Renata Pepicelli’s research while affiliated with LUISS Guido Carli, Libera Università Internazionale degli Studi Sociali and other places

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Publications (5)


Rethinking Gender in Arab Nationalism: Women and the Politics of Modernity in the Making of Nation-States. Cases from Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria
  • Article

March 2017

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447 Reads

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6 Citations

Oriente Moderno

Renata Pepicelli

In the late xix century and the beginning of the xx century, Arab nationalism identified women as the “bearers of the nation”, the symbolic repository of group identity. Nationalists, both modernists and conservatives, shaped the image of the nation around an idealized image of the woman, functional in different political projects. If the latter exalted women’s domestic roles as part of the defense of the Islamic cultural authenticity, the former criticized women’s seclusion and promoted their inclusion in the public sphere as an essential part of the making of the modern nation. The woman unveiled became a symbol of modernity and progress. In nationalist projects, politics of modernity intersected deeply with the gender issue. This article analyzes, from a gender perspective, modernist discourses on the nation and women, and studies the way in which women were involved in such debates. It underlines, on one hand, how women participated in anti-colonial struggles and on the other, their challenge, resistance and renegotiation of men’s nationalist projects. Through poems, tales, novels, short stories, memoirs, essays, journalistic articles, speeches educated women from the upper and middle classes shaped their nationalist and feminist agenda, in continuity and in contrast to the men’s. To combat national forms of patriarchal domination, firstly, under colonial rule, and, subsequently, under the independent state, some of them established feminist organizations. During colonization, women’s struggles were characterized by both nationalist and feminist goals, but having achieved independence, women had to fight to obtain their rights as citizens in the new nation-states. Post-independent governments marginalized women and/or co-opted their claims in what is called “state feminism”. Focusing on three countries, Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria, this essay highlights differences and similarities in nationalist discourses and projects in the Arab world.


Young Muslim women of Bengali and Moroccan origin in Italy: multiple belongings, transnational trajectories and the emergence of European Islam

January 2017

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146 Reads

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13 Citations

International Review of Sociology

This paper investigates the multiple dimensions in the identity constructions of the daughters of the Muslim migrations to Italy. It focuses on the transformations in the way girls and young women relate to religion, in the transition from the generation of mothers, who emigrated from countries with a Muslim majority, to the generation of daughters, who grow up in a European context where Islam is a minority religion. It discusses ‘transmissions’, ‘translations’ and ‘betrayals’ in the migration experience, from a standpoint which highlights the specificities of gender and of generation. The article is based on an intersectional analysis of biographical accounts by Muslim girls and young women of Bengali and Moroccan origin who were born and/or grew up in Italy. Intersecting religious identity with other identity lines such as national belonging (to the parents’ country of origin and to the country where they were born or grew up), gender, class, color and age, multiple reactions and positions emerged. In this context, the religious dimension inherited/experienced/reinvented/called into question by the daughters of migrations appeared to be in constant evolution. Indeed, the stories contained herein of young Muslims tell of the emergence of European Islam.


Public Action towards Youth in Neo-Liberal Morocco: Fostering and Controlling the Unequal Inclusion of the New Generation
  • Working Paper
  • Full-text available

January 2016

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323 Reads

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14 Citations

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Citations (4)


... : TAḤRIR AL-MARʼAH (THE LIBERATION OF WOMEN) Qāsim Amīn (1863Amīn ( -1908 was from an aristocratic family that was in power in Kurdistan in the early-nineteenth century, before relocating to Alexandria, Egypt, and this is where Amīn was born. [7] At the age of 18, he graduated from the Khedival School with a degree in law, before being recruited in the high ranks within the military in Isma'īl's army. ...

Reference:

Religion-versus-Secularism-on-Womens-Liberation-The-Question-of-Women-Liberation-and-Modern-Education
Rethinking Gender in Arab Nationalism: Women and the Politics of Modernity in the Making of Nation-States. Cases from Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria
  • Citing Article
  • March 2017

Oriente Moderno

... Each character's lecture that is being framed actually has a different context, but the content is forced to be in the same context in order to create the impression of debate and eventually attract the attention of the audience for personal gain (Muhlis and Hannan 2023). If hoaxes are interpreted as false or fake information, then framing in this case can be considered a hoax (Pepicelli 2017). ...

Young Muslim women of Bengali and Moroccan origin in Italy: multiple belongings, transnational trajectories and the emergence of European Islam
  • Citing Article
  • January 2017

International Review of Sociology

... Salafists argue that 'urfi marriages are a 'remedy to high wedding costs and premarital sex' and have in recent years advocated for its legalization. 53 Student protesters of Islamist persuasion have argued that the state had no right to forbid a custom that is now religiously authorized and thus called halāl marriages. ...

Youth in Tunisia: Trapped Between Public Control and the Neo-Liberal Economy

... On Casablanca's margins, this has meant the growing presence of NGOs and CBOs, such as the one directed by Mr. B. whose programs I attended, focused on helping "youth at risk" through activities that employ "street arts" and the language of "children's rights" as a way of combating the pernicious infl uences of the street, and preemptively "de-radicalizing" disenfranchised youth. 17 When their rebelliousness was not channeled into sanitized artistic pursuits, lower-class youth were "responsibilized" through a variety of public privately funded programs and activities meant to incorporate them into vocational training schemes or develop their "entrepreneurial" skill sets (see Paciello et al. 2016). 18 As Susanna Trnka and Catherine Trundle (2014) point out, this limited conception of responsibility does not do justice to the many other available forms and meanings that local communities may enact on the basis of other logics and within a variety of potentially competing frameworks. ...

Public Action towards Youth in Neo-Liberal Morocco: Fostering and Controlling the Unequal Inclusion of the New Generation