Sara Fregonese’s research while affiliated with University of Birmingham and other places
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How are terror threats and counterterrorism measures experienced in everyday urban spaces? We argue that thinking atmospherically about the spaces of urban encounters with (counter)terrorism is important, firstly, to identify and question feelings and dispositions shaped by discourses, practices, and infrastructures of (counter)terrorism; secondly, to contribute spatial perspectives of felt experience to literatures on security and (counter)terrorism in geography and beyond; thirdly, to connect official understandings of (counter)terrorism with its everyday felt experiences and materialities. We highlight two conceptual and empirical arenas – the crowd and the question of difference – where atmospheric approaches to urban (counter)terrorism can be developed.
The lockdowns imposed upon cities, regions, and countries as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic are extraordinary state-sanctioned spatial interventions, both in terms of scale and scope. However, rather than a time-delimited event nor an exceptional circumstance of a temporary crisis, the pandemic lockdown was entangled with long-standing and on-going intimate and embodied histories of political violence, upheaval, militarization, displacement and dispossession. Be it as a result of war, terrorism, natural disaster, or pandemic – lockdown is more than an intervention in physical space and infrastructure alone. It is also an intervention that mobilizes, and often relies on, the sphere of the intimate along different and often unequal geographies of vulnerability. In this Theme Issue, we build on feminist geopolitics and feminist political geography to examine the intimacies of lockdown, seen through the experiences of refugees, migrants, low-income residents, as well as within the contexts of war and terrorism. Here, the politics of embodiment, domesticity and affectivity is central for understanding how lockdowns actively shape and are shaped by intimate geographies, thus advancing the theorization of the lockdown more broadly. The contributions to this Theme Issue gather around the following questions: how does the spatial politics of lockdown mobilize the sphere of the intimate? More broadly, how does the intimate help forge possibilities and places of counter-narratives of solidarity, shared vulnerabilities and care in contrast to renewed militarization, rising authoritarianism, violence, and the expanding spatialities of confinement in everyday life?
Despite their wide implementation since the COVID-19 pandemic, lockdowns are not spatial interventions unique to public health emergencies but have also recently been used to tackle the aftermath of acts of terrorism against crowded public spaces in cities. In this paper, we argue that lockdown, as a state-sanctioned security measure, bears longer political (often violent) histories that link individual mobility to geopolitics in corporeal and even visceral ways. Drawing on research on the lockdown of Brussels in 2015 and 2016 and the state of emergency in France between 2015 and 2017. We put these counterterrorism lockdowns in conversation with the lockdowns imposed as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe. The paper analyses the embodied, emotional and spatial politics of lockdown through the lens of intimate geopolitics. Specifically, we explore two themes: the reconfiguring of the intimate sphere in the terrorism/pandemic nexus and the curation of micro-vigilance between counterterrorism and public health. In doing so, we argue that the militarism of the state responses to COVID-19 virus needs to be understood as more than discursive framing of the “war on virus”, but rather a making present of a “war-like” situation to intimate bodies, spaces and subjectivities. The sphere of the intimate is thus considered at the forefront of the spatial logic of lockdown, as it deploys assumptions about (in)security, threat, danger and preparedness in ways that entrench and exacerbate existing social inequalities.
This essay advances an affective agenda in urban geopolitics that studies the everyday felt experience of urban terrorism. It takes as examples the relations between the spatial politics and affective atmospheres of Place de la République (Paris) and Place de la Bourse/Beursplein (Brussels) in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 2015 and 2016. Intersecting feminist geopolitics and non-representational geographies, the essay bridges geographical studies of experience and affective atmospheres with experiential accounts in urban geopolitics. It argues for a renewed conceptual engagement and scholarly focus on the affective dimensions of urban geopolitics and security, that highlights the contested and unequal topographies of everyday experience in the aftermath of terrorism in urban Europe.
Urban conflict literature has attempted new comparisons between contested cities in conflict zones and cities with no armed conflict. This literature tends to use representational frameworks around defensive planning and normative government discourses. In this article, I propose to expand these frameworks and to engage with epistemologies of lived experience to produce new relational accounts linking “conflict cities” with “ordinary cities”. The article accounts for the lived, sensory and atmospheric in exploring the legacies of conflict on the everyday urban environments. It then reflects on the everyday and experiential effects of counterterrorism in ordinary cities. While this is designed to minimize threat, it also alters urban spatiality in a way reminiscent of urban conflict zones. It then explores the unequal impacts of counterterrorism across urban publics, and their experiential connections with practices of counterinsurgency. The article is structured around two ‘shockwaves’ entwining lived experiences across seemingly unrelatable urban settings.
This special section addresses how the spatiality of terrorism and security responses mobilize and impact the realm of experience. The articles presented here expose how terrorism is encountered as a felt experience by urban residents in Europe through an analysis that encompasses several realms including the body, the intimate, the domestic, and the urban public space. These works develop existing scholarship on the European urban geographies of terrorism, by looking beyond established approaches to normative range of actors and infrastructures that underlie terrorism and counter-terror security responses, and by exploring the fine-grained connections between felt experience, urban space, and global politics. Moreover, in focusing on the experiential landscapes of terror, we start exploring geographies where healing, trust, and societal reconnection can be imagined in the wake of terror.
Reading Reece Jones’s Violent Borders: Refugees and the Right to Move. 224 pages, Verso, New York and London (2017), p. £16.99 (hardback), ISBN: 9781784784713 - -
Book Review Forum, Published online in Political Geography Journal - 6th January 2020 - access to published version: - -
[https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.102129] -
This forum is around Violent Borders: Refugees and the Right to Move by Reece Jones, the winning volume of the first edition of the biennial book award of the Political Geography Research Group of the Royal Geographic Society with IBG (PolGRG) in conjunction with Political Geography Journal. The book award was established in 2016 to give recognition to new academic volumes that engage with the thematic remit of PolGRG and contribute to develop the diverse field of political geography more widely. In line with the diversity of PolGRG interests and membership, the PolGRG Book Award is aimed at published volumes advancing the debate around themes spanning territoriality and sovereignty; states, cities, and citizenship; geopolitics, political economy and political ecology; migration, globalization and (post)colonialism; social movements and governance; peace, conflict and security. All this appreciating the implications of these phenomena with gender, race, class, sexuality and religion.
... In political geography, early feminist approaches (Dowler and Sharp, 2001;Hyndman, 2001;Smith, 2001;Staeheli et al., 2004) have developed into a more recent and diverse critical scholarship into the reproductions of geopolitics in the realms of the everyday, affective (Militz and Schurr, 2016;Woon, 2013), corporeal (Fluri, 2011), and intimate (Barabantseva et al., 2021;Laketa and Fregonese, 2022). There has also been substantial engagement with emotions in relation to global politics (Dodds and Kirby, 2013;Pain and Smith, 2008;Woon, 2013).Ó Tuathail (2003 argues that the 'affective tsunami' of the War on Terror (WoT) 'mixes the cultural into the corporeal' and turns emotions into factors in the diplomatic discourses, performances, calculations, and actions underpinning the invasion of Iraq. ...
... It is so highlighted that who or what is seen, heard, touched, tasted and smelled is connected to questions about who is included and excluded in the experience of public space. In addition, migrants are facing multiple exclusionary practices and atmospheric borders in the urban terrain which according to Fregonese & Laketa (2022) can include experiences of violence and conflict that travels between different sites and bodies, shaping and re-shaping the affective atmospheres of terror/security as well as memories of conflict that affect the experience of the city, so that the migrant subjectivity is re-assembled in and through an affective atmosphere. ...
... Here Fregonese (2021) has shown how the atmospherics (noise, lights, fumes) from the early morning counterterrorism raid by the French police on the neighbourhood of St Denis in the wake of the attacks left the local population shocked. Due to the use of explosives, some buildings became uninhabitable and some people were injured. ...
... This conceptual and methodological gap parallels calls to study 'the significance of place to individual and collective emotional topographies' of geopolitical events (Pain, 2009: 17), and how militarisation and political change are 'experienced and made present to the lives that live them' (Adey, 2013: 52-53; see also Fregonese, 2017). Recent work has partly addressed these concerns by considering the material-affective aspects of surveillance in public urban space , the governance of terrorism emergencies (Anderson, 2016a), and the intimate and experiential implications of terrorism threat and counterterrorism (Laketa et al., 2021). This work becomes important when considering how present counterterrorism physical measures respond to the shift of terrorist acts towards everyday spaces and so-called 'soft targets'. ...
... El inglés domina como lengua franca global en más del 95 % de las revistas académicas (Paasi, 2015). La brecha de competencia está condicionada por la clase social y la nacionalidad, lo que dificulta el intercambio transfronterizo de conocimientos (Fregonese, 2017). Esta disparidad lingüística constituye un obstáculo que afecta desproporcionadamente a los hablantes no nativos de inglés, quienes deben asignar recursos adicionales para publicar en un segundo idioma. ...
... Host states, especially in the Global South, often push administrative responsibilities concerning refugees as much as possible to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the global administrative body tasked with managing refugee camps globally, providing protection and other assistance to refugees. Inside camps, UNHCR functions as a surrogate or quasi-state (Kagan 2012;Ramadan & Fregonese 2017). Yet, effective administrative and judicial mechanisms are lacking to adjudicate refugees' concerns. ...
... Cities have also become an increasingly important lens through which to examine traditional questions related to borders, territory, political movements, and geopolitics. Political geographers writing on urban geopolitics, for example, have attended to the unique spatialization of conflict in cities (Fregonese 2017;Rokem & Boano 2018) as well as the flows of state power through global city networks, forging new North-South and South-South connections (Koch 2013). Cities are also important places where infrastructure projects are realized and contested, including surrounding sports mega-events like the Olympics and the World Cup (Müller 2017). ...
... For example, future discussions might consider how hotels have been appropriated by migrants' rights' groups as resources for accommodation and squatting in rejection of the formal accommodation models and carceral constraints of the state, with the short-lived tenure of City Plaza in Athens serving as the highest profile example (Lafazani, 2018). Similarly, cases of the formal reworking of hotels, such as the Magdas Hotel in Vienna, where asylum seekers and refugees are provided with employment and training through the hotel (Deshpande, 2015;Rokem et al., 2017); forms of co-housing in which hotel infrastructures are reused for collective housing that traverses immigration status (Oliver et al., 2020); and innovative projects such as the Grandhotel Cosmopolis in Augsburg that combined a hotel with an asylum centre, café and artistic space (Zill et al., 2020), all provide valuable inversions of the carceral tendencies of governmental uses of hotels. At the same time, as Piacentini et al. (2022, pp. ...
... My wider conceptual aim is to illustrate what an engagement with processes of abjection has to offer for the agenda of more-than-human political geographies (cf. Boyce, 2016;Fregonese, 2015;Minca, 2023). During the past years, more-than-human and posthumanist approaches have opened up new lines of inquiry for the subdiscipline and put established ones under critical scrutiny. ...
... During interviews with both community members and stakeholders, we observed that space was seen as important in understanding radicalisation, and there was significant reason to suggest that place and local community were perceived as playing a significant role in enabling extremist movements. Research and policy have tended to pay particular focus to the role that the urban, post-industrial environment plays in promoting and enabling radicalisation, yielding important findings (Brand and Fragonese 2013). Within these, specific urban areas have often been highlighted as particularly "vulnerable" to radicalisation -Luton or Bradford in the UK (Kenney, Coulthart, and Wright 2017), Molenbeek in Belgium (Coolsaet 2017), or Aarhus and the Copenhagen district of Nørrebro in Denmark (Fjellman, Lindekilde, and Gøtzsche-Astrup 2023; McNeil-Willson 2021), among others. ...