Roy Gava's research while affiliated with FHS St. Gallen University of Applied Sciences and other places

Publications (22)

Article
This article investigates the conditions under which regulatees challenge regulatory sanctions in court. Targets of enforcement have the right to make independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) accountable in court, but IRAs would prefer not to have their enforcement actions challenged. This article argues that, when deciding whether to contest regulat...
Article
Recent American studies that investigate the influence of money on the outcome of direct democratic votes find campaign spending effective for both supporters and challengers. Taking advantage of Switzerland’s far-reaching experience with direct legislation, this article tests the role of money in a ‘harder’ context, where government plays an activ...
Article
This article analyses the nature of policy debates on financial regulation during the onset of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) by considering three elements that shape them: the salience of the debate, the actors that dominate the debate, and the degree of anti-status quo pressure. Theoretically, it contributes to Culpepper’s quiet/noisy politics...
Article
Full-text available
Policy evaluation in Parliament : interest groups as catalysts Members of Parliament (MPs) request policy evaluations and use the resultant findings to inform law-making and hold the government to account. Since most elected representatives have developed strong ties to interest groups, one might wonder whether these privileged relationships influe...
Article
This study applies a multi-venue approach to assess whether business groups are more likely to realize their policy preferences than citizen groups. Conceptually, it measures the advocacy success of interest groups that are involved in the various institutional venues visited during entire policy-making processes (i.e., executive, legislative, judi...
Article
Law‐making is a core function of parliaments in democratic systems. Yet we still know little about the extent to which parliaments influence legislation and the reasons why MPs modify some bills more than others. We analyze the degree of bill amendments operated by parliament, by comparing bills before and after parliamentary deliberations with a t...
Article
This study investigates the influence of MPs’ co-sponsorship activities on their agenda-setting success. It analyses the strategic choices open to MPs who engage in co-sponsorship, the resulting centralities in the co-sponsorship network, and the effects on the success of parliamentary proposals. MPs can develop their co-sponsorship efforts within...
Chapter
This chapter describes the Swiss political system and adopts an issue attention approach to explore one of its defining institutions: direct democracy. By means of referenda and popular initiatives, voters regularly decide on the continuity and change of policies. Welfare and education (27%) and environment, energy, and transportation (21%) account...
Chapter
This chapter adds to the growing literature on the Europeanization of national parliaments by looking at how and to what extent members of parliament (MPs) use parliamentary questions (PQs) on EU-related affairs. Relying on a comparison of three EU member states (France, Spain, and the Netherlands) and Switzerland, we analyze the Europeanization of...
Article
Full-text available
This article investigates whether linkages between members of parliament (MPs) and interest groups matter for MPs' activities of co-sponsoring legislative proposals. Based on statistical models for network data, the study builds on classical explanations of co-sponsorships highlighting the role of similar ties between MPs, such as party membership,...
Article
Full-text available
This article discusses the methodological challenges of legislative surveys. Following an overview of different types of survey biases, the article argues that self-selection and misreporting are the most critical problems for legislative surveys. In order to identify the self-selection and misreporting biases, we compare the answers with a survey...
Article
Full-text available
Whereas some recent studies underline interest groups’ strategy to specialize in certain venues when lobbying, we investigate under which conditions groups develop a multi-venue strategy. This study examines and compares groups’ advocacy activities during three issues that were each debated in California and Switzerland. Empirical evidence shows th...
Article
Members of Parliament (MPs) request policy evaluations and use the resultant findings to inform law-making and hold the government to account. Since most elected representatives have developed strong ties to interest groups, one might wonder whether these privileged relationships influence MPs’ parliamentary behavior. This study investigates how MP...
Article
This paper contributes to the literature on the Europeanisation of national parliaments by looking at the behavioural dimension of Europeanisation in the Swiss parliament. The authors examine the differences in parliamentary interventions on EU-related issues over time, between types of instruments (agenda-setting versus control) and across parties...
Article
Full-text available
This research note presents an innovative dataset of Swiss MPs’ interest ties between 2000‐2011. The longitudinal analysis shows that the average number of interest ties per MP has more than doubled: from 3.5 in 2000 to 7.6 in 2011. Since the mid‐2000s, public interest groups have accounted for approximately one out of two ties between MPs and inte...
Article
This research note presents an innovative dataset of Swiss MPs’ interest ties between 2000‐2011. The longitudinal analysis shows that the average number of interest ties per MP has more than doubled: from 3.5 in 2000 to 7.6 in 2011. Since the mid‐2000s, public interest groups have accounted for approximately one out of two ties between MPs and inte...
Article
The study investigates the impact of media coverage of protest on issue attention in parliament (questions) in six Western European countries. Integrating several data sets on protest, media, and political agendas, we demonstrate that media coverage of protest affects parliamentary agendas: the more media attention protest on an issue receives, the...
Article
This research note presents an innovative dataset of Swiss MPs' interest ties between 2000-2011. The longitudinal analysis shows that the average number of interest ties per MP has more than doubled: from 3.5 in 2000 to 7.6 in 2011. Since the mid-2000s, public interest groups have accounted for approximately one out of two ties between MPs and inte...
Article
Full-text available
Swiss cantons have extensive autonomy in implementing federal laws. This leads to heterogeneity in cantonal practices and policy outputs. This article explores the extent to which courts contribute to the convergence of cantonal outputs. It focuses on the disability insurance benefits granted by cantonal administrations, and on the related judicial...
Article
In this brief contribution to the debate on Europeanization, we further expand previous work on the proportion of Swiss domestic legislation that is influenced by the EU (Gava and Varone 2012). In so doing, we focus on questions of considerable normative implications: To what extent are policy changes traceable in legal reforms “infiltrated” by the...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter is an output of the project Agenda Setting in Switzerland funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation (ref. 105511-119245/1), and part of the EUROCORES project The Politics of Attention: West European Politics in Times of Change, funded by the European Science Foundation. A previous version of this chapter was presented at a Staff...

Citations

... Although the results of empirical studies on the impact of campaign spending on public referenda remain inconclusive (i.e., some studies have found campaign spending against a ballot more effective than spending in favour, while other recent analyses argue that spending is similarly effective for both sides; see De Figueiredo et al., 2011;Garrett & Gerber, 2001;Jaquet et al., 2022;Lupia & Matsusaka, 2004), the size of campaigners' budgets does matter. As might be expected, the higher a campaigner's budget, the more resources and power they have to influence voters, including through advertising (Broder, 2001;De Figueiredo et al., 2011;Matsusaka, 2004). ...
... Not only is the validity of this method theoretically justified by its creators, but, more importantly, the reliability of the algorithm's results has been confirmed by replicating existing studies on amendment tracking (Hermansson & Cross, 2016) and comparing it with the results of qualitative case studies on EU legislative decision-making . This last point explains our choice to use DocuToads instead of other text reuse methods (e.g., Gava et al., 2021). Unlike other algorithms, DocuToads was specifically developed to study amendments to Commission proposals and its validity for this purpose has thus been confirmed by other studies of the EU legislative process. ...
... Dans une étude portant sur toutes les propositions déposées au Conseil national pendant la période de 2003 à 2015, nous avons dénombré 1620 postulats, 3608 motions et 864 initiatives parlementaires, pour un total de 6092 propositions -soit environ 2000 par législature (Sciarini et al. 2020a). Selon cette étude, les 619 parlementaires inclus dans l'analyse ont chacun déposé en moyenne 18 propositions, avec de fortes variations d'un parlementaire à l'autre : 54 parlementaires ont déposé une seule proposition, alors que 15 parlementaires en ont déposé plus de 30. ...
Reference: Politique suisse
... Elas têm demonstrado que as perguntas parlamentares orais ou as audiências do congresso são, por exemplo, influenciadas por manifestos partidários (Borghetto & Russo, 2018;Otjes & Louwerse, 2018;Vliegenthart & Walgrave, 2011), protesto (King et al., 2007) ou, mais notavelmente, pela cobertura da mídia de massa (Edwards & Wood, 1999;Soroka, 2002;Van Noije, Kleinnijenhuis, & Oegema, 2008;Vliegenthart et al., 2016). Há menos estudos focando em como as perguntas orais afetam a atenção dada por outros atores, como, por exemplo, a mídia (Bartels, 1996;van Santen, Helfer, & van Aelst, 2013), o presidente (Eshbaugh-Soha & Peake, 2005) ou a União Europeia (Sciarini et al., 2019). ...
... Si cette question reste encore largement ouverte, quelques indicateurs tendent néanmoins à démontrer que les liens d'intérêt ne sont pas sans effet sur les activités des parlementaires. Ainsi, Fischer et al. (2019) ont observé que deux parlementaires liés au même type de groupes d'intérêt (économique, public, etc.) ou à des groupes d'intérêt qui sont actifs dans le même domaine politique sont aussi plus susceptibles de cosigner les propositions (initiatives parlementaires, motions ou postulats) de leur alter ego. ...
Reference: Politique suisse
... While previous work has done so using party-level measures of preferences, such as expert surveys McElroy & Benoit, 2010), or votebased measures like DW-Nominate (Martin, 2021), incorporating the individual policy and ideological preferences of MEPs should provide additional insights into the decision to switch EPG, in particular since this can be observed over multiple legislative terms. (Bundi et al., 2018); questions on MPs' policy positions are however unlikely to be subject to such a phenomenon. 3. Available from http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/HixNouryRolandEPdata.HTM 4. For .28% of legislative votes, it was not possible to establish the position of the EPG due to two voting options getting an equal number of votes while also and getting more than votes than the third option (or all three options obtaining the same number of votes). ...
... It requires persuading a majority of voters to support (or oppose) the proposed policy rather than lobbying elected representatives, delivering policy expertise to administrative agencies, or filing lawsuits and cosigning amicus briefs. It thus offers an additional decision-making venue to access the policy process and to influence policy outputs directly (Boehmke, 2005a;Varone, Gava, Jourdain, Eichenberger, & Mach, 2018). Concretely, interest groups can act as initiative or referendum proponents by gathering the signatures necessary to qualify it for submission to the voters. ...
... Courts played no particular role in the handling of the pandemicnot least because the Federal Supreme Court of Switzerland cannot exercise judicial review over federal legislation, unlikely in most European countries. Instead, as one would expect given the traditional inclusiveness of the policy process and the relative dependence of semi-professional Swiss MPs to interest groups (Mach, 2015;Varone et al., 2020), the latter were highly influential in the management of the COVID-19 crisis, especially business-oriented interest groups and peak associations. As we will see below, the most active were Economiesuisse (the main umbrella organization of Swiss companies), Gastro-Suisse (the peak association representing the hotel and restaurant industry) and the Swiss Union of Arts and Crafts (USAM, an important interest group representing small and medium-sized enterprises). ...
... La prise en compte du succès partiel ou indirect améliore le bilan global, en particulier en ce qui concerne les initiatives parlementaires . Et même si elles ne bénéficient pas d'un succès partiel ou indirect, l'initiative et la motion auront peut-être eu le mérite d'attirer l'attention de l'administration fédérale sur certains thèmes ou certains problèmes, y compris ceux à forte composante internationale ou européenne (Gava et al. 2017a). ...
Reference: Politique suisse
... Our findings also point to a dilemma for interest groups: legislators' previous affinity with policy areas decreases their need for exchange, which in turn reduces interest group influence on parliamentary instrument use. However, previous research shows that this type of legislator, that is, the one with an occupation and committee assignment in interest groups' policy area is more likely to sit on the boards of the respective interest groups (Gava et al. 2016;Huwyler 2021). Taken together, this suggests that legislators whom interest groups covet the most for their boards are not necessarily the ones most receptive to their requests. ...