Rosita Di Peri’s research while affiliated with University of Turin and other places

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Publications (21)


Navigating the COVID-19 Pandemic in Consociational Systems: The Cases of Lebanon and Iraq
  • Article

February 2023

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19 Reads

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3 Citations

The International Spectator

Rosita Di Peri

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Pizzorno’s distinction between ‘manifest’ and ‘hidden’ politics helps to explain the resilience of the consociational systems of Lebanon and Iraq in times of crises. Through the lens of ‘manifest’ politics, the Lebanese and Iraqi political systems are permanently on the brink of collapse. By contrast, through the lens of ‘hidden’ politics, the Lebanese and Iraqi political systems manifest their organised resilience. This comparative analysis of the responses to the Covid-19 pandemic in Iraq and Lebanon contributes to the debate over how consociational power-sharing works in practice as a fine-grained system to maintain the status quo.



Recensione. Elisa Giunchi, Afghanistan. Da una confederazione tribale alle crisi contemporanee, Roma, Carocci, 2021.
  • Article
  • Full-text available

June 2022

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16 Reads

Nuovi Autoritarismi e Democrazie Diritto Istituzioni Società (NAD-DIS)

Il frettoloso ritiro delle truppe americane dall’Afghanistan nell’agosto del 2021, dopo vent’anni di presenza sul suolo di questo paese, ha accesso un dibattito sulla stampa e sui social media tra coloro che ne hanno parlato in termini di disfatta dell’“Occidente” e coloro che, al contrario, l’hanno difesa come scelta legittima che lascia finalmente spazio alla politica locale e all’autodeterminazione. Come sovente accade nel caso di accadimenti politici del Medio e Vicino Oriente, tutti sono diventati “esperti”.

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The (re)configuration of the Euro-Mediterranean space after the 2011 Arab uprisings: borders, politics and identity

May 2021

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24 Reads

Political events following the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have contributed to a new conceptualisation (and management) of border issues. The tumultuous period had a dramatic effects on Europe and the southern Mediterranean countries. On the one hand, Europe is facing a continuous redefinition of its borders, especially in the southern neighbourhood but also in the eastern part of the continent. On the other hand, the MENA countries are part of a game in which the political elites deploy sectarian identity, narratives and symbols to neutralise dissent and (re-)assert control, even on borders, spaces and places. Notwithstanding the counter-revolutionary trend, the presence of ongoing civil conflicts, along with the escalation of regional competition over the past decade, has notably changed the political and social landscape in many countries. In this context, the Euro-Mediterranean space seems more and more unstable, and its margins porous. It has become a place of new (internal and external, physical and mental) barriers and systems. European space has been besieged by a new wave of populism that is strengthening national identities and putting a strain on the European Union as a cohesive space. Meanwhile, in some MENA countries, the repression of a new wave of mobilisation in 2019 is silencing counter-hegemonic movements that could potentially cross state and community borders, as well as ethnic and religious divides.



Le Liban et la recherche internationale après les révoltes de 2011: une «zone de confort»?

August 2020

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103 Reads

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2 Citations

Since the 2011 uprising, the Arab world turned into a theatre of political and social transformations. While some have been visible, others, less visible, have however been able to affect the intellectual, social and political infrastructure of international research. Being an important scenario for regional policy developments (Eg. the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran), Lebanon offers an interesting case in point. While this article does not address the October 2019 revolution and the most recent COVID-19 pandemic, we endeavor to unravel the ways in which research themes, methods, and security have changed in the Lebanese context. Despite domestic instability, Lebanon not only is one of the few countries where conducting research is still possible in a crisis-affected region, but it also emerges as a “comfort zone” for international researchers: a place where to observe regional conflicts while enjoying a consumeristic lifestyle and a privileged position within Lebanese society. We provide a critical inquiry of how, first, the confessional narrative has been abused and reproduced in international research. Second, we focus on how scholars have changed the way of thinking Lebanon’s statehood and political order. Finally, we discuss how the forced migration scholarship has built on the widespread securitization and ethnicization of migration.


Stretching the margins: Identity, power and new ‘frontiers’ in Lebanon’s Maronite community

October 2019

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54 Reads

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5 Citations

Mediterranean Politics

While assuming, as a starting point, that communities in Lebanon are ‘spaces’ where various techniques of domination and control are reproduced to prevent their members from questioning the religious, identitarian or political hegemony, in this paper we argue that the Maronite community’s resizing process has created in-between border spaces within this community, where new discourses aimed at questioning this system of control arise. To justify this in-between border spaces’ relevance to understanding discourses of dissent, the analytical category of liminality will be explored. This will help answer the questions of why counter-hegemonic discourses arise in marginal spaces and how these spaces become liminal. We contend that the manifest incapacity of the Maronite elites with regard to bordering and ordering the ‘margins’ of their own community is weakening the elites’ (political and religious) control over these new spaces: they became ‘arenas’ where dissent potentially coagulates and new social realities free from the community control system can emerge.


