democracy mainly on the basis of authoritarian practices and here it was predominantly the lack of limits on emergency measures, while less than 30% of the countries used illiberal practices. ...
... Just like in stable democracies, institutional arrangements in Serbia contracted further during the pandemic, justified by the urgency of the public health measures (Guasti 2020;Pozen and Scheppele 2020;Windholz 2020;Bolleyer and Salát 2021). Also, just like in non-democratic states, the pandemic made it easier for the autocratic rulers to further violate civic and political rights, use excessive force, manipulate the emergency measures, and limit the possibilities and voices of political and social actors, especially those in the opposition to them (YUCOM 2020; Hellmeier et al. 2021;White 2021). Serbia is one of the countries where major violations of democratic standards happened during the pandemic (Bethke and Wolff 2020: 368), with a key event the violent riots in July 2020, to which the police responded with disproportionate force. ...
... 15 Although the 1990 Supreme Court-packing helped to concentrate power in the executive and allowed the abuse of presidential legislative powers, Argentina did not just remain a democracy, but there was no backsliding. According to different conceptualizations and measurements of democratic erosion, there was no democratic erosion in Argentina between 1989and 1999(Boese et al 2021Coppedge 2017;Lührmann and Lindberg 2019;Mainwaring and Bizzarro 2019;Pelk and Croissant 2021). In fact, both the Liberal Democracy Index and the Electoral Democracy Index from V-DEM (standard indexes to measure democracy) remained stable over Menem's presidencies and above the usual cut-off points used to code a country as democratic (see Figure 1) (Lührmann, Tannenberg and Lindberg 2018). ...
... The literature has presented competing findings about the effects of democracy and political stability on terrorism (Rosendorff & Sandler, 2004). For our democracy measure, we employ the V-Dem electoral democracy index (Coppedge et al., 2021). The measure uses multiple factors that capture the degree of electoral competition, free and fair elections, and ability of civil society organizations to operate freely. ...
... To this end we have used the recent V-DEM ERT dataset 14 and, based on their conceptualization we firstly selected two cases of "averted democratic regression" in liberal democracies (the United States between 2016 and 2021 during the presidency of Donald Trump and Israel between 2009 and 2021, the second tenure of Benjamin Netanyahu as Prime Minister). We thus follow the definition provided by Maerz et al 15 and considered averted democratic regression as a "substantial decline in the democratic quality before reverting back to some higher democratic state". In other words, autocratization falls short of transforming liberal democracy in a stable electoral democracy, and is then reverted. ...
... It is an opportunity through technocratic tools (transfer of responsibility to politically unaccountable experts -virologists or epidemiologists), populist tools (polarising and national rhetoric, neglecting minorities) and anti-democratic (weakening the role of parliaments, strengthening the executive, silencing the opposition and civil society) to misuse their power (Guasti, 2020, 48). Maerz et al. empirically show these inclinations in their research into 143 countries -democratic standards have fallen 116 Institutiones Administrationis -Journal of Administrative Sciences Vol. 2 (2022) No. 2, 112-131 in 83 of them during the pandemic (Maerz et al., 2020). In this regard, courts ought to use their power to ensure that governments do not use the often vague wording of crisis laws and do not rule with their decrees -in the words of the European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter: ECtHR) -"beyond the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the crisis". ...
... Further, in her analysis of speeches by Putin of Russia during the period 2012-2018, Maerz (2019) notes that "there is a slight prevalence of talking more about democratic than autocratic procedures. Yet, at the same time, Putin makes use of a comparatively illiberal style of language" (p. ...
... Building on this dual conceptualization of democracy, we follow Lührmann and Lindberg (2019) and take an episode approach to measure the concept of autocratization rather than modelling democratic breakdown as a discrete outcome (see also Boese et al. 2020;Edgell et al. 2020). Democracies tend to erode gradually, and the detection of the start and end dates of such episodes enable scholars to analyze democratic breakdowns and resilience as a two-or multi-stage process of erosion ). ...