Richard Hagan’s research while affiliated with University of Oregon and other places

Six trained observers (aged 19–31 yrs) were compared while watching 15 children (aged 18–36 mo) directly or on videotape. Findings indicate that Ss were slightly less reliable when watching videotapes than when watching real situations. The major significant difference was that far more events went undetected in the videotape condition. Of the 3 sections of the system of behavior coding used (child behavior, reactor, and reaction), the reactor and reaction were the most likely to be missed by the video observer, especially if the target child was engaged in active play and not sitting at a central table. It is suggested that this results in a qualitatively deficient picture when videotaped data of children in playgroup settings are used. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

A gender-labeling task was used to test the ability of 21 girls and 22 boys ranging in age from 21 to 40 mo to discriminate between pictures of boys and girls and male and female adults. Ss who passed the gender task (mean age 30 mo) were compared with Ss who failed it (mean age 26 mo) on 3 behaviors most often categorized as sex typed (toy choice, aggression, and peer playmate selection). It was predicted that Ss who passed the task would choose more sex-typed toys and same-sex peers and that there would be a drop in aggression for girls who passed but no change for boys. Results confirm the predictions for aggression and peer choice but not for toy choice. The relation between the child's understanding of gender categories and environmental influences is discussed. (18 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

34 children were observed in infant play groups. 2 sets of infant behaviors were coded: assertive acts and attempts to communicate with adults. No sex differences were observed at 13 to 14 months in any of these behaviors. However, adults attended to girls' assertive behaviors far less of the time than to boys' assertive behaviors. They attended more to girls' less intense communication attempts and to boys' more intense attempts. When 29 of the same children were observed in toddler play groups no more than 11 months later, there were sex differences in behavior. Boys were more assertive; girls talked to teachers more. Teachers no longer differentiated their responses to boys and girls. Peers reacted more to boys' assertive behavior than to girls.' We hypothesized that caregivers may use stereotypes to guide their reactions to infants because infant behavior is ambiguous. For the toddlers, behavior had become more defined, and caregivers reacted to the behaviors. By using the sex stereotype to guide their reactions to younger children, the caregivers may have perpetuated the stereotype.

Forty-eight toddler boys and girls, 18 to 36 months of age, were observed in play groups. The assertive acts of each child and the responses of peers and teachers were recorded. The most common type of assertion for both groups was grab or take objects, then hit, and then verbal assault. Boys produced more assertive acts than did girls. Girls' assertive acts were ignored significantly more than boys. Boys responded more to the acts of other boys than to the acts of girls, while girls responded more equally to the assertive acts of boys and girls. Hitting and taking objects received similar responses from peers. Responses to assertive acts are seen as information sources for the assertive child. The higher response rate to boys' acts informs the child that this kind of behavior will produce an effect in his world, while the lack of response to girls' acts suggest the opposite to girls.

Covert checks of observational methodology reveal declines in reliability of observations. This appears to be particularly true when complex codes are used to track social interaction. The present study was undertaken to see whether reliability could be maintained through a combination of technological advancements and the development of improved observer training and maintenance procedures. Eight people were enrolled in a highly refined, 150-hour training program developed at the University of Oregon's Child Research Laboratory. Using automated data collectors, the trainees learned to code the interactions of young children. Following completion of the training program, observers remained in close contact with the project director through weekly meetings, allowing for discussion of unusual circumstances, performance feedback, and refinement of procedures. Subsequent covert checks failed to indicate any decline in agreement when scores were compared with data from overt checks. While agreement was high under all circumstances, this does not mean that complex coding systems should be applied in all observational studies. However, findings do suggest that when an appreciation of the subtleties inherent in social process are sought, complex systems are essential. (Author/RH)