Speaking Secular, Acting Sectarian. Lebanese Women’s Rights beyond the Constitution

September 2018

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41 Reads

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3 Citations

Oriente Moderno

The aim of this paper is to show that, despite the constitutional provisions that sanction the equality of all Lebanese, women's rights in Lebanon are subject to different (social, religious and political) constraints. In a system characterised by a complex and often perverse interweaving of state norms, religious tribunal norms, society structure and politics, women's rights have received little to no attention or protection. This is the result, we argue, of the institutionalisation of the communities in the 1900s that has created, over the years, a system of power that has increasingly aimed to exclude state sovereignty from specific areas. The creation of autonomous spaces of power exempt from constitutional dictates and state laws has given religious leaders enormous decision-making (and contractual) power that has contributed to creating systems parallel to the state to manage individuals' lives. This has had major consequences, especially for women.


Citations (5)


... The processes hinted at by frontierization (uncertain, mediated or compromised bordering, in a sense) are raised to highlight cleavages and fractures that have recently become apparent in Lebanon's Maronite community in Rosita di Peri's paper. Here, elites used historically to getting their own way are increasingly struggling to b/order (to use Henk van Houtum's perceptive term (Van Houtum and Van Naerssen, 2002), the dissenting margins of an increasingly heterogenous political constituency (Di Peri, 2020). ...

Reference:

Borderland studies, frontierization, and the Middle East’s in-between spaces
Stretching the margins: Identity, power and new ‘frontiers’ in Lebanon’s Maronite community
  • Citing Article
  • October 2019

Mediterranean Politics

... The literature draws attention to critical factors that have contributed to the erosion of the Future Movement political power and popularity, such as the weakness of its leadership, the declining of its financial resources and the curtailment of financial-cum-political support from its main patrons, Saudi Arabia (see Daher 2015;Meier and Di Peri, 2017;Author, 2019, Tınas andÖzlem Tür, 2021). Yet, this article highlights other factors contributing to the declining popularity of the Future Movement as constructed by the research respondents. ...

The Sunni Community in Lebanon: From “Harirism” to “Sheikhism”?

... Elections and electoral strategies, as well as voting behaviour, are guided by 'services and money' instead of 'issue and principles' . Over the years, this has contributed to the solidification of 'system Lebanon', within which the sectarian communities' pervasive and all-encompassing presence reigns at all levels (political, economic, religious, and social system's sole objective is to maintain the status quo for the political and religious elites, as well as for the zuama (village leaders), and protect their political and economic interests and privileges (Di Peri 2017. As a result, the consociational system has become increasingly rigid and devoted almost exclusively to self-preservation. ...

Beyond Sectarianism: Hegemony, Reproduction and Resilience in Lebanon
  • Citing Article
  • August 2016

Mediterranean Politics

... Over this time, Lebanon has been the site of much instability under a corruption-laden and absent-present state (Hajjar, 2009). Meanwhile, an unchecked project of neoliberal Westernisation and economic dependency with a market-led approach dominant since the nation's very constitution has resulted in growing inequalities across the country (Baumann, 2017;Peri, 2014). 1 Much scholarship on Lebanon has focused on economic, sectarian, and citizenship-based inequalities, with gender and disability receiving growing attention over the past years (Chatty et al., 2013;Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2020;Harb and Rouhana, 2020;Makdisi and Marktanner, 2009;Tlaiss and Kauser, 2019). Throughout, powerful forms of discrimination and assault have been recorded in a country of multiple exclusions and racisms (Almustafa, 2018;Charles and Denman, 2013;Hanafi et al., 2012;Thorleifsson, 2016). ...

Re-defining the Balance of Power in Lebanon: Sunni and Shiites Communities Transformations, the Regional Context and the Arab Uprisings
  • Citing Article
  • November 2014

Oriente Moderno

... Tunisia was one of the first Muslim countries to enter the global tourist market (Bouzahzah and El Menyari 2013), focusing mainly on western European tourists (Poirier 1995). The remarkable growth of the tourism sector (Table 1) was led by the central state both during the Bourguiba and Ben Ali presidencies (Christie et al. 2014;Di Peri 2015;Miossec 1999). It soon became a leading contributor to the national economy, as well as one of the more prominent earners of hard currency and generators of private sector employment (Tang and Abosedra 2014). ...

An Enduring ‘Touristic Miracle’ in Tunisia? Coping with Old Challenges after the Revolution
  • Citing Article
  • January 2015

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies