Reuven Y. Hazan’s research while affiliated with Hebrew University of Jerusalem and other places

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Publications (77)


Political Reform and the Committee System in Israel: Structural and Functional Adaptation
  • Article

March 1998

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20 Reads

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9 Citations

Journal of Legislative Studies

Reuven Y. Hazan

Committees are the main functioning organs of the unicameral Knesset, Israel's parliament, but they have received little or no attention from legislative scholars in general, or from Israeli ones in particular. This article presents the first academic analysis focused on the committees of the Israeli Knesset, and the first description of them in English. The article attempts to achieve the following: (i) to elaborate the political environment within which the Knesset committees were created and to analyse the electoral and political reforms which have transformed Israeli politics; (ii) to describe the organisation and structure of the committee system in the Knesset; (iii) to assess the need for committee change in order to adapt to the consequences of recent reforms; and (iv) to assess whether Israeli politicians realise that structural change causes a modification of institutional performance.




Does Center Equal Middle?

April 1996

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13 Reads

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11 Citations

Party Politics

The concept of center parties has been stretched so far that it can no longer serve as a defining characteristic. The multiplication of center parties, and the migration of other parties towards the center, has left the academic literature without the proper methodological tools to identify, define and classify an increasing number of the parties in most party systems today. I propose a delineation of the concept, differentiating between ideological center parties and spatial middle parties. Related terms such as center label parties, median parties and pivotal parties are addressed in presenting a new conceptualization and classification of the center and center parties. Examples of each type are subsequently presented and elaborated in the context of the Italian and Dutch party systems. The new concepts are then analyzed and discussed within a comparative perspective of West European parties and party systems.


Presidential Parliamentarism: Direct Popular Election of the Prime Minister, Israel's New Electoral and Political System

February 1996

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78 Reads

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104 Citations

Electoral Studies

In 1992, the Israeli parliament enacted the new Basic Law: The Government, which provides Israel with the distinction of being the only country to have direct popular election of its Prime Minister (beginning with the next election, scheduled for mid-1996). This new law not only effectively alters the electoral system, but also changes the entire political system in Israel, replacing its pure parliamentary system with a new, hybrid and unique regime type. This article describes the circumstances that brought about the recent reforms in Israel, delineates the electoral changes which were adopted, and analyzes whether Israel has switched from a parliamentary to a presidential political system.


Center Parties and Systemic Polarization: An Exploration of Recent Trends in Western Europe

October 1995

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33 Reads

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42 Citations

Journal of Theoretical Politics

This paper argues that strong center parties may lead to polarization, not moderation, and that we must reassess our assumptions regarding their contribution to healthy democratic systems. The relationship between the parliamentary strength of center parties and the level of party system polarization is examined with electoral data from 10 Western European countries between 1979 and 1989. The results show that as the center's share of parliamentary seats increases, this convergence of voters is offset by another concurrent trend which keeps the level of party system polarization constant. Two theoretical explanations are posited: as the center parties expand either the extremist parties increase as well, or an outward movement of parties takes place. Both theoretical explanations are tested empirically, and both are validated. The paper concludes with a theoretical assessment of these findings - and the crucial differences between the two explanations - for electoral competition, governmental durability, and democratic stability.


PARTITI DI CENTRO E PARTITI CENTRALI: UNA CHIARIFICAZIONE CONCETTUALE

August 1994

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4 Citations

Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica

Introduzione Molti partiti riformisti nella storia di Francia ed Inghilterra, i vecchi partiti agrari nella Scandinavia del dopoguerra ed alcuni nuovi partiti delle riemergenti democrazie, sia nell'Europa meridionale che in quella orientale, si sono etichettati come partiti «di centro». Ma si tratta di veri partiti di centro? E se questo è vero, a che tipo di partito di centro appartengono?


Citations (56)


... Israel has a volatile proportional representation system with a constantly changing set of parties, but the ideological makeup of the Knesset, Israel's legislature, is more stable (Hazan, 2021). Therefore, rather than focusing on votes for a single party, the parties were instead categorized as belonging to either the right-wing or the left-wing bloc. ...

Reference:

Bloody Pasts and Current Politics: The Political Legacies of Violent Resettlement
Parties and the Party System of Israel
  • Citing Chapter
  • June 2018

... They speak a different language (Arabic) compared to the majority group's language (Hebrew), have other religions (rather than Judaism)-most Arabs in Israel are Muslims-and preserve an autonomous cultural existence (28). Moreover, as minorities in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Palestinian citizens of Israel have not been treated as equal citizens in many respects, such as accessing medical services and workforce participation (29). This reality has significant implications for the mental health of this population. ...

Introduction to Israeli Politics and Society
  • Citing Chapter
  • October 2020

... Considering specific actors in each of our countries, Fidesz has been unquestionably the dominant and most impactful illiberal populist actor in Hungary. Viktor Orbán, the leader of the Fidesz party and Hungary's Prime Minister since 2010 has been one of the chief proponents of illiberal democracy, which he enshrined as a positive vision for Hungary in his famous 2014 speech in which he claimed that ' . . . the new state that we are constructing in Hungary is an illiberal state'. 1 Even though Orbán's vision of an illiberal state has never been fully elaborated, its relevance may be justified by its impact on European political debates as well as academic research referring to Fidesz as an illiberal party (Buštíková and Guasti 2017;Buzogány 2020;Enyedi 2024a;Enyedi and Whitefield 2020;Pirro and Stanley 2022). Other scholarly works have categorized Fidesz as a right-wing populist party (Bartha, Boda, and Szikra 2020;Bátory 2016;Ilonszki and Vajda 2021) due to its ideological orientation and its communication built on dichotomous, antagonizing narratives (Tóth 2020). ...

The Oxford Handbook of Political Representation in Liberal Democracies
  • Citing Article
  • July 2020

Robert Rohrschneider

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Jacques Thomassen

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Jane Mansbridge

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... A kormányzati ciklusokra vonatkozó hatalmas nemzetközi irodalom feldolgozása még csak nyomokban sem történik meg az alábbiakban. 2 A rendelkezésre álló szakmunkákból egyrészt azokat használom, amelyek adatokat tartalmaznak a ciklusok hosszúságára, illetve a kormánykoalíciók összetételére (Woldendorp-Keman-Budge, 1993és 1998Müller-Rommel, 2005;Somer-Topcu-Williams, 2008; legújabban a West European Politics című folyóirat foglalkozik tematikus számában a parlamenti és kormányzati terjedelem kérdésével: Hazan-Rasch, 2022;Walther-Hellström, 2022). Másrészt azt az irodalmat veszem tekintetbe, amely valamiféle logikai magyarázatot is kínál a tanulmány alapkérdésére: milyen horderejű változásokat idézhet elő a ciklusgazdálkodás megszokott rendjében, ha az addig "fölös" többségben működő kormánykoalíció egy választást követően "egyszerű" (minimális) többségéivé válik? ...

Parliaments and government termination: understanding the confidence relationship
  • Citing Article
  • Full-text available
  • November 2021

... I focus on government terminations over government formations, which scholars sometimes include in a definition of parliamentarism. The theoretical motivation for this focus is that in parliamentary regimes, governments that parliament can be expected not to tolerate are unlikely to form (Lento and Hazan 2022;Sartori 1997;Shugart 2008). Historically, this was often confirmed by experience, and in the Online Appendix, I discuss how parliaments asserted themselves in cases of government formations. ...

The vote of no confidence: towards a framework for analysis
  • Citing Article
  • March 2021

... In Israel, the frequent changes in the methods governing both general elections and candidate selection have created an unstable political environment for individual legislators, political parties and their leaders, and the voters. Furthermore, the dynamics in the Israeli parliament have changed with respect to the work in committees and the ability of members to oversee the government, the votes on legislation, and the power of political factions (e.g., Friedberg 2008;Akirav 2010;Hazan et al. 2018). Canada and the UK are relatively similar in their social, cultural, and political characteristics. ...

The Political Consequences of the Introduction and the Repeal of the Direct Elections for the Prime Minister
  • Citing Chapter
  • February 2018

... Historically, the controversies facing the founders of the Jewish settlement on security, economic and religious issues have been debated on a political right-wing/left-wing continuum. Sensitivity to the rights of the Arab population, the development of the welfare state and consideration for world public opinion characterized those belonging to the leftist camp [30]. In contrast, belief in a free economy based on competition and private initiative, the adoption of an aggressive strategy towards the Arab world in general and to Israeli Arabs in particular, and minimal consideration of world public opinion, were integral parts of the right-wing profile [31]. ...

The collective memory of dominant parties in parliamentary discourse

Party Politics

... The Israeli electoral system is characterized by three major features: a proportional allocation formula; the use of a single nationwide district for seat allocation, and a closed-party list system (Hazan, 2022). The Israeli political system is regarded as a prototype of a PR (proportional representation) system (Hazan et al., 2017) and its multi-party system is characterized by intense ideological competition (Oshri et al., 2021). Party lists represented in the Knesset range between 8 (the 2020 elections) and 15 (the 1999 elections). ...

Electoral systems in context: Israel
  • Citing Chapter
  • January 2017

... Se si prendono le due coalizioni che fino al 2001 si sono contese il governo del Paese, risulta agevole immaginare come per entrambe esista un partito di centro che tuttavia non si colloca centralmente all'interno dello spazio politico di ciascuna delle coalizioni. Seguendo un suggerimento di Reuven Y. Hazan (1994) possiamo dire che una possibile classificazione dei partiti di centro e centrali potrebbe essere la seguente: un partito tipicamente di centro, cioè collocato nel centro geometrico di un continuum ed equidistante dalle estremità di una scala ideologica. In questa prima collocazione si potrebbe pensare a un partito di centro pivotale (ivi, p. 314) che impedisce la formazione di maggioranze parlamentari, di forze collocate sia alla sua destra che alla sua sinistra; un partito centrale, cioè un partito collocato spazialmente tra i due poli opposti del sistema; un partito etichettato di centro, che ha semplicemente adottato come proprio nome il termine centro, a prescindere dal fatto che la sua politica sia effettivamente moderata. ...

PARTITI DI CENTRO E PARTITI CENTRALI: UNA CHIARIFICAZIONE CONCETTUALE
  • Citing Article
  • August 1994

Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica