July 2023
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5 Reads
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Publications (77)
July 2023
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11 Reads
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1 Citation
July 2023
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8 Reads
April 2023
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53 Reads
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5 Citations
Political Studies
The vote of no-confidence is the primary mechanism through which the principle of government accountability to the legislature – the defining feature of parliamentary democracy – is achieved. Yet, no research has been devoted to its influence on the relations between the government and the mechanism’s main users – the opposition. This article attempts to fill this lacuna by theorising how restrictiveness in the vote of no-confidence influences the opposition’s strategies vis-à-vis the government in legislative voting. We delineate the influence of the vote of no-confidence on the opposition via its preference to pursue more cooperative strategies, as opposed to conflictual ones, distinguishing between the two stages of the vote of no-confidence – initiating and voting. We empirically explore the relation between the vote of no-confidence and the voting behaviour of 59 opposition parties in 16 countries, showing that greater restrictions on both stages of the vote of no-confidence correlate with less conflictual opposition behaviour.
November 2021
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322 Reads
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5 Citations
The core feature of a parliamentary system is not that governments tend to emerge from the legislatures in some way or another, but their political responsibility to this body. While in only some parliamentary systems the government needs formal support of parliament in order to take office, in all parliamentary systems no government can survive against the will of parliament. The academic literature related to the rules for how governments form is vast. Strikingly, scholars have paid far less attention to unpacking the core institution of parliamentary systems of government – the confidence relationship and the various no confidence procedures. Placing the focus on how the parliament can hold the government accountable, this special issue assesses the larger influences legislative confidence has on executive–legislative relations, and improves our understanding of the ways in which the executive may be challenged or dismissed.
March 2021
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490 Reads
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18 Citations
The core feature of parliamentary democracy is government responsibility to the legislature. The most important instrument by which parliament can express its lack of support for the government is the vote of no confidence. This mechanism remains significantly under-studied, and research on votes of no confidence calls out for systematic attention. It is also timely because parliamentary democracies are making it procedurally harder for parliament to terminate the government. Through developing and conceptualising a series of indicators that affect the relative ease with which parliament can challenge and terminate government, this study proposes the first ever framework for analysing votes of no confidence. It then empirically locates countries in the framework and discusses those that have shifted over time. The goal of this study is to begin to fill an academic lacuna concerning, arguably, the defining feature of parliamentary democracy.
October 2020
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14 Reads
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2 Citations
Few countries receive as much attention as Israel and are at the same time as misunderstood. The Oxford Handbook of Israeli Politics and Society brings together leading Israeli and international figures to offer the most wide-ranging treatment available of an intriguing country. It serves as a comprehensive reference for the growing field of Israel studies and is also a significant resource for students and scholars of comparative politics, recognizing that in many ways Israel is not unique, but rather a test case of democracy in deeply divided societies and states engaged in intense conflict. The handbook presents an overview of the historical development of Israeli democracy through chapters examining the country’s history, contemporary society, political institutions, international relations, and most pressing political issues. It outlines the most relevant developments over time while not shying away from the strife both in and around Israel. It presents opposed narratives in full force, enabling readers to make their own judgments.
July 2020
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226 Reads
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87 Citations
How can democracies effectively represent citizens? The goal of this Handbook is to evaluate comprehensively how well the interests and preferences of mass publics become represented by institutions in liberal democracies. It first explores how the idea and institutions of liberal democracies were formed over centuries and became enshrined in Western political systems. The contributors to this Handbook, made up of the world’s leading scholars on the various aspects of political representation, examine how well the political elites and parties who are charged with the representation of the public interest meet their duties. Clearly, institutions often fail to live up to their own representation goals. With this in mind, the contributors explore several challenges to the way that the system of representation is organized in modern democracies. For example, actors such as parties and established elites face rising distrust among electorates. Also, the rise of international problems such as migration and environmentalism suggests that the focus of democracies on nation states may have to shift to a more international level. All told, this Handbook illuminates the normative and functional challenges faced by representative institutions in liberal democracies.
July 2019
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124 Reads
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3 Citations
Party Politics
When the past is contested by political actors, it can play a notable role both in present and in future politics. This is especially true when it comes to the memory of dominant parties, which are part and parcel of political and national history. Focusing on dominant parties in parliamentary democracies, this article examines the memory dynamics of a dominant party after its demise and highlights the importance of memory modes in understanding these dynamics. Using theories of collective memory, it identifies four possible modes of memory in a post-dominance era, suggesting discursive and power-related indications for each mode. The article then utilizes this framework to examine the memory of Mapai, the once-dominant party in Israel. On the basis of this analysis, the authors propose hypotheses concerning the comparative cases of Sweden, Italy, and Japan.
October 2018
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4 Reads
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1 Citation
Citations (56)
... Israel has a volatile proportional representation system with a constantly changing set of parties, but the ideological makeup of the Knesset, Israel's legislature, is more stable (Hazan, 2021). Therefore, rather than focusing on votes for a single party, the parties were instead categorized as belonging to either the right-wing or the left-wing bloc. ...
- Citing Chapter
June 2018
... They speak a different language (Arabic) compared to the majority group's language (Hebrew), have other religions (rather than Judaism)-most Arabs in Israel are Muslims-and preserve an autonomous cultural existence (28). Moreover, as minorities in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Palestinian citizens of Israel have not been treated as equal citizens in many respects, such as accessing medical services and workforce participation (29). This reality has significant implications for the mental health of this population. ...
- Citing Chapter
October 2020
... Israel has a weak parliament that is dominated by the executive branch (Cohen 2024;Tuttnauer and Hazan 2023). The judiciary is independent and strong, and it plays an important role in balancing the weak parliament and the strong executive branch (Roznai 2024;Zamir 2021). ...
- Citing Article
April 2023
Political Studies
... In fact these two dimensions shaped the very birth of mass democracy, seen as a transition from closed hegemonies to polyarchies (Lipset and Rokkan, 1967;Dahl, 1971): the gradual legitimation of opposition marked a transition from an ideal of monism to full acceptance of pluralism; and increasing opportunities for participation realized the inclusion of ordinary citizens into goal definition (Dahl, 1971). With the advent of mass democracy and pluralist party government (Katz, 2020) these dimensions became less prominent: but still with a relevance of the vertical, elite-mass dimension, especially for conflicts among and within parties. ...
- Citing Article
July 2020
... A kormányzati ciklusokra vonatkozó hatalmas nemzetközi irodalom feldolgozása még csak nyomokban sem történik meg az alábbiakban. 2 A rendelkezésre álló szakmunkákból egyrészt azokat használom, amelyek adatokat tartalmaznak a ciklusok hosszúságára, illetve a kormánykoalíciók összetételére (Woldendorp-Keman-Budge, 1993és 1998Müller-Rommel, 2005;Somer-Topcu-Williams, 2008; legújabban a West European Politics című folyóirat foglalkozik tematikus számában a parlamenti és kormányzati terjedelem kérdésével: Hazan-Rasch, 2022;Walther-Hellström, 2022). Másrészt azt az irodalmat veszem tekintetbe, amely valamiféle logikai magyarázatot is kínál a tanulmány alapkérdésére: milyen horderejű változásokat idézhet elő a ciklusgazdálkodás megszokott rendjében, ha az addig "fölös" többségben működő kormánykoalíció egy választást követően "egyszerű" (minimális) többségéivé válik? ...
- Citing Article
- Full-text available
November 2021
... The consequences derived from the double ballot system were considered vital by Israeli scholars in explaining the failure of the reform, as it was believed that the fragmentation traceable in the Knesset legislatures of 1992-2001 was resulting from the double ballot system, which enhanced vote splitting and therefore the pm lacked a stable majority to govern. Israel abandoned the pm direct election system in 2001, when it introduced the constructive vote of no confidence -a mechanism for rationalizing parliamentary systems previously adopted in countries such as Germany, Belgium, and Spain (Lento and Hazan 2022;Lento 2023), which has also been a matter of debate when it comes to the Italian institutional reform (Improta 2022b). ...
- Citing Article
March 2021
... In Israel, the frequent changes in the methods governing both general elections and candidate selection have created an unstable political environment for individual legislators, political parties and their leaders, and the voters. Furthermore, the dynamics in the Israeli parliament have changed with respect to the work in committees and the ability of members to oversee the government, the votes on legislation, and the power of political factions (e.g., Friedberg 2008;Akirav 2010;Hazan et al. 2018). Canada and the UK are relatively similar in their social, cultural, and political characteristics. ...
- Citing Chapter
February 2018
... Historically, the controversies facing the founders of the Jewish settlement on security, economic and religious issues have been debated on a political right-wing/left-wing continuum. Sensitivity to the rights of the Arab population, the development of the welfare state and consideration for world public opinion characterized those belonging to the leftist camp [30]. In contrast, belief in a free economy based on competition and private initiative, the adoption of an aggressive strategy towards the Arab world in general and to Israeli Arabs in particular, and minimal consideration of world public opinion, were integral parts of the right-wing profile [31]. ...
- Citing Article
- Full-text available
July 2019
Party Politics
... The Israeli electoral system is characterized by three major features: a proportional allocation formula; the use of a single nationwide district for seat allocation, and a closed-party list system (Hazan, 2022). The Israeli political system is regarded as a prototype of a PR (proportional representation) system (Hazan et al., 2017) and its multi-party system is characterized by intense ideological competition (Oshri et al., 2021). Party lists represented in the Knesset range between 8 (the 2020 elections) and 15 (the 1999 elections). ...
- Citing Chapter
January 2017
... Se si prendono le due coalizioni che fino al 2001 si sono contese il governo del Paese, risulta agevole immaginare come per entrambe esista un partito di centro che tuttavia non si colloca centralmente all'interno dello spazio politico di ciascuna delle coalizioni. Seguendo un suggerimento di Reuven Y. Hazan (1994) possiamo dire che una possibile classificazione dei partiti di centro e centrali potrebbe essere la seguente: un partito tipicamente di centro, cioè collocato nel centro geometrico di un continuum ed equidistante dalle estremità di una scala ideologica. In questa prima collocazione si potrebbe pensare a un partito di centro pivotale (ivi, p. 314) che impedisce la formazione di maggioranze parlamentari, di forze collocate sia alla sua destra che alla sua sinistra; un partito centrale, cioè un partito collocato spazialmente tra i due poli opposti del sistema; un partito etichettato di centro, che ha semplicemente adottato come proprio nome il termine centro, a prescindere dal fatto che la sua politica sia effettivamente moderata. ...
- Citing Article
August 1994
Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica